Journal articles: 'Irish governmental policy'

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Kiely, Elizabeth, and Rosie Meade. "Contemporary Irish youth work policy and practice: A Governmental analysis." Child & Youth Services 39, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0145935x.2018.1426453.

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Shepard, Christopher. "A liberalisation of Irish social policy? Women’s organisations and the campaign for women police in Ireland, 1915–57." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 144 (November 2009): 564–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400005885.

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For much of the twentieth century, Ireland was quite unusual in comparison with other western European nations in its exclusion of women from policing. By the time women were allowed to join the national police force, the Garda Síochána, in 1957, women were already established in the police forces of Britain, Germany and France, as well as that of Northern Ireland. Further afield, women were already employed in police forces in Poland, New Zealand and the U.S. The appointment of women police was a major demand of feminists, moral campaigners and social reformers during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, all of whom sought better protections for women. As in the U.K., U.S. and many European countries, women’s organisations in the Irish Free State were to the forefront of the debate over the need for women police. Beginning with the Irish Women’s Suffrage and Local Government Association (I.W.S.L.G.A.) in 1915, women’s organisations such as the National Council of Women, Joint Committee of Women’s Societies and Social Workers (J.C.W.S.S.W.), and the Catholic Women’s Federation campaigned relentlessly for nearly half a century in the face of governmental indifference and obstruction. When the first class of ‘experimental’ women police emerged in 1958 from the Garda training college in Templemore, County Tipperary, women’s organisations hailed it as a victory.

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Speed, Ewen. "Irish Mental Health Social Movements: A Consideration of Movement Habitus." Irish Journal of Sociology 11, no. 1 (May 2002): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350201100104.

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There has been a lack of any concerted mental health service users‘ movement within the Republic of Ireland. Mental health service users’ movements elsewhere have a marked orientation towards strategies of empowerment and the provision of peer advocacy and support for mental health service users. Two potential user habituses (drawn from the literature) are expounded and discussed, in a context of transformations they have effected in the mental health field. Through an analysis of Department of Health and Children literature and literature offered by mental health service user groups (such as Schizophrenia Ireland and AWARE) service user habitus in Ireland are delineated and explored. A comparison between the habitus drawn from international literature and the Irish literature illustrates that the dominant Irish mental health social movement habitus is a consumer habitus. This analysis demonstrates that Irish governmental psychiatric policy is driven by a consumer model that in turn is adopted by mental health social movement organisations, resulting in a dominant consumer habitus.

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Twomey, C., M. Byrne, and P. McHugh. "‘Show me the money’: improving the economic evaluation of mental health services." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 30, no. 3 (August 14, 2013): 163–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipm.2013.41.

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BackgroundCompared with the United Kingdom, mental health services in Ireland are under-funded and under-developed. This may be partly due to the neglect of economic analyses concerning mental health services in Ireland, as few policy makers would invest in the sector without evidence that such investment represents ‘value-for-money’ economically.AimThe aim of this paper is to highlight how mental health services can conduct economic service evaluations that ultimately will drive the policy-making agenda and future governmental investment.MethodsA guide to the economic evaluation of mental health services, based on a narrative review of relevant policy documents and papers, in an Irish context.ResultsThree types of economic analyses that can be undertaken within mental health services are outlined: (a) cost-benefit analysis, (b) cost-utility analysis and (c) cost-minimisation analysis. In addition, a newly formulated questionnaire (i.e. the ‘EcoPsy 12’) is presented.ConclusionsEconomic evaluations of mental health services can provide re-assurances to policy-makers that (much-needed) investment in such services is economically viable.

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Doustaly, Cécile, and Vishalakshi Roy. "A Comparative Analysis of the Economic Sustainability of Cultural Work in the UK since the COVID-19 Pandemic and Examination of Universal Basic Income as a Solution for Cultural Workers." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 15, no. 5 (April 21, 2022): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm15050196.

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The COVID-19 pandemic and related lockdowns across the world have greatly affected an already vulnerable cultural economy and the structural precarity of many cultural workers. After documenting the impacts of the pandemic in the cultural sector and the effectiveness of governmental responses in the UK and in Europe, the article focuses on the visual arts and explores calls for reforms of the cultural economy. While the UK government’s recovery plan went against the country’s cultural policy tradition due to the plan’s interventionist and financially generous nature, it disproportionally benefitted organisations rather than individuals working in the sector, especially in England. The study, conducted on visual arts workers in the UK, shows that many were unable to access these financial recovery schemes and fell through the cracks of the complex criteria set for these funds. This article informs the current debate on measures that are potentially more economically sustainable and wellbeing protective than those currently in place for cultural workers, such as Universal Basic Income. Its applicability is explored with reference to the historic French and recent Irish examples.

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Twomey, C., M. Byrne, and T. Leahy. "Steps towards effective teamworking in Community Mental Health Teams." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 31, no. 1 (December 5, 2013): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipm.2013.62.

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ObjectivesThis paper aims to show how effective teamworking can be achieved in Community Mental Health Teams (CMHTs), in the context of recovery-focused care.MethodsA narrative review of various governmental policy documents and selected papers relevant to teamworking and recovery-focused care within mental health services, in an Irish context.FindingsEffective teamworking within CMHTs is a prerequisite to the provision of quality, recovery-focused care. It requires the management of various environmental (e.g. adopting a ‘recovery’ model of mental health), structural (e.g. sharing of responsibilities and capabilities) and process (e.g. utilising a clear referral pathway) factors that influence teamworking, as CMHTs develop over time.ConclusionsCompletion by CMHT members of teamworking and other evaluative measures can assist teams in highlighting potential interventions that may improve recovery-focused team functioning and effectiveness.

