Journal articles: 'Irish republican'

1

Finn, Daniel. "Republicanism and the Irish Left." Historical Materialism 24, no. 1 (April 28, 2016): 181–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341457.

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The Irish national revolution of 1916–23 left behind a partitioned island, with a northern segment that remained part of the United Kingdom and a southern ‘Free State’ – later to become a Republic – that was dominated by conservative forces. Most of those who had been involved in the struggle for national independence peeled off to form new parties in the 1920s, leaving behind a rump of militant Irish republicans. Sinn Féin and its military wing, the Irish Republican Army, would pose the greatest threat to political stability in the two Irish states. Although the Irish left has historically been among the weakest in Western Europe, repeated attempts have been made to fuse republicanism with socialism, from the Republican Congress in the 1930s to the Official Republican Movement of the 1970s and ’80s. At present, Sinn Féin poses the main electoral challenge to the conservative parties in the southern state, while holding office in a devolved administration north of the border. Eoin Ó Broin’s Sinn Féin and the Politics of Left Republicanism offers an assessment of these efforts from a leading Sinn Féin activist who maintains a certain critical distance from his own party’s approach, while The Lost Revolution by Brian Hanley and Scott Millar and INLA: Deadly Divisions give comprehensive accounts of two earlier left-republican projects.

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Hanley, Brian. "‘The Irish and the Jews have a good deal in common’: Irish republicanism, anti-Semitism and the post-war world." Irish Historical Studies 44, no. 165 (May 2020): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2020.5.

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AbstractThis article examines how anti-Semitism influenced republican politics in revolutionary Ireland. It looks at Irish republican attitudes toward Jews, including examples of anti-Semitism. Jews were a visible minority in Ireland and one that was sometimes seen as unionist politically. This article illustrates how conspiracy theories about Jewish influence sometimes featured in Irish nationalist tropes, but were far more common in British and unionist discourses regarding events in Ireland. It also shows how individual Jews took part in revolutionary activities, even as some republicans expressed suspicion about them. Outside Ireland, Irish revolutionaries interacted with Jews in several locations, particularly the United States. There was often cooperation in these settings and both groups expressed solidarity towards one another.

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Hoey, Paddy. "Dissident and dissenting republicanism: From the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement to Brexit." Capital & Class 43, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816818818088.

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The 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Peace Agreement was almost universally supported by nationalists in Northern Ireland, and Sinn Féin’s high-profile role in the discussions was the foundation upon which it would transform itself from the political wing of the Provisional Irish Republican Army to second biggest party at Stormont. However, dissidents pointed out that the compromises made by Sinn Féin during the Peace Process were a sell-out of the political and ideological aspirations held by republicans for at least a century. New dissident groups emerged in opposition to the course taken by Sinn Féin, and the period since 1998 has been one of the most dynamic in republican history since the Irish Civil War. New political parties and organisations like the 32 County Sovereignty Movement, éirígí, Republican Network for Unity and Saoradh emerged reflecting this state of flux and the existential fears felt by those for whom the Good Friday Agreement fell far short of delivering the republican aspiration of a united Ireland. Although Brexit provided a curious and fortunate opportunity for momentary public attention, these groups have remained peripheral actors in the Irish and British political public spheres.

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4

Ilardi, Gaetano Joe. "Irish Republican Army Counterintelligence." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 23, no. 1 (December 2009): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850600903347152.

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Cullen, Niall. "“No Time for Love”: Radical Basque Nationalist-Irish Republican Relations and the Emergence of a Shared Political Culture (1981–98)." Araucaria, no. 50 (2022): 229–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10.

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Following the deaths of ten Irish republican hunger strikers in 1981, radical Basque nationalists and Irish republicans of the Basque izquierda abertzale (‘patriotic left’) and Irish republican movement respectively, began to develop ever closer ties of transnational “solidarity”. In addition to the relationship between Herri Batasuna and Sinn Féin, more ad hoc organisational links in areas such as youth, prisoner, and language advocacy, fostered a shared political culture at the intersection of both movements, which was periodically reflected through the prism of cultural expression (e.g., music, political art [murals], literature, audiovisual media). Utilising a wide array of primary sources, this article explores and analyses the emergence and development of this transnational nexus, from the hunger strikes of 1981 to the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.

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6

Borgonovo, John. "‘Exercising a close vigilance over their daughters’: Cork women, American sailors, and Catholic vigilantes, 1917–18." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 149 (May 2012): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140000064x.

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During the First World War, Irish society experienced power struggles between civil authority, military governance, the constitutional nationalist establishment, and the emerging Republican movement. In the unstable wartime environment, political and social variables sparked intense controversies that mirrored competition for control over the Irish public. Inspired by the Easter Rising and emboldened by growing public disillusionment with the war, Republicans harnessed these eruptions to help fuel their attempt to overthrow Dublin Castle.

