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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Irish republican'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Clubb, Gordon. "Disengagement and de-radicalisation in the Irish Republican movement." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/8409/.

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The thesis explains how terrorism campaigns end, using social movement theory to analyse the Provisional IRA’s disengagement from armed violence and how this led others in the Irish Republican movement to move away from violence and remain so. The thesis argues that successful disengagement is dependent on how it is framed and the extent to which it resonates within the movement. Frame resonance is shaped by the extent it is consistent with the group’s goals, the presence of linkages in order to diffuse the frame, and the perceived credibility of those advocating it. This process ensured that most of the Provisional IRA supported disengagement, which then began to organisationally disengage as part of the peace process. Subsequently, linkages were built up with the Irish Republican movement, leading to the disengagement frame to become de-radicalised, thus providing stronger barriers against violence. The disengagement frame’s resonance in the Irish Republican movement, underpinned by political/structural change, has led to a durable decline in terrorism and political violence. The thesis’ original contribution has five dimensions: 1) the thesis draws on interviews with a broader range of actors typically found in terrorism studies; 2) the re-conceptualisation of de-radicalisation provides nuanced explanations of why attitudinal change is important for ending terrorism; 3) the thesis provides the first multi-level analysis of how terrorism ends by using a social movement approach, thus providing a more comprehensive explanation; 4) while many have recognised the ‘next generation’ as a crucial factor, the thesis is the first to analyse the interaction between generations and how the break in inter-generational support for violence emerges; and 5) the thesis challenges many assumptions on organisational disengagement by outlining how informal networks of combatants continue to exist, but shows how this can actually prevent terrorism rather than just pose a risk to recidivism.

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2

Fanning, David F. "Irish Republican literature 1968-1998 "Standing on the Threshold of Another Trembling World" /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1068495916.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 251 p. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor:, Dept. of. Includes bibliographical references (p. 235-245).

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3

Fanning, David Francis. "Irish Republican Literature 1968-1998: “Standing on the Threshold of Another Trembling World”." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1068495916.

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4

Smith, Michael Lawrence Rowan. "The role of the military instrument in Irish Republican strategic thinking." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1991. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-role-of-the-military-instrument-in-irish-republican-strategic-thinking(b3a1b023-f99c-46dd-b076-2076918ca4f3).html.

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5

Byers, Sean. "Seán Murray, the Irish Republican left and international communism, 1916-1962." Thesis, Ulster University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.604659.

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This thesis focuses on Irish communism and the republican left, using Seán Murray’s political career as a nexus between Ireland and the international context. Using newly released and previously under-utilised archival material, the thesis concentrates on two main issues. Firstly, it addresses Murray’s relationship with the international communist movement, challenging and adding nuances to extant research on Irish ‘Stalinism’. Murray had a firm grasp of Marxist-Leninist theory, tactics and methods of organisation. Yet he endured a complex and difficult relationship with the international communist hierarchy and with the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in particular. Murray developed independent, nationally specific policies and tactics for the Communist Party of Ireland (CPI), often arguing for a liberal interpretation of Comintern policy. In fact, on a number of occasions, he anticipated shifts in Comintern thinking. Secondly, the thesis examines socialist republicanism between 1916 and 1962 from Murray’s perspective. It argues that a proclivity to pursue communist-republican alliances brought out in Murray both the crudest and most advanced forms of socialist republican thinking. Unique in his era, Murray combined aspects of Marxism-Leninism with fundamentally Connollyist analyses of Irish conditions and demonstrated an understanding of imperialism on two levels. He failed to develop a communist-republican synthesis. However, in the final analysis, he articulated an inclusive, left social democratic vision of republicanism which drew upon diverse sources of inspiration.

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6

Hearty, Kevin. "The role of memory in the Irish republican debate on policing." Thesis, Ulster University, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.631720.

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This thesis is an in-depth case study of the role of memory in the Irish republican debate on policing. Located within the wider theoretical fields of memory studies and transitional justice, this thesis draws out how the past impacts on transitional justice processes when those traditionally opposed to state policing structures opt to buy into them as part of a wider transitional process. While establishing that there remains considerable inter-communal contestation over the legacy of policing in the North of Ireland, this thesis departs from the established academic understanding of memory contestation by critically examining how memory is contested at an intra-communal level within rather than between ethno-nationalist collectives emerging from sustained political violence. It draws out the intrinsic importance that collective memory and master narratives hold for competing political elites who are vying for hegemony within an increasingly fractured constituency that is grappling with a process of transition out of political violence. Critically evaluating how memory impacts on individuals in terms of ideological positions, interpretation of political processes of transition, understandings of truth recovery, post-conflict 'moving on' processes with former enemies and the interpretation of on the ground lived reality in a post-conflict and post-reform environment, this thesis highlights how competing notions of continuity and rupture frame the extended Irish republican debate on policing. In doing so this thesis highlights how and why memory has successfully enabled Irish republicans to subscribe to 'critical engagement' with policing in the North of Ireland and how and why it has similarly precluded others from doing the same.

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7

O', Cathain Mairtin Sean. "The Fenian movement in Scotland 1858-1916." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366707.

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8

McKeown, Laurence. "'Unrepentant Fenian bastards' : the social construction of an Irish Republican prisoner community." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268178.

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9

Murphy, Kathleen. "Critical Consciousness, Community Resistance & Resilience| Narratives of Irish Republican Women Political Prisoners." Thesis, The Chicago School of Professional Psychology, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3683725.