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Hochschild, Jennifer, and Vesla Mae Weaver. "“There's No One as Irish as Barack O'Bama”: The Policy and Politics of American Multiracialism." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (August 23, 2010): 737–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710002057.

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For the first time in American history, the 2000 United States census allowed individuals to choose more than one race. That new policy sets up our exploration of whether and how multiracialism is entering Americans' understanding and practice of race. By analyzing briefly earlier cases of racial construction, we uncover three factors important to understanding if and how intensely a feedback effect for racial classification will be generated. Using this framework, we find that multiracialism has been institutionalized in the federal government, and is moving toward institutionalization in the private sector and other governmental units. In addition, the small proportion of Americans who now define themselves as multiracial is growing absolutely and relatively, and evidence suggests a continued rise. Increasing multiracial identification is made more likely by racial mixture's growing prominence in American society—demographically, culturally, economically, and psychologically. However, the politics side of the feedback loop is complicated by the fact that identification is not identity. Traditional racial or ethnic loyalties and understandings remain strong, including among potential multiracial identifiers. Therefore, if mixed-race identification is to evolve into a multiracial identity, it may not be at the expense of existing group consciousness. Instead, we expect mixed-race identity to be contextual, fluid, and additive, so that it can be layered onto rather than substituted for traditional monoracial commitments. If the multiracial movement successfully challenges the longstanding understanding and practice of “one drop of blood” racial groups, it has the potential to change much of the politics and policy of American race relations.

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Newman, Daniel Aureliano. "Your body is our black box: Narrating nations in second-person fiction by Edna O’Brien and Jennifer Egan." Frontiers of Narrative Studies 4, no. 1 (June 28, 2018): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fns-2018-0004.

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AbstractFor a century, the disorienting effects of second-person narration have seemed peculiarly well suited to representing the experiential confusions and political contradictions of inhabiting a female body in times of national crisis. This essay examines such effects in Edna O’Brien’s A pagan place and Jennifer Egan’s “Black box,” very different narratives that similarly exploit the deictic and ontological uncertainties of second-person address. Second person in O’Brien’s novel participates in its depiction of a sexually naïve rural Irish girl confronting the conflicting pressures of enforced chastity and reproductive futurism in the name of the Irish State. Emphasis is placed on the narrative’s unusual use of past-tense second-person narration and its intriguing overlap with O’Brien’s nonfictional writings. In Egan’s story, the protean and multivocal second person suggests a sinister fusion of individual and governmental agency, effected through the protagonist’s cybernetically-enhanced body. The result is a deceptively simple critique of post-9/11 American foreign policy as an extension of paternalism and patriarchy in the domestic sphere. The patterns investigated in this paper shed light on other recent uses of the second person in other experimental narratives concerned with identity, self-formation among disenfranchised individuals, and resistance to political and cultural oppression.

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Jaouimaa, Fatima-Zahra, Daniel Dempsey, Suzanne Van Osch, Stephen Kinsella, Kevin Burke, Jason Wyse, and James Sweeney. "An age-structured SEIR model for COVID-19 incidence in Dublin, Ireland with framework for evaluating health intervention cost." PLOS ONE 16, no. 12 (December 7, 2021): e0260632. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0260632.

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Strategies adopted globally to mitigate the threat of COVID–19 have primarily involved lockdown measures with substantial economic and social costs with varying degrees of success. Morbidity patterns of COVID–19 variants have a strong association with age, while restrictive lockdown measures have association with negative mental health outcomes in some age groups. Reduced economic prospects may also afflict some age cohorts more than others. Motivated by this, we propose a model to describe COVID–19 community spread incorporating the role of age-specific social interactions. Through a flexible parameterisation of an age-structured deterministic Susceptible Exposed Infectious Removed (SEIR) model, we provide a means for characterising different forms of lockdown which may impact specific age groups differently. Social interactions are represented through age group to age group contact matrices, which can be trained using available data and are thus locally adapted. This framework is easy to interpret and suitable for describing counterfactual scenarios, which could assist policy makers with regard to minimising morbidity balanced with the costs of prospective suppression strategies. Our work originates from an Irish context and we use disease monitoring data from February 29th 2020 to January 31st 2021 gathered by Irish governmental agencies. We demonstrate how Irish lockdown scenarios can be constructed using the proposed model formulation and show results of retrospective fitting to incidence rates and forward planning with relevant “what if / instead of” lockdown counterfactuals. Uncertainty quantification for the predictive approaches is described. Our formulation is agnostic to a specific locale, in that lockdown strategies in other regions can be straightforwardly encoded using this model.

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Nolan, Ann, and John Walsh. "‘In what orbit we shall find ourselves, no one could predict’: institutional reform, the university merger and ecclesiastical influence on Irish higher education in the 1960s." Irish Historical Studies 41, no. 159 (May 2017): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2017.7.