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CONNOR, EMMET O. "COMMUNISTS, RUSSIA, AND THE IRA, 1920–1923." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002868.

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After the foundation of the Communist International in 1919, leftists within the Socialist Party of Ireland won Comintern backing for an Irish communist party. Encouraged by Moscow, the communists hoped to offset their marginality through the republican movement. The Communist Party of Ireland denounced the Anglo-Irish treaty, welcomed the Irish Civil War, and pledged total support to the IRA. As the war turned against them, some republicans favoured an alliance with the communists. In August 1922 Comintern agents and two IRA leaders signed a draft agreement providing for secret military aid to the IRA in return for the development of a new republican party with a radical social programme. The deal was not ratified on either side, and in 1923 the Communist Party of Ireland followed Comintern instructions to ‘turn to class politics’. The party encountered increasing difficulties and was liquidated in January 1924. The communist intervention in the Civil War highlights the contrast between Comintern and Russian state policy on Ireland, and was seminal in the evolution of Irish socialist republicanism.

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8

English, Richard. "Socialism and republican schism in Ireland: the emergence of the Republican Congress in 1934." Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 105 (May 1990): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010300.

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In the words of one veteran communist, the Irish republican movement has experienced throughout its existence ‘a constant searching’ on social issues. In 1934 the Irish Republican Army (I.R.A.) was fractured when a group of members who believed in socialism seceded to establish the Republican Congress movement. This article will examine a programme for government published early in 1934 by the I.R.A., consider the schism that occurred in March 1934, giving rise to the Republican Congress, and describe the aims, character and early activities of the new movement. It will be argued that there existed among republicans in 1934 two significant interpretations of the relationship between social radicalism and republican philosophy. The first involved a multi-class, Gaelic communalism. Public and private ownership were to be blended in post-revolutionary Ireland and emphasis was placed on class harmony rather than class struggle. Advocates of this approach employed radical rhetoric but tended to avoid any tangible involvement in immediate social struggle. Socio-economic radicalism was effectively obscured by nationalism. The second interpretation was socialist. This held that class conflict and the national struggle were necessarily complementary. Any attempt to restrain the social advance until independence had been achieved was ill-advised, since the republic could only be won through a struggle that was deeply imbued with class struggle.

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9

English, Richard. "‘Paying no heed to public clamor’: Irish republican solipsism in the 1930s." Irish Historical Studies 28, no. 112 (November 1993): 426–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011378.

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To be frank, it is apparent that an agreement between your forces and the forces of the I.R.A. is a national necessity. They can do the things you will not care to do or cannot do in the face of public criticism, while the I.R.A. pay no heed to public clamor so long as they feel they are doing a national duty.Joseph McGarrity to Eamon de Valera, 2 Oct. 1933This article will concentrate on two Irish republican projects from the 1930s: Cumann Poblachta na h-Éireann and the I.R.A.’s British bombing campaign. It will, in each case, focus on one leading individual: Cumann Poblachta’s Seán MacBride and, for the bombing campaign, the I.R.A.’s Seán Russell. Drawing on much material which has not previously been discussed in the literature, it will examine the self-sustaining republican mentality which characterised both projects and both individuals. It will be argued that republicanism in the 1930s is best understood in terms of the concept of solipsism, defined as the view that self is ‘the only thing really existent’. The argument is that republicans acted as though their own political views, beliefs and culture were the only really existent ones and that those of others could, as a consequence, be ignored. Republicans could — in the words of leading Irish-American republican, Joseph McGarrity — ‘pay no heed to public clamor’ as long as they felt that they were ‘doing a national duty’. As such, they were in possession of a self-sustaining but, it will be argued, ultimately self-defeating mentality.

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10

Frost, Jason. "The IRA, The Irish Republican Army." National Identities 20, no. 5 (August 16, 2017): 539–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2017.1355955.

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11

Ward, Lee. "Republican Political Theory and Irish Nationalism." European Legacy 21, no. 1 (October 26, 2015): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2015.1097137.

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12

Morrison, John F., and Paul Gill. "100 Years of Irish Republican Violence." Terrorism and Political Violence 28, no. 3 (April 19, 2016): 409–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2016.1155927.

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13

Urquhart, Diane. "Renegades: Irish republican women, 1900–1922." Irish Studies Review 20, no. 1 (February 2012): 89–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2012.656222.

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14

White, Robert. "Comparing State Repression of Pro-State Vigilantes and Anti-State Insurgents: Northern Ireland, 1972-75." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 4, no. 2 (September 1, 1999): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.4.2.w37v18p176754jv4.