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Colonial legacies affect neocolonial experiences of conflict in the 20th and 21st centuries. A critical and comprehensive appreciation of the global "war on terror" reveals terrorism "from above'" (state-sponsored terrorism) as a growing issue in the international community. Further, women's varied experiences within communities of resistance are often undermined, ignored, or maligned within formal research on conflict and peace. Liberation psychologists are called to align with oppressed, marginalized, and suffering communities. To this end, this work explores the experience of women political prisoners of the Irish conflict for independence from Great Britain. A qualitative critical psychosocial analysis was used to understand the phenomenology of women's political imprisonment through the firsthand narratives of Republican women imprisoned during the "Troubles" of Northern Ireland. The intention of this study was to 1) provide an analysis of power and its connection to social conditions, 2) to provide a psychological analysis of how oppression may breed resistance in communities struggling for liberation, and 3) to explore the gendered experience of Irish women political prisoners. The results indicated that political imprisonment may be understood as a microcosm of oppression and liberation, and the subjective experience of political prisoners may glean insights into how communities develop critical consciousness, organize politically, resist oppression, and meaningfully participate in recognizing their human rights. Additionally, this research challenged the exclusion of women's voices as members of resistance movements and active agents in both conflict and peace building and challenged the failure to investigate state-sponsored terrorism, or terrorism from above.

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10

Barboza, Avery R. "The Irish Republican Army: An Examination of Imperialism, Terror, and Just War Theory." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2020. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2157.

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Analysis of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and their actions in the 1970s and 1980s offer insight into their use of just war theory in their conflict with the British government and ultra-loyalist Protestant forces in Northern Ireland. The historiography of Irish history is defined by its phases of nationalism, revisionism, and anti-revisionism that cloud the historical narrative of imperialism and insurgency in the North. Applying just war theory to this history offers a more nuanced understanding of the conflict of the Troubles and the I.R.A.’s usage of this framework in their ideology that guided their terrorism in the latter half of the twentieth century. The murders of influential members of British society and the I.R.A.’s statements on these events further posit just war theory as a guiding force of this group. In 1980-1981 the I.R.A. staged hunger strikes in the H Block of Long Kesh Prison and the writings of their leader Bobby Sands continued their use of just war theory in their efforts to be granted Special Category Status. This work concludes that the I.R.A. utilized just war theory throughout this period and that it was a guiding force of their ideology. It contributes a more nuanced analysis of just war theory and its applications to the I.R.A.’s struggles against the British. Ultimately, it demonstrates how this theory was used by this insurgent movement to claim legitimacy, defend their actions, and frame their anti-imperialist movement as a necessary means to combatting British forces.

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11

Irwin, David A. "Michel Foucault's progressive politics : validity and structure of the archaeological paradigm in the republican discourse of Fianna Fail." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314035.

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12

McManus, Cathal. "Imagining the republican community : language, education and nationalism in Northern Ireland. A case study analysis of nationalism through an exploration of identity formation within Irish Republicanism, 1969-2012." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602677.

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13

Sauders, A. D. "A study of the idealogical divisions and factional splits in the Irish Republican movement, 1969-1998." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.501403.

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14

Phemister, Andrew James. "'Our American Aristotle' : Henry George and the Republican tradition during the Transatlantic Irish Land War, 1877-1887." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22964.

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This thesis examines the relationship between Henry George and the Irish on both sides of the Atlantic and, detailing the ideological interaction between George’s republicanism and Irish nationalism, argues that his uneven appeal reveals the contours of the construction of Gilded Age Irish-America. The work assesses the functionality and operation, in both Ireland and the US, of Irish culture as a dynamic but discordant friction within the Anglophone world. Ireland’s unique geopolitical position and its religious constitution nurtured an agrarianism that shared its intellectual roots with American republicanism. This study details how the crisis of Irish land invigorated both traditions as an effective oppositional culture to the processes of modernity. The Land War placed Ireland at the centre of a briefly luminous political upheaval that extended far beyond its own shores and positioned the country as a site of ideological conflict at a critical juncture in the history of political thought. Irish nationalism helped to perpetuate a specific aggregation of moral and economic principles, and, in equating British imperial force with the worst depredations of capital, Irish-Americans tapped into a powerful seam in American political culture that universalised the struggle of the Irish tenant farmers. Just as many contemporaries framed Irish politics with the ideals of the American republic, this thesis argues that Irish politics during the Land War, ever more interdependent on its diaspora, is better understood in relation to American political discourse than British.

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15

Steward, Patrick. "Erin's hope : Fenianism in the North Atlantic world, 1858-1876 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3091970.

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16

Conlon, Katie L. ""Neither Men nor Completely Women:" The 1980 Armagh Dirty Protest and Republican Resistance in Northern Irish Prisons." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461339256.

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17

Uležić, Sanjin. "'Making the most of it': the emergence, maintenance, and legitimation of the contemporary Northern Irish republican armed struggle." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/459252.

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La tesi es centra en l'actual interació de la lluita armada republicana a Irlanda del Nord, activa des de l'època del procés de pau a finals dels anys noranta. Tot i caracteritzar-se per una intensitat menor que la del conflicte armat que es va produir entre 1969 i 1998, l'actual campanya de violència política continua sent letal, amb episodis periòdics de violència dirigits contra ambdues entitats estatals i contra aquells entesos com a amenaces per a les comunitats nacionalistes. La tesi doctoral aquí presentada assumeix la tasca d'estudiar aquesta lluita armada des d'una triple perspectiva, observant-ne l'emergència, el manteniment i la legitimació. Aquesta tasca es caracteritza per la seva exploració de la naturalesa entrellaçada de les diferents formes de violència política que constitueixen la lluita armada, fent-se especialment evident en el caràcter mútuament constitutiu de les condicions que faciliten l'existència de violència política. La present és la primera investigació en problematitzar aquesta relació i, per tant, ofereix una comprensió innovadóra dels fenomens estudiats.
The thesis is focused on the contemporary iteration of the Northern Irish republican armed struggle, which has been active since the time of the peace process in the late 1990s. Despite being characterised by a lower intensity than the armed conflict that took place between 1969 and 1998, the ongoing campaign of political violence is still lethal, with periodic instances of violence directed against both entities if the state and those understood to be threatening the nationalist communities. The presented doctoral thesis takes up the task of studying this armed struggle in a tripartite focus, by looking at the emergence, maintenance, and legitimation thereof. This work is defined by its exploratión of the interwoven nature of the different forms of political violence that makes up the armed struggle, with this most evident in the mutually constituting nature of the facilitating conditions for the existence of political violence. It is the first work to problematise this relationship and thus offers a novel understanding of the studied phenomena.