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AbstractThis paper explores the persistence of ecclesiastical influence on higher education in Ireland during an era of far-reaching policy change in the 1960s. The extensive interaction between political and official elites and the Catholic bishops offers a fascinating insight into the complex and contested process of policy formulation during an era of transformation in higher education. This study offers a re-interpretation of Whyte’s thesis that the Irish bishops displayed a ‘new flexibility’ in their response to governmental policy initiatives during this period, especially the initiative for university merger launched by Donogh O’Malley in 1967. Catholic prelates, notably John Charles McQuaid, the influential archbishop of Dublin, were pursuing a traditional Catholic religious and socio-political agenda in higher education, which sought not so much to accommodate new official initiatives as to shape such reforms in the ideological direction favoured by the bishops. McQuaid in particular enjoyed exceptional access to policy-makers and was an indispensable partner in launching the initiative for the university merger. The eventual failure of the merger, which was influenced by the successful resistance of academic elites and the declining significance of religious divisions in higher education, underlined the limits of ecclesiastical power in a rapidly changing society.

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Whelan, Bernadette. "‘A real revolution’: Ireland and the Oxford Group/Moral Re-Armament movement, 1933–2001." Irish Historical Studies 45, no. 168 (November 2021): 262–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2021.55.

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AbstractDuring the twentieth century, Ireland, north and south, was infiltrated to varying degrees by a transnational quasi-religious and political movement, Moral Re-Armament (M.R.A.). From its founding in the early 1920s by an American evangelist and former Lutheran pastor, Frank Buchman, through the peak of moral revivalism in the 1930s, its Cold War work after 1945 and its reinvention as a secular, multi-faith, reconciliation organisation in the 1960s, this article examines M.R.A.'s structural and ideological origins and its evolution in Ireland, the U.S. and Britain. Based on primary source materials, it argues that Ireland, characterised by two ideologically narrow cultural and political monoliths, was not immune to external spiritual and quasi-political influences and that M.R.A.'s activities in Ireland confirm these distinctive religious and political cultures while also revealing similarities. Moreover, it reveals that non-governmental M.R.A. adherents were in advance of governments in their desire for peaceful solutions to the Irish partition issue and the Cold War more generally. The article, therefore, examines an international movement which had personal, national and global significance within the context of transnational religious, political and foreign policy studies as well as the national narratives of Northern Ireland and Ireland.

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McNally, Patrick. "Wood’s Halfpence, Carteret, and the government of Ireland, 1723–6." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 119 (May 1997): 354–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013195.

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The Wood’s Halfpence affair has long been recognised as one of the most serious disputes to have occurred between the Irish and British political establishments during the eighteenth century. There is no doubt that the conflict — caused by Irish resentment over the patent granted to William Wood to coin copper halfpence for Ireland — was one of the most serious ruptures in Anglo-Irish relations between the Williamite war and the ‘patriot’ campaign of the 1750s. The simple fact is that in 1723–4 the British administration was unable to implement its policy in Ireland. The Irish parliamentary managers declined to co-operate in the implementation of Wood’s patent, the Irish privy council failed to offer advice about how the conflict might be resolved, and the Irish lords justices refused to obey the positive orders of the British government.In the past historians have argued that, shocked by the demonstrable unreliability of its Irish servants during this episode, the British government adopted a systematic policy of appointing English officials to the highest offices of Irish state and church. The appointment of Hugh Boulter as primate of the Church of Ireland in 1724 and of Richard West as lord chancellor in 1725 seemed to support such an interpretation.

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Gibbons, Ivan. "The Irish Policy of the First Labour Government." Labour History Review 72, no. 2 (August 2007): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174581807x224597.

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Gadhra, Nollaig Ó. "Irish government policy and political development of the Gaeltacht." Language, Culture and Curriculum 1, no. 3 (January 1988): 251–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07908318809525044.

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Curran, Conor. "The Irish government and physical education in primary schools, 1922–37." Irish Historical Studies 45, no. 167 (May 2021): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2021.29.

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AbstractThis article examines the treatment of physical drill as a curricular subject in primary schools in the Irish Free State in the period from 1922 to 1937. In particular, it assesses the reasons why its status as an obligatory subject was reduced in the mid 1920s. It will show that the availability of facilities, resources and teaching staff with suitable qualifications were all considerations, while some teachers were not physically capable of teaching the subject in the early years of the Irish Free State. In addition, a strong emphasis on the Irish language and the view that a reduced curriculum was more beneficial to learning meant that some subjects, including physical drill, were deemed optional. However, the decision to reduce the subject's status had not been supported by everyone and it was mainly the Irish National Teachers’ Organisation which was behind the move. Following its reduction from an obligatory subject to an optional one as a result of a decision taken at the Second National Programme Conference in 1926, a lack of a clear policy on the subject became evident. By the early 1930s, the subject was receiving more attention from the Irish government, which made some efforts made to integrate the Czechoslovakian Sokol system into Irish schools. In examining conflicting views on how to implement the Sokol system, and the work of Lieutenant Joseph Tichy, the man recruited to develop it within the Irish army, this article also identifies the reasons why this method of physical training was not a success in Irish schools.

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Regan, John M. "The politics of reaction: the dynamics of treatyite government and policy, 1922–33." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 120 (November 1997): 542–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013444.