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I compare the repression of "pro-state" paramilitary violence with the repression of anti-state insurgent violence. The setting examined is Northern Ireland between August 1972 and November 1975. During this time period, "pro-state" Protestant paramilitaries and "anti-state" Irish Republican paramilitaries engaged in significant levels of violence. Among the state's responses to this violence were the internment, without charge or trial, of suspected paramilitaries, and the confiscation of illegally held weapons. How the state used these methods of repression differently for Protestant paramilitaries vs. Republican insurgents is examined with time-series regression methods, employing data collected at monthly intervals. In general, the state was less repressive of Protestant paramilitaries, and state repression of Protestant paramilitaries tended to reflect attempts by the state to find a political solution to the violence (by both Protestant paramilitaries and Republican paramilitaries) in Northern Ireland, rather than Protestant paramilitary violence per se. In contrast, the state's repression of Republicans was more forceful, and more directly linked to Republican violence.

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15

DONNELLY, SEÁN. "REPUBLICANISM AND CIVIC VIRTUE IN TREATYITE POLITICAL THOUGHT, 1921–3." Historical Journal 63, no. 5 (April 23, 2020): 1257–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x20000072.

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AbstractRepublicanism has been one of the most influential political ideologies in modern Irish history; however, it remains conspicuously undertheorized by historians of the revolutionary period. While recent historiography has challenged representations of anti-Treaty Sinn Féin as a mindlessly destructive, anti-democratic force, the extent of ideological and rhetorical continuity linking the Provisional Government formed to assume control of the Free State on 7 January 1922 with the pre-Treaty republican tradition has not been understood. This article rejects the historiographical thesis that the Provisional Government abandoned republican ideas. Drawing from the Cambridge School's contextualist account of republicanism as a polysemic and contingent political language, it highlights the vigorously contested nature of republican thought in the intellectual firmament of revolutionary Sinn Féin and argues that the Free State leadership articulated its vision of politics and society through classical republican concepts of ‘civic virtue’ and the ‘common good’. It is suggested additionally that the colonial dynamics of the Anglo-Irish relationship helped to shape the vision of republican citizenship promoted by an administration possessed of a deep-seated determination to refute historical perceptions of the Irish people as congenitally ‘unfit’ for sovereignty.

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16

Walker, Graham. "'The Irish Dr Goebbels': Frank Gallagher and Irish Republican Propaganda." Journal of Contemporary History 27, no. 1 (January 1992): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949202700107.

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O’Halpin, Eunan. "Historical revisit: Dorothy Macardle, The Irish Republic (1937)." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 123 (May 1999): 389–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001422x.

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Dorothy Macardle’s vast The Irish Republic first appeared in 1937, the year in which her inspiration and her patron de Valera unveiled Bunreacht na hÉireann, his own monument to pragmatic republicanism. Macardle, in Joseph Lee’s phrase the ‘hagiographer royal to the Irish Republic’, is rather out of fashion as a narrator of and commentator on the emergence of independent Ireland; it appears to be largely committed republicans and those who study them who now acknowledge and draw on her ‘classic’ work. The book itself is long out of print. Yet in its construction, its breadth of treatment, its declared ambition and its obvious subtexts, it stands apart both from militant republican writing of the period and from more formally dispassionate academic works. It is also a monument to the emergence of the ‘slightly constitutional’ politics of the first generation of Fianna Fáil, the party created by de Valera to bring the majority of republicans across the Rubicon from revolutionary to democratic politics. Finally, in its faithful and adoring exegesis of most of de Valera’s twists and turns during his tortuous progress from armed opponent to consolidator of the twenty-six-county state, it provides a possible historical template for laying aside the armed struggle which has contemporary resonances for a republican movement attempting to talk its way into a new form of non-violent politics in Northern Ireland without passing under the yoke of unequivocal decommissioning: in that context, a senior Irish official recently pointed somewhat wistfully to de Valera’s statement of 23 July 1923 (as reproduced by Macardle) that ‘the war, so far as we are concerned, is finished’ (p. 787).

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18

Hall, Dianne. "Irish republican women in Australia: Kathleen Barry and Linda Kearns's tour in 1924–5." Irish Historical Studies 43, no. 163 (May 2019): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.5.

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AbstractThe 1924–5 fundraising tour in Australia by republican activists, Kathleen Barry and Linda Kearns, although successful, has received little attention from historians, more focused on the controversial tour of Fr Michael O'Flanagan and J. J. O'Kelly the previous year. While O'Flanagan and O'Kelly's tour ended with their deportation, Barry and Kearns successfully navigated the different agendas of Irish-Australian political and social groups to organise speaking engagements and raise considerable funds for the Irish Republican Prisoners’ Dependants' Fund. The women were experienced republican activists, however on their Australian tour they placed themselves firmly in traditional female patriotic roles, as nurturers and supporters of men fighting for Irish freedom. This article analyses their strategic use of gendered expectations to allay suspicions about their political agenda to successfully raise money and negotiate with political and ecclesiastical leaders.