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18

Oppenheimer, Rachel Alayna. "Of Prisons and Polities: The Black Panther Party, Irish Republican Army and Radical Socio-Political organization, 1966-1983." Research Showcase @ CMU, 2017. http://repository.cmu.edu/dissertations/979.

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This dissertation uses the idea of a moral polity as an organizing concept to help understand how the Irish Republican Army and Black Panther Party understood their own actions and the imprisonment of large numbers of their members. In referring to the “moral polity” this study describes socio-political structures and relations created by people who are animated by a series of collectively held ideas about how authorities and populations should interact. The collectively held ideas that provide the foundation for a moral polity emphasize reciprocities between authorities and a population living under those authorities, fairness and justice between these two parties, and trust between the authorities and that population. Moral Polities promote human dignity and the welfare of the community, and the beliefs that undergird them are formed in opposition to established socio-political structures. The first chapters reveal the moral polities created by the BPP and IRA, looking first at precursors of these moral polities and then focusing on the opposition their creators faced from the governments and security forces of the United States, Northern Ireland, and Britain. As the Panthers and IRA espoused a radical reordering of society based on their collectively held beliefs, they threatened power structures who resorted to counterintelligence and internment without trial in their attempts to quell the threats they saw coming from the BPP an IRA, which in turn resulted in in large numbers of prisoners. The last chapters examine the decline of the Black Panther Party and the rise of the Irish republican prisoner. The BPP was unable to overcome the divisions within their party which the FBI exploited in the years before 1973. This left them unable to uphold the moral polity they had created around chapters across the nation. Although some members of the Party struggled to keep the Party and its envisioned society afloat, the BPP did not last beyond 1982. Conversely, when British authorities revoked special category status in Northern Irish prisons, and therefore, destroyed the IRA’s reordering of prison society, the IRA embarked on five years of sustained protest which resulted in a recreation of their moral polity.

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19

Macionnrachtaigh, F. E. "'An Ghaeilge faoi ghlas' Republican prisoners and the Irish language in the North of Ireland- power, resistance and revival." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517447.

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20

London, William H. "Politics and Paint: Murals, Memory, and Archives in Northern Ireland, 1968-1998." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1469988055.

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21

Nadeau, Selina. "In Defense of Propaganda: The Republican Response to State-created Narratives Which Silenced Political speech During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1968-1998." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1493395475794123.

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22

Finnegan, Patrick. "Developing cohesion in non-state militaries : a case study of the Provisional IRA." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/32785.

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This work is based on the belief that the Provisional IRA developed its combat effectiveness through enhancing its small-unit effectiveness. Although PIRA ultimately failed in its objective to reunify Ireland, it successfully waged a thirty-year long campaign against the British military. The current state of terrorism studies does not explain how this was possible. It can explain the development of PIRA’s strategy, membership type and weapons used but it lacks sufficient explanation of small-unit dynamics. By drawing on the ideas of Huntington and King, among others, this work argues that PIRA successfully professionalised its small-unit tactics and this was the source of its increased effectiveness. By examining changes in structure, training, specialisation, motivation and identity it will be possible to demonstrate whether professionalism did have an effect. Ultimately, the findings of this research will provide an example for others to follow in their efforts to understand past and present terror threats.

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23

Scott, Shannon. "The once and future Bobby Sands : a critique of the material rhetorical appeal of the 1981 hunger strike in Long Kesh Prison /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6159.

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24

Earles, Jennifer. "Gender Trouble In Northern Ireland: An Examination Of Gender And Bodies Within The 1970s And 1980s Provisional Irish Republican Army In Northern Ireland." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002849.

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25

Rekawek, K. E. "A comparative analysis of militarism and politics in the official and provisional Irish Republican movements in their respective post-ceasefire situations of 1972 and 1994." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517041.

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26

Morrison, John F. "'The affirmation of Behan?' : an understanding of the politicisation process of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement through an organisational analysis of splits from 1969 to 1997." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3158.

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One of the foremost reasons for the success of the Northern Irish Peace Process has been the ability of the national leadership of the Provisional Republican Movement to bring the majority of their membership away from the armed campaign and towards the acceptance of peaceful politics. This dissertation analyses how they were able to achieve this. This is carried out by considering the processes of the four major splits in modern day Irish republicanism from 1969 to 1997. Each split was analysed so as to derive why the split took place and why one side was more successful than the other in the aftermath. The cases were used to test a stage-based process model of split designed by the author. The data from thirty-eight semi-structured interviews were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). This analysis treated the three Provisional splits as three micro-processes within the macro-process of Provisional Republican involvement in the ‘Troubles', as it did the two Official splits with respect to the Official macro-process of involvement. The results of the analysis showed that the success of the later Provisional leadership was significantly tied to their method of changing strategies, tactics and policies one step at a time rather than by attempting to implement a variety of substantial changes within a short space of time as the leadership of the 1960s endeavoured to. This research outlines how the acceptance of peaceful politics for a terrorist organisation is a gradual stage-based process and that in order to be successful the significant changes must be implemented in a patient manner.