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On 3 July 1944 William T. Cosgrave, the former President of the Executive Council of the Irish Free State, wrote to his friend and former colleague, Professor Michael Hayes, reflecting on his life in politics. The occasion was Cosgrave’s retirement as leader of the Fine Gael party. I find this break a painful operation in many respects. Even were my physique equal to the Dáil and political work it seems this slip should have been inevitable ... But we must be candid — in the sphere that one considered the least important but which was the most important we failed — viz to retain popular support. It should not and I believe it is not beyond the capacity of able men to discover a way to the people’s confidence and having found it to keep it.The letter remains a lachrymose valediction to a political career which witnessed Cosgrave’s rise from Dublin municipal politics to the leadership of the first independent Irish government. Cosgrave presided over the first decade of independence. Governments under his leadership fought and won the Civil War which was waged against the implementation of the 1921 Anglo-Irish treaty. In the process they created a stable polity which integrated its internal opponents with remarkable success. Within nine years of defeating the anti-treaty forces in the Civil War Cosgrave’s last government was able to pass power peacefully to its former adversaries in the guise, by 1932, of the Fianna Fail party under the leadership of Eamon de Valera.

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White, Nina. "“Propaganda for peace”: a Gramscian reading of Irish and Spanish Civil War photography." Estudios Irlandeses, no. 16 (March 17, 2021): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24162/ei2021-10072.

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At the outset of the Spanish Civil War, Ireland’s ruling party were faced with the challenge of maintaining political hegemony. Revealing the old fault lines of the Irish Civil War, the opposition cast the government’s Non-intervention policy as pro-Communist and anti-Catholic; a refusal to support Spanish insurgents in what was perceived by the majority as their defence of the Catholic faith. Following McNally, this paper utilises Gramsci’s theory of hegemony to explore political equilibrium in the contexts of the Irish and Spanish conflicts. The notion of the “organic intellectual” enables a Gramscian reading of war photography, finding common visual language in the works of Robert Capa and W.D. Hogan as they contributed to national and transnational projects of hegemony. Through such a reading, the author finds cultural compatibility between the conflicts and casts the Irish revolutionary period in new international light.

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Stamp, Stuart. "The Impact of Debt Advice as a Response to Financial Difficulties in Ireland." Social Policy and Society 11, no. 1 (December 6, 2011): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746411000443.

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Irish social policy has, since the early 1990s, prioritised debt advice as the primary policy tool for addressing over-indebtedness, targeting low-income households in particular. This article, which draws on secondary analysis of datasets and qualitative interviews, suggests that ‘person-centred’ debt advice plays a major role in alleviating personal over-indebtedness and its effects among this group. However, the government's objective that it should facilitate financial independence is unrealistic. For such debt advice to be effective, complimentary legal and institutional solutions to debt problems are required in Ireland. The dearth of financial options and resources available also needs to be addressed.

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Jones, David Seth. "Divisions within the Irish Government Over Land-Distribution Policy, 1940–70." Éire-Ireland 36, no. 3-4 (2001): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.2001.0017.

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Meade, Rosie R. "The re-signification of state-funded community development in Ireland: A problem of austerity and neoliberal government." Critical Social Policy 38, no. 2 (March 30, 2017): 222–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317701611.

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This article analyses the changing rationalities and techniques through which the Irish state seeks to govern community development; specifically, how the displacement of its flagship Community Development Programme by the Social Inclusion and Community Activation Programme has been justified and operationalised. Adopting a governmentality perspective, it explains how community development came to be constructed as an anti-poverty strategy and why it should also be understood as a ‘technology of government’. This article argues that the changing governmentalities shaping Irish community development are reflected in a re-problematisation and re-signification of community development’s purposes, rationalities and sources of legitimacy. Under the cover of austerity’s manufactured public spending crisis and new forms of expertise, preoccupations with effectiveness, efficiency and international best practice have intensified, thus demonstrating ongoing incursions by neoliberal ideas and practices in Irish Social Policy.

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Walter, Katharina. "Irish Government Policy and public opinion towards German-speaking refugees, 1933–1943." Irish Studies Review 26, no. 4 (September 7, 2018): 583–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2018.1518305.

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Loyal, Steven, and Ciarán Staunton. "The Dynamics of Political Economy in Ireland: The Case of Asylum Seekers and the Right to Work." Irish Journal of Sociology 10, no. 2 (November 2001): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350101000203.

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This paper is partly the outcome of research that was conducted on behalf of the Irish Refugee Council between January and July 2000.' The research was prompted by the Irish Government's decision to allow the right to work to asylum seekers who had made their applications for asylum in Ireland 12 months prior to 27 July 1999. It incorporated both qualitative and quantitative techniques and included a sample of 37 asylum seekers who had received the right to work. Due to in-built research requirements, the research report focused entirely upon concrete social policy recommendations towards creating a viable, democratic, rights-based and equality focused environment within which to address the employment and social needs of Asylum Seekers. Sociopolitical analysis was therefore not the primary focus of the research. However, a re-evaluation of the findings allowed such sociopolitical themes to be subsequently explored in this article.

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Jones, Valerie. "Government policy, the church of Ireland and the teaching of Irish 1940–1950." Irish Educational Studies 10, no. 1 (March 1991): 177–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0332331910100118.

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Turley, Gerard, Stephen McNena, and Geraldine Robbins. "Austerity and Irish local government expenditure since the Great Recession." Administration 66, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2018-0030.