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19

Millar, Stephen R. "Irish Republican Music and (Post)colonial Schizophrenia." Popular Music and Society 40, no. 1 (September 16, 2016): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03007766.2016.1229098.

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20

FRAMPTON, MARTYN. "Dissident Irish Republican Violence: A Resurgent Threat?" Political Quarterly 83, no. 2 (March 13, 2012): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.2012.02305.x.

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21

Daly, Eoin. "Republican themes in the Irish constitutional tradition." Études irlandaises, no. 41-2 (November 30, 2016): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesirlandaises.5047.

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22

McKinley, Michael. "'Irish Mist': Eight Clouded Views of the Provisional Irish Republican Army." Australian Quarterly 57, no. 3 (1985): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20635327.

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23

White, Robert W. "Why “Dissident” Irish Republicans Haven’t Gone Away." Contention 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 63–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2021.090104.

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When considering “terrorists” and “terrorism,” the focus tends to be on violence—the threat of violence, its aftermath, the ideology and belief systems that lead to it, and so forth. Political violence, however, represents only a portion of the repertoire of collective action that is available to “terrorists.” Images from “dissident” Irish Republican events and photo-elicitation interviews with activists who participated in these events show that: (1) the repertoire of “violent” organizations includes nonviolent political activity; and (2) the organizational structures and affective incentives that sustain activism in nonviolent voluntary associations and social movement organizations also sustain activism in organizations that embrace physical force or “terrorism.” In combination, these findings show that “dissident” Irish Republicans are likely to persist into the foreseeable future. More generally, the findings also show that our understanding of “terrorists” and “terrorist organizations” will be enhanced if we focus less on their violent activities and more on their similarities with nonviolent activists and organizations.

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Gill, Paul. "Tactical Innovation and the Provisional Irish Republican Army." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 40, no. 7 (September 16, 2016): 573–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2016.1237221.

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Parr, Connal. "Seán Murray: Marxist-Leninist and Irish socialist republican." Irish Studies Review 25, no. 4 (August 17, 2017): 515–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2017.1365575.

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Grant, Adrian. "Seán Murray: Marxist-Leninist and Irish Socialist Republican." Irish Political Studies 31, no. 4 (September 15, 2015): 605–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2015.1081459.

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White, Robert W. "The Irish republican army: An assessment of sectarianism." Terrorism and Political Violence 9, no. 1 (March 1997): 20–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559708427385.

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Belchem, John. "Republican spirit and military science: the ‘Irish brigade’ and Irish-American nationalism in 1848." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 113 (May 1994): 44–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400018769.

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Little has been written of the optimism and excitement among Irish immigrants and other Americans during the revolutionary months of 1848, the European ‘springtime of the peoples’. Studies of Irish-American nationalism hasten over the mobilisation of funds and arms to register the impact of failure. The ignominious collapse of the Young Ireland rising in Widow McCormack’s cabbage patch was to compel Irish-Americans to reconstruct their identity, to redefine the ways and means of their nationalist project. Irish-American nationalism became self-enclosed and self-reliant, an attitude evinced in a pattern of ethnic associational culture extending from mutual improvement to terrorist planning. During the heady months of 1848, however, a different mood prevailed. Looking across the Atlantic to revolutionary Europe, Irish immigrants invoked an international republicanism in which America, their adopted homeland, held pride of place. By recalling their hosts to their revolutionary past, Irish-Americans challenged narrow isolationism — and ‘Know-Nothing’ prejudice — to gain substantial, if temporary, native support.

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Arrington, Lauren. "Socialist Republican Discourse and the 1916 Easter Rising: The Occupation of Jacob's Biscuit Factory and the South Dublin Union Explained." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 4 (October 2014): 992–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.116.

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AbstractThe events of the Easter Rising have been subjected to extensive analysis by historians who have focused on military strategy as a means of explaining the occupation of specific sites. However, Jacob's Biscuit Factory and the South Dublin Union have proven resistant to this paradigm. The political value of both places can be understood by giving close attention to the long history of antagonism between these two institutions and the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union, out of which the Irish Citizen Army that fought in the rising was formed. In his articles for the Irish Worker and Workers' Republic, James Connolly adapted traditional republican discourse of economic emancipation through political sovereignty to address a contemporary urban context. An understanding of the way that this discourse functioned facilitates an understanding of the role of Jacob's Biscuit Factory and the South Dublin Union in the Easter Rising: as sites of actual and symbolic liberation. This analysis of popular discourse in the contemporary press offers a new approach to the study of events that have been termed the Irish Revolution, and it presents a model for understanding the way that republican discourse accommodated the very different political objectives of Irish separatists.

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Duhart, Philippe. "Directing Disengagement." European Journal of Sociology 57, no. 1 (April 2016): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975616000023.