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27

Page, Michael von Tangen. "The IRA, Sinn Fein and the hunger strike of 1981." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14348.

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This thesis examines the 1981 hunger strike by republican prisoners in Northern Ireland against the removal of special category status from newly convicted paramilitary prisoners on 1 March 1976, the fast was part of a protest that began in 1976. The thesis opens with an examination of the origins of the Provisional Irish Republican Army in 1969 and the emergence of a younger leadership in the late 1970's, and evaluates the significance of the prisons in Irish history. The development of the prisoners protests ranging from the refusal to put on a uniform and perform prison work to the rejection of sanitary or washing facilities, is analysed. The prisoners demands are examined in the context of British and international law. The campaign in support of the republican prisoners conducted outside the Maze Prison, including the formation of the Relatives Action Committee and the National H-Block/Armagh Committee is surveyed, and the female "dirty" protest at Armagh Prison is examined. The medical, ethical, and moral dilemmas presented by hunger striking are identified and the thesis examines the debate whether the men who died were suicides or martyrs. The 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes are examined with particular attention to the efforts to bring about a compromise with the British government and the factors leading to a new hunger strike in 1981 and to the intervention of the Catholic Church with the prisoners relatives which ended the fast. The hunger strike is analysed regarding its effect internationally in building up republican support, and in the Province where it acted as the base for the future success of Provisional Sinn Fein later in the decade.

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28

Arakon, Maya. "Les mouvements indépendantistes armés et la sécurité de l'Union européenne, spécialement l'IRA, l'ETA et le FLNC." Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007STR30012.

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La question du terrorisme est celle qui préoccupe l'Europe surtout après les évènements du 11 septembre 2001. Au terrorisme international s'ajoute le terrorisme séparatiste qui est un débat au coeur de l'Union européenne depuis de longues années. La problématique de cette thèse est de comprendre comment les trois groupes indépendantistes, à savoir l'IRA, l'ETA et le FLNC, ont pu mener un combat armé depuis des décennies en une Europe fortifiée par des mesures spécifiques antiterroristes et des droits spécialement élaborés pour une coopération étroite entre les états membres de l'Union européenne en matière de sécurité. La thèse essaie en même temps d'analyser, d'une méthode comparative, le fait ethnique dans les trois grands pays de l'Union : la France, la Grande-Bretagne et l'Espagne, et la dérive de cette particularité ethnique vers une violence parfois aveugle
The question of terrorism is the one which concerns Europe especially after the events of September 11, 2001. Within the European Union, beside the question of the international terrorism, there is another one. The terrorism independentist, which is a debate withon the European Union for decades. The point of these thesis is to understand how are the three groups independentist, such as the IRA, the ETA and the FLNC, could lead an armed struggle for years in Europe fortified by special measures antiterrorist and law specially elaborated for a better and closer cooperation between the member states of the European union on European security. The thesis tries in the same time to analyse, in a comparative way, the ethnic issue in three great powers of Europe : France, the Great Britain and Spain, and the drift of this ethnical particularity towards a violence sometimes blind

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29

Mahoney, Justin R. Spinello Michael J. "Population-centric intelligence, repression, and the cycles of contention." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FMahoneyR.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Lee, Doowan. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-133). Also available in print.

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30

Delisle, Claire E. "Leading to Peace: Prisoner Resistance and Leadership Development in the IRA and Sinn Fein." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22905.

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The Irish peace process is heralded as a success among insurgencies that attempt transitions toward peaceful resolution of conflict. After thirty years of armed struggle, pitting Irish republicans against their loyalist counterparts and the British State, the North of Ireland has a reconfigured political landscape with a consociational governing body where power is shared among several parties that hold divergent political objectives. The Irish Republican Movement, whose main components are the Provisional Irish Republican Army, a covert guerilla armed organization, and Sinn Fein, the political party of Irish republicans, initiated peace that led to all-inclusive talks in the 1990s and that culminated in the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998, setting out the parameters for a non-violent way forward. Given the traditional intransigence of the IRA to consider any route other than armed conflict, how did the leadership of the Irish Republican Movement secure the support of a majority of republicans for a peace initiative that has held now for more than fifteen years? This dissertation explores the dynamics of leadership in this group, and in particular, focuses on the prisoner resistance waged by its incarcerated activists and volunteers. It is the contention here, that various prisoner resistance tactics enabled a wide-ranging group of captives to develop the skill set necessary to persuade their community to back the peace initiative, engage in electoral politics, mobilize their supporters to invest in attaining a united Ireland by peaceful negotiations, and put down their arms in a permanent and unequivocal manner. In this dissertation, the work of Paulo Freire is explored in order to capture the processes inherent the resistance-leadership continuum.

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31

Lynch, Robert John. "The Northern IRA and the early years of partition 1920-22." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1517.

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The years i 920-22 constituted a period of unprecedented conflct and political change in Ireland. It began with the onset of the most brutal phase of the War ofIndependence and culminated in the effective miltary defeat of the Republican IRA in the Civil War. Occurring alongside these dramatic changes in the south and west of Ireland was a far more fundamental conflict in the north-east; a period of brutal sectarian violence which marked the early years of partition and the establishment of Northern Ireland. Almost uniquely the IRA in the six counties were involved in every one of these conflcts and yet it can be argued was on the fringes of all of them. The period i 920-22 saw the evolution of the organisation from a peripheral curiosity during the War of independence to an idealistic symbol for those wishing to resolve the fundamental divisions within the Sinn Fein movement which developed in the first six months of i 922. The story of the Northern IRA's collapse in the autumn of that year demonstrated dramatically the true nature of the organisation and how it was their relationship to the various protagonists in these conflcts, rather than their unceasing but fruitless war against partition, that defined its contribution to the Irish revolution.