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Abstract This paper sets out to establish the extent of austerity in the Irish local government system during and after the Great Recession. Austerity is measured by the adjusted change in local government expenditure from peak to trough years, and is analysed by type of expenditure, service division and local authority. Stripping out the change in local government current spending that is due to expenditure reassignments reveals that the austerity-related reduction in local government operating expenditure is not as large as often portrayed. As for other findings, there are sizeable differences across the aforementioned classifications, with, most notably, capital expenditure cuts far exceeding cuts in current expenditure. The largest decreases in total spending were on roads and housing services, and small rural county councils endured the most austerity, as measured by the initial reductions in current expenditure. In terms of policy implications, the biggest concern is the large infrastructural deficit that needs to be tackled, arising from austerity cuts in capital expenditure imposed at both central and local government level. As the economy recovers from the Great Recession and the subsequent era of austerity, failure to address this problem will hinder Ireland’s international competitiveness, constrain the economy’s future growth rate and result in impoverishment of public services at local level.

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Bell, David, David Eiser, and David Phillips. "STRESS TESTING THE FISCAL FRAMEWORK." National Institute Economic Review 260 (2022): 64–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nie.2022.20.

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AbstractThe part of the UK fiscal framework which determines how UK government funding is allocated across the four home nations has undergone profound change since 2012, given tax and social security devolution. The UK government’s post-Brexit plans for regional development funding, state aid, regulation and trade negotiations have led to significant disagreements about the nature of the devolved fiscal and constitutional settlement. And the COVID-19 pandemic provided a major shock to a fiscal system with limited flexibility for the Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish devolved governments. This paper reviews the changes and challenges faced during these reforms and policy shocks. We find that: tensions about reforms to funding arrangements reflect the inconsistency of principles guiding the reforms; that the UK government’s post-Brexit plans do reduce the policy autonomy of the devolved governments, but reflect powers central governments often have in even highly decentralised countries; and that temporary changes to rules and the nature of the COVID-19 pandemic prevented a subnational fiscal crisis, but that more systematic change may make the system more robust to future shocks. This suggests that a review of the principles underpinning the UK’s subnational fiscal and economic policies would be highly worthwhile.

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McCavitt, John. "Lord Deputy Chichester and the English Government’s ‘Mandates Policy’ in Ireland, 1605–1607." Recusant History 20, no. 3 (May 1991): 320–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005446.

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One of the liveliest debates in recent early modern Irish historiography has concerned the ‘failure’ of the Reformation in Ireland and when this occurred. Originally Professor Canny took issue with Dr. Brendan Bradshaw on this topic. Canny rejected Bradshaw’s thesis that the Reformation had failed in Ireland by 1558 and argued that counter-reformation catholicism only triumphed in the nineteenth century. Other contributions were then made to the debate by Dr. Alan Ford and later Karl Bottigheimer. Ford considered the 1590–1641 period as crucial, while Bottigheimer favoured the early seventeenth century as the key era. In the light of the work of Ford and Bottigheimer, Canny reconsidered the issue in an article published in 1986. He rejected what he believed to be Ford’s overly-pessimistic assessment that the Church of Ireland clergy soon despaired of the Reformation’s success in the seventeenth century. Instead, it is contended, Protestant clergy and laymen alike were optimistic that penal prosecution might still pave the way for considerable advances at this time. Moreover, Canny further argued that Ford was ‘mistaken in treating the clergy as an autonomous group and mistaken also in allowing excessive influence to ideology as the determinant of policy’.

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Duggan, A., N. Murray, S. Buckley, and G. Lalevic. "Substance use amongst adult patients admitted to an irish acute mental health unit." European Psychiatry 64, S1 (April 2021): S566. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/j.eurpsy.2021.1510.

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IntroductionComorbid substance misuse in mental illness presents a significant challenge to mental health services. It may lead to higher rates of relapse, hospital admissions and poorer treatment outcomes. Up to 47% of inpatients in Irish mental health units may experience substance misuse. Despite the Irish government’s ‘Vision for Change’ policy (2006), access to specialised services remains variable.ObjectivesEvaluate: -prevalence of substance misuse at an Irish mental health unit. -quality and detail of the recorded substance misuse history. -access to specialised services for patients experiencing substance misuse.MethodsA retrospective chart review of inpatients in a mental health unit over 12 months, was completed. Information recorded included: demographic details, diagnosis, substance use history; access to substance misuse services. Microsoft Excel was utilised for data input and analysis.Results267 patients were admitted over twelve months. Substance misuse was the primary diagnosis of 6% and the secondary diagnosis of 67%. 46% of patients reported current substance misuse, 52% reported historical substance misuse. Frequency and quantity of use was documented in 65% and 48% of cases respectively. 4% of patients with a substance misuse history were in current contact with addiction services.ConclusionsAlthough 46% of patients reported substance misuse, only 4% were in contact with specialised addiction services. This highlights a significant unmet need. There was variability in the quality of the recorded substance misuse history. In order to fully understand comorbid substance misuse, this be addressed. The addition of a more formatted substance misuse section, to admission proformas, may help to alleviate this issue.

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O’DRISCOLL, Mervyn. "“It’s the economy, stupid”: Changing Irish minds on the Lisbon Treaty." Journal of European Integration History 28, no. 1 (2022): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2022-1-123.