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AbstractThis article examines the relationship between the structure of politico-military movements and effective insurgent engagement in peace processes. Drawing on the experiences of Irish republicans and Basque separatists, I argue that centralized movement structures in which politicos wield influence over armed groups allow for effective coordination between movement wings in peace efforts while providing political leaders with credibility as interlocutors. In the Irish case, centralization enabled Sinn Fein leaders to ensure Provisional ira commitment to peace and to contain schism within the republican movement throughout the peace process. In the Basque case, movement decentralization created persistent coordination problems between wings during peace efforts, while eta’s unilateral reneging prevented political allies from establishing credibility as peacemakers. These cases show that while movement leaders untainted by direct association with armed groups may be more politically palatable than those with ties to “terrorists”, tainted leaders may make more credible partners for peace.

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Starostin, Vitaly Viktorovich. "Reconstruction of the conflict: IRA foundation in the British military assessments." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 216–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202091217.

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The paper examines the views of the British military on the process of becoming one of the first paramilitary organizations in the history - the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Special attention is paid to how the British military was one of the first to try to explain this new phenomenon. The paper analyzes the reasons for the British militarys rejection of such concepts as guerrilla warfare, Irish rebels, etc. The main reasons that formed the views of the British military on the IRA as a criminal group and a gang of murderers are investigated (the need for counter-propaganda against the Irish and some British media of the time; the fundamental atypy of both the Anglo-Irish conflict and the Irish Republican army; the weakness of the British military intelligence in Ireland, whose employees were later able to approach the answer to the question of the IRA origin). The methodological basis of the paper, which helps to understand the British militarys misunderstanding of the IRA phenomenon, is the theory of the Irish historian P. Hart, who argues that the insurgency as a whole always has three ways of development: passive waiting, defense and attack. It is the choice of one of the three paths that determines what form the conflict will take and how power relations in paramilitary groups will be redefined.

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Bowman-Grieve, Lorraine, and Maura Conway. "Exploring the form and function of dissident Irish Republican online discourses." Media, War & Conflict 5, no. 1 (March 30, 2012): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635211434371.

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This article seeks to contribute to broadening the focus of research in the area of violent online political extremism by examining the use of the internet by dissident Irish Republicans and their supporters. The argument here is not that the internet substitutes face-to-face contacts amongst Irish Republicans, including violent dissidents, nor that it currently plays a central role in processes of radicalisation into violent dissident groups, but that it has an important support function in terms of providing an ‘always-on’ space for discussion, consumption, and production of Irish Republicanism and thus a potentially educative role in terms of introducing ‘newbies’ to violent dissident Republicanism while also acting as a ‘maintenance’ space for the already committed. This exploratory study considers the importance of these functions in the context of repeated suggestions that the dissidents have no significant support base or constituency as internet activity certainly gives the appearance of some such support.

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MCNUTT, JENNIFER POWELL, and RICHARD WHATMORE. "THE ATTEMPTS TO TRANSFER THE GENEVAN ACADEMY TO IRELAND AND TO AMERICA, 1782–1795." Historical Journal 56, no. 2 (May 3, 2013): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000660.

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ABSTRACTEarly in 1782, republican rebels in Geneva removed the city's magistrates and instituted a popular government, portraying themselves as defenders of liberty and Calvinism against the French threats of Catholicism and luxury. But on 1 July 1782, the republicans fled because of the arrival at the city gates of invading troops led by France. The failure of the Genevan revolution indicated that while new republics could be established beyond Europe, republics within Europe, and more especially Protestant republics in proximity to larger Catholic monarchies, were no longer independent states. Many Genevans sought asylum across Europe and in North America in consequence. Some of them looked to Britain and Ireland, attempting to move the industrious part of Geneva to Waterford. During the French Revolution, they sought to establish a republican community in the United States. In each case, a major goal was to transfer the Genevan Academy established in the aftermath of Calvin's Reformation. The anti-religious nature of the French Revolution made the attempt to move the Academy to North America distinctive. By contrast with the Irish case, where religious elements were played down, moving the Academy to North America was supported by religious rhetoric coupled with justifications of republican liberty.

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Fitzpatrick, David. "Protestant depopulation and the Irish Revolution." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 152 (November 2013): 643–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001875.

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The late Peter Hart's tentative yet provocative application of the term ‘ethnic cleansing’ to the Irish revolution, especially as practised in Co. Cork, continues to arouse widespread indignation and incredulity. Two associated issues have dominated the debate: the influence of sectarian hatred on the conduct of the I.R.A., and the extent to which Protestants were actually forced out of their homes by intimidation or fear. Though a few historians have endorsed Hart's claim that a substantial number of Protestants were murdered or expelled because of their religion, most argue that such attacks were primarily motivated by political or economic rather than sectarian motives. Similar points have been made, from the revolutionary epoch onwards, by liberal Protestants as well as republican sympathisers, whose rejection of the ‘ethnic cleansing’ hypothesis has sometimes degenerated into viciousad hominemattacks on Hart and his allies. The issue of motivation is notoriously resistant to historical analysis: all motives are mixed, some are deliberately concealed, and others are unconscious. Little would be gained by making yet another attempt to disentangle the often contradictory hopes, fears, resentments, and rationalisations underlying republican conduct in the revolutionary years.