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32

Smith, Nicola Jo-Anne. "'Globalisation' and the Irish Republic." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288657.

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33

Destenay, Emmanuel. "Expériences de guerre et retours à la vie civile des combattants irlandais, 1914-1928." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040200.

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Le travail de recherche présenté ici a pour objectif de dégager les particularités des combattants irlandais engagés dans l’armée britannique pendant le Premier Conflit mondial et d’apprécier la singularité de leur sortie de guerre. Le champ chronologique est volontairement large dans la mesure où il dépasse 1918 pour traiter de la question des mémoires de guerre et de la démobilisation des unités irlandaises. Ainsi, notre travail entend montrer dans quelle mesure la situation endogène en Irlande influence la participation et les expériences de guerre des engagés volontaires et se répercute sur leur réinsertion dans le tissu urbain irlandais. En s’intéressant au retour des anciens combattants sous un angle socio-économique, politique et culturel notre travail enrichit l’historiographie de la période révolutionnaire irlandaise 1919-1924. L’étude des trajectoires des rescapés de la Première Guerre mondiale permet de traiter du réengagement d’anciens combattants irlandais dans les brigades républicaines et dans les unités de l’armée britannique tout en travaillant sur les actes de violence et de cruauté dont ils font l’objet. Les questionnements que suscite notre travail sont multiples, et se situent au croisement de l’histoire politique, de l’histoire sociale, de l’histoire culturelle et de l’anthropologie de l’expérience combattante
This research work aims to identify the characteristics of the Irish soldiers who served in the British Army during the First World War and assess their peculiar post-war situation. We chose a wide chronological field, beyond 1918, in order to cover the war remembrance and demobilisation issues of Irish units. We aim to show how the endogenous situation in Ireland influenced the volunteers’ war effort and impacted their reintegration into Irish civil life. Our work enriches the 1919-1924 Irish revolutionary period’s historiography by focusing on socio-economic, political and cultural factors. Studying the life story of Irish First World War survivors enables us to span their enlistment in Republican brigades or British Army units, while also covering the acts of violence and cruelty committed against them. Our work lies at the crossroads of numerous political, social and cultural questions, as well as raising the anthropological issues of the Irish veterans’ experience

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Lavelle, William H. "Revolutionary Satan: A Reevaluation of the Devil's Place in Paradise Lost." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1429893486.

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Gleeson, James Philip. "Post-primary curriculum policy and practice in the Republic of Ireland : fragmentation, contestation and partnership." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323474.

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Schone, Jason Mark. "The purest of punishment : Irish republicans in the criminal justice system 1972-97." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.397975.

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This thesis is a critique of the law's response to the violence perpetrated by Irish republicans on the British mainland during the Northern Irish conflict. The research is undertaken from within the public law paradigm, and takes account of the inadequacies of explanations of political violence from across the academic spectrum, sociological, criminological, and jurisprudential. Generally research into punishment has taken one of two forms: either the empirical work of criminologists or the theoretical work of philosophers. This thesis is unique in that the law is used to posit the central argument. By analysing the text of legal judgments relating to punishment in general and the punishment of Irish republicans in particular the central thesis, the inability of the law to comprehend and consequently respond appropriately to political violence, is made. In turn, wider and more general points, such as the confusion that currently exists in regard to penal policy, are made. The work is broadly divided into two: in the fIrst part, after a general introduction to academic accounts of punishment the sentencing oflrish republicans is examined. In the second part we move to the prison, where the focus is the place of Irish republicans in both the estate itself and prison law. This also reflects the unique quality of the work, as the traditional approach of public lawyers to the issue of political violence, or 'terrorism', has been to focus on the earlier, interrogatory stage of the criminal justice process. In summary, via an exegesis of the law, the position oflrish republicans in the criminal justice system is used as exemplifIcation ofthat law's inability to fully address political violence.

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Gillen, UltaÌn. "Monarchy, republic and empire : Irish public opinion and France, c.1787-1804." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432121.

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Ivory, Gareth E. "The political parties of the Republic of Ireland and the Northern Ireland question 1980-1995." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287963.

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English, Richard. "Radicals and the Republic : socialist republicanism in the Irish Free State 1925-37." Thesis, Keele University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.291293.

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Ducastelle, Lison. "L'IRA : de la violence armée au désarmement (1969-2005) : enjeux, symboles et mécanismes." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030190/document.