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Ireland was Europeanised as part of a pragmatic top-down policy of modernisation. The national bargain with regional integration was built on soft Europeanism and rudimentary knowledge about the “ever closer union”. By the 21st century the vir‐ tuous Irish-EU narrative was weakening. Multiple domestic factors contributed. They included political fragmentation, affluence, and constitutional constrictions on the government’s conduct during referendum campaigns. Complacency, dis‐ traction, and an energetic single-issue party (Libertas) were some of the immediate causes of the defeat of Lisbon in 2008. The legitimacy of the first Lisbon referen‐ dum was undercut in an extended post-mortem that laid bare the electorate’s lack of knowledge. The negotiation of guarantees to ameliorate concerns about some national sacred cows and clarify misapprehensions played a crucial part in the ap‐ proach to the second referendum. However, the Global Financial Crisis was paramount. It invigorated the conventional narrative that full EU membership was axiomatic to Ireland’s continued economic and fiscal health.

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O'Sullivan, Kevin. "Biafra to Lomé: The Evolution of Irish Government Policy on Official Development Assistance, 1969-75." Irish Studies in International Affairs 18, no. 1 (2007): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2007.0008.

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O'Sullivan, Kevin. "Biafra to Lomé: the Evolution of Irish Government Policy on Official Development Assistance, 1969–75." Irish Studies in International Affairs 18, no. -1 (January 1, 2007): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2007.18.91.

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READ, CHARLES. "THE ‘REPEAL YEAR’ IN IRELAND: AN ECONOMIC REASSESSMENT." Historical Journal 58, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000168.

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AbstractMost of the existing literature on the ‘Repeal Year’ agitation in Ireland explains the rise in popularity of the 1842–3 campaign for repeal of the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland in political and religious terms. This article argues that, in addition, the British government's economic policy of reducing tariffs in 1842 damaged Ireland's agricultural economy and increased popular support for the Repeal movement. Using both qualitative and quantitative analysis, this article shows that the tariff reductions and import relaxations of the 1842 budget had an immediate negative impact on Irish real incomes by reducing agricultural prices. A negative relationship between these prices and the Repeal rent, together with the economic rhetoric of Repeal in favour of protection, indicate a link between the economic downturn and the rise in the popularity of Repeal. This article concludes that Peel's trade policy changes of 1842 should therefore be added to the traditional religious and political explanations as a cause behind the sudden surge in popularity of the Repeal movement between 1842 and 1843.

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Adshead, Maura, and Brid Quinn. "THE MOVE FROM GOVERNMENT TO GOVERNANCE: Irish development policy's paradigm shift." Policy & Politics 26, no. 2 (April 1, 1998): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557398782025682.

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Powell, John, and Pádraic Kennedy. "XLVIII: Lord Kimberley and the foundation of Liberal Irish policy: annotations to George Sigerson’s Modern Ireland: its vital questions, secret societies, and government (1868)." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 121 (May 1998): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013717.

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Late in 1868 the Dublin doctor, author and nationalist George Sigerson (c. 1836–1925) published, under the title Modern Ireland, a collection of widely quoted articles he had written for the Daily Chronicle during the previous year. Among the bewildering flood of Irish commentary on British rule, his was notable for its clear exposition and its moderate tone. From the perspective of the Liberal Party, on the verge of being returned to office, Sigerson’s observations were valuable in representing the views of a moderate, middle-class Irish element which might co-operate in implementing a liberal policy acceptable to all parties in both England and Ireland. His credentials as a nationalist were impeccable, yet he had not been seduced by the Fenian inclination towards violence. The book prompted modest praise from critics and enjoyed a reasonable success in the book trade, going through several printings and two editions. One man who read the first edition was John Wodehouse, first earl of Kimberley (1826–1902), the immediate past viceroy of Ireland, who annotated profusely as he read. His notes are unusual in that they are extensive (52 of 393 pages were annotated), spread throughout the text, and generally lengthy (averaging twenty words per annotated page). A few involve the kinds of ethnically disparaging remarks to which he was prone. However, the majority deal with substantive issues with which Kimberley as viceroy had had to deal (Fenianism and land improvement) or would be dealing later that year as part of Gladstone’s first government (disestablishment and land reform).

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Donoghue, Stephen, and Claire-Michelle Smyth. "Abortion for Foetal Abnormalities in Ireland; The Limited Scope of the Irish Government’s Response to the A, B and C Judgment." European Journal of Health Law 20, no. 2 (2013): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718093-12341260.

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Abstract Abortion has been a controversial topic in Irish law and one which the Government has been forced to address following the decision of the European Court of Human Rights in A, B and C v. Ireland. The Working Group established to make recommendations have specifically been instructed to deal only with the issues raised in the A, B and C judgment and legislate on the basic of the ‘X case’. This restricted approach calls for legalisation of abortion only where the life of the mother is at risk, a position unique only to Ireland and Andorra within Europe. The vast majority of member states to the European Convention on Human Rights allow for legal abortion on the basis of foetal abnormality and with this emerging consensus the margin of appreciation hitherto afforded by the European Court to member states is diminishing. The advancement and availability of non-invasive genetic tests that can determine foetal abnormalities together with the ruling in R. R. v. Poland leaves Ireland in a precarious position for omitting any reference to foetal abnormalities in any proposed legislation.

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Roney, John B. "[Mis-]managing Fisheries on the West Coast of Ireland in the Nineteenth Century." Humanities 8, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8010004.