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McCann, Fiona. "Commitment and Poetic Justice: Irish Republican Women’s Prison Writing." Commonwealth Essays and Studies 38, no. 1 (September 1, 2015): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ces.4962.

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Bell, J. Bowyer. "The Irish republican army enters an endgame: An overview." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 18, no. 3 (January 1995): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109508435977.

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Guelke, Adrian. "Irish Republican Terrorism: Learning from and Teaching Other Countries." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 40, no. 7 (September 16, 2016): 557–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2016.1237222.

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Morrison, John F. "Copying to be Different: Violent Dissident Irish Republican Learning." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 40, no. 7 (September 16, 2016): 586–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2016.1237225.

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Bolt, Neville. "Propaganda of the Deed and the Irish Republican Brotherhood." RUSI Journal 153, no. 1 (February 2008): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840801984565.

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Horgan, John, and Max Taylor. "The provisional Irish republican army: Command and functional structure." Terrorism and Political Violence 9, no. 3 (September 1997): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559708427413.

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DNES, ANTONY W., and GRAHAM BROWNLOW. "The formation of terrorist groups: an analysis of Irish republican organizations." Journal of Institutional Economics 13, no. 3 (January 16, 2017): 699–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137416000461.

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AbstractWe examine the history of the organization of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and assess whether Republican terrorism reflected the possession of valuable group-specific human capital within the terrorist cell. The analysis is motivated by economic models of the formation of specialized groups. We also note the public-goods co-ordination problem facing terrorist groups, given their inability to use mainstream enforcement mechanisms. Of particular interest are four well-defined historical examples of factionalism within the IRA. The history of Irish republicanism is consistent with the prediction that increasing the opportunities for cell members outside of life in the organization, particularly through amnesty, destabilizes the organization but leaves a hardcore of remaining terrorists. The gap between terrorist characteristics and those belonging to members of wider society is more gradated than predicted.

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Bosi, Lorenzo. "Explaining Pathways to Armed Activism in the Provisional Irish Republican Army, 1969–1972." Social Science History 36, no. 3 (2012): 347–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001186x.

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In this article three pathways into armed activism are identified among those who joined the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1972. The accounts of former volunteers generally suggest that for those who were already involved in the Republican movement before 1969, a trajectory of mobilization emerged because of the long-standing counterhegemonic consciousness present in their homes, which in turn strongly influenced them as committed Republican militants. For those who joined after 1969 and had previously been involved in other political activities, mobilization was a result of a particular transformative event that triggered the belief that armed struggle was the only approach capable of bringing change in the new sociopolitical situation of the time. For the majority, that is, those who joined after 1969 at a very young age without any previous involvement in organized networks of activism, it began as a more abruptly acquired sense of obligation to defend their own community and retaliate against the Northern Ireland establishment, the Loyalists, and the British army. Overall, the accounts of former volunteers generally suggest that Republican volunteers were fighting first and foremost to reclaim dignity, build honor, and instill a sense of pride in themselves and their community through armed activism. In these terms, the choice of joining the PIRA was justified not as a mere reproduction of an ideological alignment to the traditional Republican aim of achieving Irish reunification but as part of a recognition struggle. At an analytic level, this article illustrates the utility of a multimechanisms interpretative framework. And it contributes to broadening the empirical basis by presenting and analyzing a series of 25 semistructured interviews with former PIRA volunteers.

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Ferradou, Mathieu. "Between Scylla and Charybdis?" French Historical Studies 44, no. 3 (August 1, 2021): 429–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-9004965.

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Abstract In 1792 foreigners flocked to France to participate in the new republican regime, redefining the nation as the conduct of popular sovereignty. A number of American, British, and Irish foreigners formed a club in Paris, the Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man (Société des Amis des Droits de l'Homme), among whom Irish republicans were a key component. Eager to “revolutionize” Britain and Ireland, they contributed to the rise in tensions and, ultimately, to the outbreak of war between France and Britain. The author argues that these Irish, because of their colonial experience, were a crucial factor in the redefinition of and opposition between British imperial and French republican models of nation and citizenship. Their defense of a cosmopolitan citizenship ideal was violently rejected in Britain and was severely tested by the “Terror” in France. En 1792, de nombreux étrangers vinrent en France pour participer à l’élaboration du nouveau régime républicain, redéfinissant la nation comme le vecteur de la souveraineté populaire. Plusieurs Américains, Anglais, Irlandais et Ecossais formèrent un club à Paris, la Société des amis des droits de l'homme (SADH), parmi lesquels les Irlandais furent une composante clé. Désireux de « révolutionner » la Grande-Bretagne et l'Irlande, ils contribuèrent à la montée des tensions et à l’éclatement du conflit entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Cet article cherche à démontrer que ces Irlandais, du fait de leur expérience coloniale, jouèrent un rôle central dans la redéfinition et l'opposition entre le modèle impérial britannique et le modèle français républicain de la nation et de la citoyenneté. Leur défense d'un idéal cosmopolite de citoyenneté suscita un violent rejet en Grande-Bretagne et fut mise à rude épreuve pendant la « Terreur » en France.