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L’Irish Republican Army (IRA), le principal groupe paramilitaire républicain, fut fondé en 1969. Dès lors, il lutta contre la présence britannique en Irlande du Nord et pour la réunification de l’île d’Irlande. Le désarmement de l’IRA, considéré comme irréalisable jusqu’en 2001, s’accomplit pourtant bel et bien entre 2001 et 2005 dans le cadre du processus de paix. Le 26 septembre 2005, l’IRA avait officiellement déposé les armes. Quels mécanismes avaient alors permis, au sein du processus de paix nord-irlandais, d’aboutir à la "mise hors d’état de nuire" de l’arsenal de l’IRA qui déclarait pourtant encore en 1998 qu’il n’accepterait pas de rendre les armes ? Comme l’annonce le titre de cette thèse, trois questions sous-tendent notre analyse : quels étaient les enjeux de l’abandon de la violence et du désarmement pour l’IRA et le Sinn Féin durant tout le processus de paix ? Quelle était la portée symbolique du désarmement pour le groupe armé clandestin et pour le mouvement républicain dans son ensemble ? Enfin, quels mécanismes, tant diplomatiques que psychologiques, avaient pu convaincre l’IRA d’abandonner la violence puis de désarmer ? À la demande du groupe clandestin, la nature du dispositif de désarmement et le nombre d’armes détruites demeurent confidentiels. Cette étude ne prétend donc pas révéler des secrets d’État, mais bien de mettre en évidence la dynamique du processus qui a mené l’IRA de la violence armée à l’abandon des armes
The Irish Republican Army (IRA), the main Republican paramilitary group in Northern Ireland was founded in 1969. From then on it fought to put an end to the British presence in Northern Ireland and to achieve the unification of Ireland. The decommissioning of the IRA, which seemed unrealizable until 2001, was indeed accomplished between 2001 and 2005, as part of the Peace Process. On 26 September 2005, the IRA officially laid down its weapons. What mechanisms played a role in the IRA putting its arsenal beyond use during the Northern Ireland Peace Process, despite the armed group’s declaration in 1998 that there would be no disarmament? As mentioned in the title of this thesis, three questions underlie our analysis: What was at stake in the giving up of violence and in decommissioning for the IRA and Sinn Féin during the Peace Process? What was the symbolic significance of decommissioning for the IRA and for the whole Republican movement? Finally, what diplomatic and psychological mechanisms managed to convince the IRA to give up violence and then to disarm? At the clandestine group’s own request, the technical aspects of decommissioning and the number of arms which were destroyed still remain confidential. Therefore, this study does not reveal any State secrets, but rather underlines the dynamics of the process which led the IRA from armed violence to the giving up of arms

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Dupont, Maeve. "An investigation into the effect of vicarious contact on attitudes and intended friendship behaviour towards Irish travellers and perceived group norms about cross-group friendships among settled Irish children in the Republic of Ireland." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2017. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/111876/.

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The aim of this study was to test the effectiveness of vicarious contact (the observation of an interaction between ingroup and outgroup members) on primary school children’s attitudes and intended friendship behaviour towards Traveller Irish children along with perceived group norms about the acceptability of intergroup friendship among settled children. Primary school children aged between 8 and 12 in the Republic of Ireland participated in a 3 week intervention where they read 3 stories (over 6 sessions) featuring settled Irish and Traveller Irish children in friendship contexts. Prior to the intervention participants completed measures of intergroup attitudes, intended friendship and perceived norms about intergroup friendship. Approximately 1 week after the last story session they were tested on the same measures. Results showed that those taking part in the intervention, compared to participants in the control group, revealed more positive friendship intentions towards Travellers. Those in the treatment group also expressed that more settled and Traveller children would approve of intergroup friendships. There was no significant effect of intervention on attitudes towards Travellers. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.

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DeWan, Jennifer K. "Mother Ireland : women, the state and the abortion referendum in the Republic of Ireland." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1315919541.

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Tannam, Etain. "Trespassing on borders? : the European community and the relationships between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic : a test of neo-functionalism." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1318/.

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McNally, M. A. "The hegemony of 'the Republic' in De Valera's Ireland, 1937-1939 : a discourse approach to the Irish press and the Fianna FaÌil government." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.426662.

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Arènes, Claire. "Le programme PREVENT et les musulmans en Grande-Bretagne, enjeux et contradictions de la "prévention du terrorisme"." Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030119.

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Les attentats du 7 juillet 2005, commis par quatre musulmans britanniques, placent la « radicalisation endogène », processus menant des Britanniques à apporter leur soutien au terrorisme, au centre des préoccupations du gouvernement. Cette recherche s’intéresse au paradoxe que constitue le programme de prévention de l’extrémisme violent (Prevent) formulé après ces attentats : supposé remédier au « manque d’intégration » des communautés musulmanes britanniques dans l’ethos national, il encourage de fait le financement d’initiatives portées par ou pour les musulmans. D’autre part, il prétend œuvrer à la construction de relations de confiance entre musulmans et institutions britanniques, mais place ces relations sous le prisme du contre-terrorisme. Le programme Prevent se place donc sous le signe d’une double ambivalence : renforcement d’une identité exclusive musulmane au lieu de faire primer une identité civique britannique, et « sécuritarisation » des rapports entre musulmans et institutions plutôt que construction d’une relation de confiance. Ce travail postule que ce décalage s’explique par la résurgence d’un cadre différentialiste propre à la Grande-Bretagne, où la société est vue comme composée de groupes ethno-culturels distincts. Ce cadre de pensée, qui a constitué la base des politiques de gestion de la diversité, a été réinvesti par les politiques de contre-terrorisme après 2005 pour « gagner les cœurs et les esprits » des populations dont se réclament les terroristes, et remobilisé par les acteurs de la mise en œuvre de Prevent à l’échelon local. Ce sont les apories de Prevent que sonde ce travail de thèse, en inscrivant cette stratégie dans la filiation des politiques de sécurité et de gestion de la diversité britanniques, et en la confrontant à sa mise en œuvre sur le terrain
In the wake of the July 7, 2005 London bombings, perpetrated by four British Muslims, the British government devised a policy, Prevent, aimed at preventing “home-grown radicalisation”, that is to say the process by which young Britons come to support and possibly engage in acts of terrorism. This work focusses on two contradictions embedded in Prevent. First, this policy is meant to facilitate the cultural integration of Muslims into the national community, but works in practice as a new mono-ethnic funding stream for which only associations headed by or working with Muslims can apply. Second, it aims at enhancing institutional engagement with Muslims but narrows down such engagement to counter-terrorism purposes. Therefore, Prevent reinforces exclusive forms of identification to a Muslim communal identity instead of favouring inclusion in a wider civic community, and it securitises institutional relations with Muslims rather than fostering trust. It is argued here that such contradictions arise from the legacy of previous approaches of ethnic diversity management in Britain, which are based on the assumption that society is made of distinct groups (communities) defined by their ethnicity. This culturalist pattern, which has been key in the building of anti-discrimination legislation and measures to support cultural diversity, has been reinvested lately by counter-terrorism policies aimed at “winning the hearts and minds” of the populations whose support is sought by the terrorists. It has then been reinforced by the practice of fieldworkers involved in the implementation of Prevent at the local level. This work discusses the implications of the paradoxical nature of the Prevent strategy, tracing it back to the legacy of previous policies and contrasting it with its implementation on the ground

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Poggioli, Pierre. "IRA (Irlande) ETA ( Pays Basque) FLNC (Corse) : analyse comparative." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX32024.