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This study focuses on the cultural heritage of artisan coastal fishing in the west of Ireland in the 19th century. The town and port of Dingle, County Kerry, offers an important case study on the progress of local development and changing British policies. While there was clearly an abundance of fish, the poverty and the lack of capital for improvements in ports, vessels, gear, education, and transportation, left the fishing industry underdeveloped until well after the 1890s. In addition, a growing rift developed between the traditional farmer-fishermen and the new middle-class capitalist companies. After several royal commissions examined the fishing industry, the leading ichthyologists of the day concluded that an abundance of fish could be taken without fear of overfishing. The utilitarian economic principle became dominant, changing the previous non-interventionist policies. In the end, there was little concern for sustainability. The mismanagement of commercial fishing in the west of Ireland stemmed from a series of factors, including the increasing need for protein in Britain, technological developments that allowed greater fish catch, and the Conservative government’s political policy of ‘constructive unionism’ that attempted to develop the Irish economy to preserve the kingdom.

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Murphy, Richard. "Walter Long and the making of the Government of Ireland Act, 1919–20." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 97 (May 1986): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025359.

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From the autumn of 1918 until late in 1919 home rule was dead as a practical issue in British politics, and the government concerned itself with the administration in Ireland and the means by which republican violence might be stamped out. During the spring and summer of 1918 Lloyd George had attempted to follow what he called the ‘dual policy’ — home rule in return for military compulsion — and a cabinet committee, under the chairmanship of Walter Long, had drafted a home-rule bill which, in view of the deteriorating situation in Ireland, the cabinet had refused to take up. This bill had foreshadowed the basic outlines of the settlement which was to be embodied in the Government of Ireland Act more than two years later Despite the considerable historical attention given to Anglo-Irish affairs in the period 1918-22 comparatively little attention has been paid to the making of the Government of Ireland Act, though it was this piece of legislation which laid the basis for partition. The act is something of an historical aberration in that its application within nationalist Ireland was superseded within less than a year of reaching the statute book, for the treaty of 6 December 1921 effectively repealed it by granting full dominion status.

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Foley, Simon. "‘Their families or the disability services will take care of them’: the invisible homeless and how Irish government policy is designed not to help them." Disability & Society 29, no. 4 (November 29, 2013): 556–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2013.831750.

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Prince, Michael J. "The Past is Not Passé, The Struggles Never Over: Contemporary Lessons of Economic Problems, Resistance Politics and Social Programmes in CanadaUnwilling Idlers: The Urban Unemployed and Their Families in Victorian Canada. Peter Baskerviile and Eric W. Sager. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998.Planners and Politicians: Liberal Politics and Social Policy, 1957-1968. P.E. Bryden. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1997.The Vertical Mosaic Revisited. Eds. Rick Helmes-Hayes and James Curtis. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998,Lone Parent Incomes and Social Policy Outcomes: Canada in International Perspective. Terrance Hunsley. Kingston: School of Policy Studies, Queen’s University, 1997.Promised Land: Inside the Mike Harris Revolution. John Ibbitson. Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1997.Patrick Lenihan: From Irish Rebel to Founder of Canadian Public Sector Unionism. Ed. Gilbert Levine. St.John's: Canadian Committee on Labour History, 1998.Foisted upon the Government? State Responsibilities, Family Obligations, and the Care of the Dependent Aged in Late Nineteenth-Century Ontario. Edgar-André Montigny. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1997.Open for Business, Closed to People: Mike Harris's Ontario. Eds. Diana S. Ralph, André Régimald and Nérée St-Armand. Halifax: Fernwood Publishing, 1997." Journal of Canadian Studies 35, no. 3 (August 2000): 280–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.35.3.280.

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Ó. Rálaigh, Chris, and Sarah Morton. "“We don’t have any answers within the current framework”: tensions within cannabis policy change in Ireland." Drugs and Alcohol Today, October 4, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/dat-10-2020-0064.

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Purpose International policy approaches to cannabis production and use are changing rapidly, and within the Irish context, alternatives to prohibition are being considered. This study aims to explore policymaker’s attitudes towards the decriminalisation and legal regulation of cannabis for recreational use in the midst of an unfolding policy process, examining the degree which a “policy window” might be open for the implementation of cannabis policy change. Design/methodology/approach Semi-structured interviews were held with eight key informants within the policy field in Dublin, Ireland. Kingdon’s (2014) Multiple Streams framework was used to consider whether the problems, policy and political streams were aligning to support progressive policy change. Findings Irish policymakers indicated broad support for the decriminalisation of cannabis. The legal regulation of cannabis received more qualified support. Existing policy was heavily criticised with criminalisation identified as a clear failure. Of particular interest was the willingness of policymakers to offer opinions which contrasted with the policy positions of their organisations. While a policy window did open – and close – subsequent governmental commitments to examine the issue of drugs policy in a more deliberative process in the near future highlight the incremental nature of policy change. Originality/value This study provides unique insight into the opinions of policymakers in the midst of a prolonged period of policy evolution. A latent aspiration for historical policy change was situated within the realpolitik of more traditional approaches to policy development, demonstrating that the alignment of Kingdon’s (2014) problem, policy and political streams are essential for change in cannabis policy.

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Sharp, Melissa K., Zoë Forde, Cordelia McGeown, Eamon O’Murchu, Susan M. Smith, Michelle O’Neill, Máirín Ryanb, and Barbara Clyne. "Irish Media Coverage of COVID-19 Evidence-Based Research Reports From One National Agency." International Journal of Health Policy and Management, December 13, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/ijhpm.2021.169.