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Lázaro Lafuente, Luis Alberto. "Two Conflicting Irish Views of the Spanish Civil War." Oceánide 13 (February 9, 2020): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37668/oceanide.v13i.36.

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The Spanish Civil War sparked a heated debate in the recently created Irish Free State, as the Republic of Ireland was then called. A country that had also gone through an eleven-month civil war after the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 was again divided between those who supported the left-wing democratic Spanish Republican government and those who favoured Franco’s “crusade” against atheists and Marxists. In fact, some Irish volunteers joined the International Brigades to confront Fascism together with the Spanish Republican forces, while other more conservative Irish Catholics were mobilised to fight with Franco’s army against those Reds that the media claimed to be responsible for killing priests and burning churches. Both sections were highly influenced by the news, accounts and interpretations of the Spanish war that emerged at that time. Following Lluís Albert Chillón’s approach to the relations between journalism and literature (1999), this article aims to analyse the war reportages of two Irish writers who describe the Spanish Civil War from the two opposite sides: Peadar O’Donnell (1893–1986), a prominent Irish socialist activist and novelist who wrote Salud! An Irishman in Spain (1937), and Eoin O’Duffy (1892–1944), a soldier, anti-communist activist and police commissioner who raised the Irish Brigade to fight with Franco’s army and wrote The Crusade in Spain (1938). Both contributed to the dissemination of information and ideas about the Spanish conflict with their eyewitness accounts, and both raise interesting questions about the relations between fact, fiction and the truth, using similar narrative strategies and rhetorical devices to portray different versions of the same war.

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Kennedy, Catriona. "Republican Relicts: Gender, Memory, and Mourning in Irish Nationalist Culture, ca. 1798–1848." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 3 (July 2020): 608–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.69.

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AbstractIn the past two decades, remembrance has emerged as one of the dominant preoccupations in Irish historical scholarship. There has, however, been little sustained analysis of the relationship between gender and memory in Irish studies, and gender remains under-theorized in memory studies more broadly. Yet one of the striking aspects of nineteenth-century commemorations of the 1798 and 1803 rebellions is the relatively prominent role accorded to women and, in particular, Sarah Curran, Pamela Fitzgerald, and Matilda Tone, the widows of three of the most celebrated United Irish “martyrs.” By analyzing the mnemonic functions these female figures performed in nineteenth-century Irish nationalist discourse, this article offers a case study of the circumstances in which women may be incorporated into, rather than excluded, from national memory cultures. This incorporation, it is argued, had much to do with the fraught political context in which the 1798 rebellion and its leaders were memorialized. As the remembrance of the rebellion in the first half of the nineteenth century assumed a covert character, conventionally gendered distinctions between private grief and public remembrance, intimate histories and heroic reputations, and family genealogy and public biography became blurred so as to foreground women and the female mourner.

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Trew1, Johanne Devlin. "The Forgotten Irish?" Ethnologies 27, no. 2 (February 23, 2007): 43–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/014041ar.

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The Irish in Newfoundland have developed their culture and identity over the past 300 years in the context of the island’s changing political status from independent territory, to British colony, and to Canadian province (since 1949). Newfoundland song, dance and dialect all display evident Irish features and have played an important role in the marketing of the province as a tourist destination. Recent provincial government initiatives to forge contacts with Celtic Tiger Ireland and thus revive this powerfully “imagined” Atlantic network have also contributed to the notion of the “Irishness” of Newfoundland culture. The narrative of Newfoundland as an Irish place, however, has always been (and continues to be) contested; this is most evident in a local discourse of space and place that is grounded in two predominant narratives of the Newfoundland nation: Republican and Confederate. The author illustrates how this contested spatial discourse has recently played out over the disputed terrain of theThe Rooms, the new home of Newfoundland’s provincial museum, art gallery and archives.