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Irlande (IRA) Pays basque (ETA) Corse (FLNC) : Analyse comparativeTrois luttes de libération au cœur de l’Europe contemporaineEn ce début de XXIème siècle, trois Etats membres de la CEE, la Grande-Bretagne, l’Espagne et la France, sont confrontés depuis des décennies à une forte contestation de leurs prérogatives de souveraineté, en Irlande du Nord, au Pays basque et en Corse. Cette contestation, se situant dans une perspective de libération nationale, s’exprime par une action politique publique, mais aussi par une action armée dans le cadre d’une lutte clandestine. Nous nous proposons de procéder à l’histoire comparée des trois organisations utilisant la violence armée comme moyen d’expression et d’action politique : l’IRA, l’ETA et le FLNC. Pour comprendre leurs similitudes et leurs différences, nous contextualiserons chacune d’elles au sein de l’ensemble de la lutte contestataire nationaliste menée en Irlande du Nord, au pays basque et en Corse, nées toutes trois d’une histoire au profil très dissemblable. Parallèlement à l’évolution du discours et de l’action de ces mouvements armés, nous analyserons les répercussions sur la situation politique dans les trois territoires concernés, entre répression menée par les Etats-nations et recherche d’une « solution négociée » pour régler ces conflits. Dans une 1ère partie, nous présenterons brièvement la genèse de ces « trois nations sans Etat », l’Irlande du Nord, le Pays basque et la Corse, et leur histoire respective conduisant à la création de ces mouvements armés au profil politique très différent, comme sont également très différents les modèles étatiques britannique, espagnol et français. Dans un 2ème temps, nous tâcherons de mettre en exergue, la place particulière de ces organisations armées au sein de chacune des trois contestations nationalistes ancrées dans ces territoires. Enfin, nous soulignerons leur rôle central dans les évolutions politiques de ces territoires et les conséquences induites par les solutions envisagées ou mises en œuvre, pour ces mouvements même, mais aussi pour les Etats-nations concernés qu’ils remettent en cause
Ireland (IRA) Basque country (ETA) Corsica (FLNC): Comparative analysisThree liberation struggles in today’s heart of Europe.In this early 21st century, three member states of the European community:Great Britain, Spain and France have been facing for decades a strong protest against their sovereignty’s prerogatives, in Northern Ireland, Basque Country and Corsica. These protests aiming towards a national liberation perspective, express themselves through public political action but also through undercover military action. We will compare the history of these three undercover organisations, using military actions as a mean of expression and political action: IRA/ETA / FLNC. To understand their likenesses and their differencies, we will contextualise each of them within the dissent nationalist struggle as a whole in Northern Ireland, Basque country and Corsica, all three of them issued from a very different History. Concurrently to the speech evolution and armed actions of these movements, we will analyse the consequences on the political situation in the three concerned territories, between state repression and search of a negociated solution to settle these conflicts. In the first part we shall briefly present the genesis of these three “nations without State”, Ireland, Basque country and Corsica, and their respective history leading to the birth of these armed movments very different in their profiles, like very different are the political state systems in Great Britain Spain and France. In the second part we shall try to highlight the specific position of these military organisations within the three nationalist dissents established in these territories. At last we shall underlign their essential role in the political evolution of these territories and the consequences induced by the proposed or acted solutions for these but also for the states they are fighting against

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Douglas, Francis. "A study of pre-school education in the Republic of Ireland with particular reference to those pre-schools which are listed by the Irish Pre-School Playgroups Association in Cork city and county1993-06." Thesis, University of Hull, 1993. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:4621.

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This study was undertaken in order to investigate the activities which took place in Irish pre-schools other than those within the formal school system. The principle focus of the research concerned the degree to which the pre-school children were being 'cognitively stretched' by the curriculum in which they were engaged. The social, linguistic, physical and creative development of these children was also considered.An historical review of the theory of play and recent research in this area was undertaken.Twenty-three pre-schools were taken at random from the membership list in Cork city and county of the Irish Pre- School Playgroups Association. One pre-school which was not a member was added. Prior to embarking upon the study, a history of the I.P.P.A. was given.The ethnographic research strategy was found to be the most suitable method of assessing empirically the nature and frequency of play in the pre-school. This study, which took place between 1986 and 1990, was therefore eclectic in nature, employing a multi-faceted approach encompassing a target child observational schedule, interviews, a study of classrooms, a questionnaire and an interaction analysis system.Briefly, the results showed that the 157 children engaged in this study were being cognitively stretched for approximately one quarter of the time if they were in a playgroup and approximately one half of the time if they were in a Montessori setting. Social and linguistic behaviour was limited by the actions of the pre-school leaders and physically or creatively challenging behaviour was rarely observed. The fact that the children played alone for half of the total time spent in the pre-school was most striking.The most important finding to emerge from the study of language in the twenty-four pre-schools was the fact that the children rarely communicated verbally. Dialogue was almost non-existent and children's questions were very sparse. In order to place the above in a National context, a questionnaire was sent in 1990 to a random sample of one hundred I.P.P.A. members in the 26 counties of the Republic of Ireland. Unfortunately, only 39 responded. However, of note was that approximately 25% of playgroup leaders had degrees and four-fifths of them were mothers in their mid-thirties. They strongly disagreed with the teaching of the 3Rs and felt that much more government money should be devoted to playgroups and in-service training for their personnel.

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Bazin, Cécile. "Images du conflit politique nord-irlandais dans le cinéma." Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030098.

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Cette étude porte sur les films qui traitent du conflit politique nord-irlandais de 1968 à 1998 et elle entend mettre en lumière les relations entre le cinéma et l’évolution de ce conflit. Le cinéma, dans sa construction discursive, à sa travers sa voix indépendante et sa portée populaire, offre un véhicule unique pour l’exploration des Troubles et du processus de paix. Les films sur les Troubles, réalisés pendant cette période, abordent principalement l’IRA dans ses rapports avec l’Angleterre, tandis que les films sortis pendant le processus de paix reflètent la remise en question identitaire, avec entre autres, des membres de l’IRA qui, dans leur quête d’identité, se détournent de la violence politique. Les comédies qui datent du processus de paix dénoncent, de manière ironique, la violence politique des Troubles et illustrent l’espoir que génère ce processus en libérant progressivement l’Irlande du Nord de la violence. Ces films, réalisés pour la plupart pendant le processus de paix - qui repense les rapports anglo-irlandais et les relations entre les deux communautés en Irlande du Nord - se focalisent sur l’un des acteurs du conflit : la communauté catholique (les nationalistes et les républicains) et ses liens avec les Britanniques. Les rapports intercommunautaires sont peu abordés et la communauté protestante, relativement absente de l’image, n’est évoquée qu’à travers les loyalistes. Si ces films explorent principalement la perspective catholique, certains d’entre eux se concentrent sur les victimes catholiques d’événements particuliers des Troubles et ces films proposent une version alternative à l’histoire officielle, conférant au cinéma la fonction de source historique mais aussi de lieu de mémoire des victimes. Ainsi, le cinéma ne retranscrit pas seulement l’histoire de façon figée mais s’intègre dans l’évolution de la situation en Irlande du Nord
This study centres on films dealing with the political conflict in Northern Ireland from 1968 to 1998 and attempts to trace the relationship between cinema and this ongoing conflict. Through its discursive construction, its independent voice and its popular reach, cinema provides a unique vehicle for the exploration of the Troubles and the peace process. The films about the Troubles, shot during this period, look mainly at the IRA and its relationship with England. The films made during the peace process reflect the question of identity - a central facet of the peace process - by representing, for example, some members of the IRA engaged in the search for their identity turning away from political violence. The comedies - also made during the peace process - use irony to denounce the political violence of the Troubles and depict the hope that the peace process generates. These films, mostly shot during the peace process which reconsiders t! he East-West relations and the internal relations in Northern Ireland between the two communities, focus primarily on the catholic community [nationalists and republicans] in its relationship with the British. Intercommunal relations appear rarely in films and the protestant community, relatively absent from the screen, is represented almost exclusively by loyalist paramilitaries. Therefore these films display a certain interest for the catholic point of view and some of them concentrate on catholic victims of specific events of the Troubles and offer an alternative to the official version of history endowing cinema with a role as historical source and also as a space for the memory of the victims. Thus, cinema does not only retranscribe history in a static way but takes part in the changes going on in Northern Ireland

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McPherson, Jared L. "Indefinite Detention as a Democratic Counterterrorism Policy." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1416091531.

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Gledhill, James. "Into the past : nationalism and heritage in the neoliberal age." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/12114.

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This thesis examines the ideological nexus of nationalism and heritage under the social conditions of neoliberalism. The investigation aims to demonstrate how neoliberal economics stimulate the irrationalism manifest in nationalist idealisation of the past. The institutionalisation of national heritage was originally a rational function of the modern state, symbolic of its political and cultural authority. With neoliberal erosion of the productive economy and public institutions, heritage and nostalgia proliferate today in all areas of social life. It is argued that this represents a social pathology linked to the neoliberal state's inability to construct a future-orientated national project. These conditions enhance the appeal of irrational nationalist and regionalist ideologies idealising the past as a source of cultural purity. Unable to achieve social cohesion, the neoliberal state promotes multiculturalism, encouraging minorities to embrace essentialist identity politics that parallel the nativism of right-wing nationalists and regionalists. This phenomenon is contextualised within the general crisis of progressive modernisation in Western societies that has accompanied neoliberalisation and globalisation. A new theory of activist heritage is advanced to describe autonomous, politicised heritage that appropriates forms and practices from the state heritage sector. Using this concept, the politics of irrational nationalism and regionalism are explored through fieldwork, including participant observation, interviews and photography. The interaction of state and activist heritage is considered at the Wewelsburg 1933-1945 Memorial Museum in Germany wherein neofascists have re-signified Nazi material culture, reactivating it within contemporary political narratives. The activist heritage of Israeli Zionism, Irish Republicanism and Ulster Loyalism is analysed through studies of museums, heritage centres, archaeological sites, exhibitions, monuments and historical re-enactments. These illustrate how activist heritage represents a political strategy within irrational ideologies that interpret the past as the ethical model for the future. This work contends that irrational nationalism fundamentally challenges the Enlightenment's assertion of reason over faith, and culture over nature, by superimposing pre-modern ideas upon the structure of modernity. An ideological product of the Enlightenment, the nation state remains the only political unit within which a rational command of time and space is possible, and thus the only viable basis for progressive modernity.

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