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Wahidin, Azrini, and Jason Powell. "“The Irish Conflict” and the experiences of female ex-combatants in the Irish Republican Army." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 37, no. 9/10 (September 12, 2017): 555–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-05-2016-0052.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to critically explore the importance of the experiences of female former combatants during the Irish Conflict, colloquially known as “The Troubles” and outline key moments of resistance for female political prisoners during their time at Armagh jail. The paper will situate the analysis within a Foucauldian framework drawing on theoretical tools for understanding power, resistance and subjectivity to contextualise and capture rich narratives and experiences. What makes a Foucauldian analysis of former female combatants of the Conflict so inspiring is how the animation and location of problems of knowledge as “pieces” of the larger contest between The State, institutions of power and its penal subjects (ex-female combatants as prisoners). The paper has demonstrated that the body exists through and in culture, the product of signs and meanings, of discourse and practices. Design/methodology/approach This is primarily qualitative methodology underpinned by Foucauldian theory. There were 28 women and 20 men interviewed in the course of this research came from across Ireland, some came from cities and others came from rural areas. Some had spent time in prisons in the UK and others served time in the Republic of Ireland or in the North of Ireland. Many prisoners experienced being on the run and all experienced levels of brutality at the hands of the State. Ethical approval was granted from the Queens University Research Committee. Findings This paper only examines the experiences of female ex-combatants and their narratives of imprisonment. What this paper clearly shows through the narratives of the women is the gendered nature of imprisonment and the role of power, resilience and resistance whilst in prison in Northern Ireland. The voices in this paper disturb and interrupt the silence surrounding the experiences of women political prisoners, who are a hidden population, whilst in prison. Research limitations/implications In terms of research impact, this qualitative research is on the first of its kind to explore both the experiential and discursive narratives of female ex-combatants of the Irish Conflict. The impact and reach of the research illustrates how confinement revealed rich theoretical insights, drawing from Foucauldian theory, to examine the dialectical interplay between power and the subjective mobilisation of resistance practices of ex-combatants in prison in Northern Ireland. The wider point of prison policy and practice not meeting basic human rights or enhancing the quality of life of such prisoners reveals some of the dystopian features of current prison policy and lack of gender sensitivity to female combatants. Practical implications It is by prioritising the voices of the women combatants in this paper that it not only enables their re-positioning at the centre of the struggle, but also moves away methodologically from the more typical sole emphasis on structural conditions and political processes. Instead, prioritising the voices of the women combatants places the production of subjectivities and agencies at the centre, and explores their dialectical relationship to objective conditions and practical constraints. Social implications It is clear from the voices of the female combatants and in their social engagement in the research that the prison experience was marked specifically by assaults on their femininity, to which they were the more vulnerable due to the emphasis on sexual modesty within their socialisation and within the ethno-nationalist iconography of femininity. The aggression directed against them seems, in part, to have been a form of gender-based sexual violence in direct retaliation for the threat posed to gender norms by their assumption of the (ostensibly more powerful) role as combatants. They countered this by methods which foregrounded their collective identity as soldiers and their identification with their male comrades in “the same struggle”. Originality/value This paper is one of the first to explore the importance of the experiences of female former combatants during the Northern Irish Conflict with specific reference to their experience of imprisonment. The aim of this significant paper is to situate the critical analysis grounded in Foucauldian theory drawing on theoretical tools of power, resistance and subjectivity in order to make sense of women’s experiences of conflict and imprisonment in Ireland. It is suggested that power and resistance need to be re-appropriated in order to examine such unique gendered experiences that have been hidden in mainstream criminological accounts of the Irish Conflict.

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Moulton, Mo. "“You Have Votes and Power”: Women's Political Engagement with the Irish Question in Britain, 1919–23." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 1 (January 2013): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2012.4.

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AbstractThe Anglo-Irish War of 1919–21 spurred organized political activity among women in Britain, including former suffragists who campaigned against coercion in Ireland and members of the Irish minority in Britain who supported more radical republican efforts to achieve Irish independence. Their efforts are particularly significant because they occurred immediately after the granting of partial suffrage to women in 1918. This article argues that the advent of female suffrage changed the landscape of women's political mobilization in distinct ways that were made visible by advocacy on Ireland, including the regendering of the discourse of citizenship and the creation of new opportunities beyond the vote for women to exercise political power. At the same time, the use of women's auxiliary organizations and special meetings and the strategic blurring of the public and private spheres through the political use of domestic spaces all indicate the strength of continuities with nineteenth-century antecedents. The article further situates women's political advocacy on Ireland in an imperial and transnational context, arguing that it was part of the process of reconceptualizing Britain's postwar global role whether through outright anti-imperialism, in the case of Irish republicans, or through humanitarianism and the new internationalism, in the case of most former suffragists. Finally, the article examines the failure of these two groups of women to forge alliances with each other, underscoring the ways in which both class and nationality challenged a notional common interest based on sex.

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Ackerman, Gary. "The Provisional Irish Republican Army and the Development of Mortars." Journal of Strategic Security 9, no. 1 (March 2016): 12–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.9.1.1501.

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Owens, Gary. "Editor’s Introduction: The 1798 Rebellion and the Irish Republican Tradition." Éire-Ireland 34, no. 2 (1999): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.1999.0000.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Irish republican'

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