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Background: How research findings are presented through domestic news can influence behaviour and risk perceptions, particularly during emergencies such as the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. Monitoring media communications to track misinformation and find information gaps is an important component of emergency risk communication. Therefore, this study investigated the traditional media coverage of nine selected COVID-19 evidence-based research reports and associated press releases (PRs) published during the initial phases of the pandemic (April to July 2020) by one national agency. Methods: NVivo was used for summative content analysis. ‘Key messages’ from each research report were proposed and 488 broadcast, print, and online media sources were coded at the phrase level. Manifest content was coded and counted to locate patterns in the data (what and how many) while latent content was analysed to further investigate these patterns (why and how). This included the coding of the presence of political and public health actors in coverage. Results: Coverage largely did not misrepresent the results of the reports, however, selective reporting and the variability in the use of quotes from governmental and public health stakeholders changed and contextualised results in different manners than perhaps originally intended in the PR. Reports received varying levels of media attention. Coverage focused on more ‘human-interest’ stories (eg, spread of COVID-19 by children and excess mortality) as opposed to more technical reports (eg, focusing on viral load, antibodies, testing, etc). Conclusion: Our findings provide a case-study of European media coverage of evidence reports produced by a national agency. Results highlighted several strengths and weaknesses of current communication efforts.

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Garvey, Maureen. "Neoliberalism and public library policy in Ireland, 1998–2011: From the first government policy document to the first general election after the Great Recession." IFLA Journal, January 19, 2021, 034003522098335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0340035220983354.

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This article discusses the influence of neoliberal ideology on public libraries in Ireland, from the first government policy document published in 1998 to the first election after the recession in 2011. The context of the rise in importance of the idea of information and the parallel acceptance of the principles of the free market for providing public services are examined. The Irish government policy documents from the period are analyzed. A critical awareness of these changes is needed in the library and information science field to recognize and oppose policies that are detrimental to the public provision of a library service.

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Tonra, Ben. "Democratic Oversight Over the Irish Government in the Field of the Common Foreign and Security Policy." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1484770.

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"‘Fighting one's own friends is hateful work’: Coalition troubles, January – October 1922." Camden Fifth Series 5 (July 1995): 173–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960116300000646.

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In the aftermath of the 1918 election Law believed ‘Lloyd George can be Prime Minister for life if he wants’. In the event, the government survived only four turbulent years. Although 1922 was to be a critical year for the Coalition, the year began auspiciously. For all the problems during 1921, by December the fortunes and confidence of the coalition leadership were greater than for some time. A week after signing the Irish Treaty, the government claimed something of a diplomatic triumph with the four-power treaty in Washington covering Pacific and Far Eastern questions. Thereafter progress was also swiftly made with regard to naval disarmament (finally signed on 6 February 1922). Two days after the Pacific agreement, the Commons debate on the Irish Treaty provided the government with its first notable parliamentary success for some months. For the moment even Law broke the ominous silence he had maintained throughout the negotiations to declare his approval. While in the longer term the Irish Treaty was to prove both ‘Lloyd George's greatest achievement, but … also the greatest single cause of his overthrow’, in December 1921 it had undoubtedly restored the government's fortunes and renewed its sense of policy direction. Moreover, although relations with France had been gravely aggravated by the unilateral Angora agreement with the Turks in November 1921 and even more by French obstructionism at Washington, even Anglo-French relations provided some substance for hope. The ‘conversations’ with Briand in London from 18–22 December thus set in motion a process which led, via Cannes and Genoa, to an attempt to resolve Anglo-French differences over German reparations. With Ireland settled, Washington still hailed a triumph and plans already in progress for a conference offering the prospect of European peace and the restoration of prosperity, the scene was set for an attempt to engineer indirectly that which could not be achieved by direct calls for ‘fusion’. Encouraged by McCurdy's grossly over-optimistic assessments of the prospects, some time before Christmas Lloyd George decided that circumstances were propitious for another coalition election. At a dinner held by Birkenhead after the Irish Treaty debate, the subject was discussed for the first time by the Coalition leaders.

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"8.K. Workshop: Communication and adherence to public health measures in response to Covid-19 in Ireland." European Journal of Public Health 31, Supplement_3 (October 1, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/eurpub/ckab164.583.

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Abstract Rationale and objectives Governments across the world have implemented unprecedented public health measures to control the spread of the Covid-19 virus. Three research teams from Ireland, based in Trinity College Dublin (TCD), National University of Ireland, Galway (NUIG), and University College Cork, (UCC) were funded by the Health Research Board and the Irish Research Council to conduct research that would inform policy and practice in relation to the pandemic. The objective of this workshop is to present policy-relevant findings on the communication of public health measures on Covid-19 and factors associated with adherence to Covid-19 guidelines and regulations (e.g., hand washing, social distancing, travel restrictions and mask-wearing), drawing on the outputs from large scale, nationally representative quantitative surveys, a qualitative interview study, and a content analysis of COVID-19 poster communications. Workshop- added value The workshop will involve contributions from public health and behavioural scientists. It will provide a comprehensive overview of sociodemographic and psychosocial factors associated with adherence to public health guidelines and regulations on Covid-19 and of the extent to which the Irish Government's communication strategy adequately addressed these issues. Coherence between the presentations All of the research to be presented was conducted during the early phase of the pandemic response in Ireland. The TCD team will present findings from cross-sectional weekly telephone surveys of adults resident on the island of Ireland (75:25 split between ROI & NI), conducted over eight weeks. A range of factors associated with adherence to national guidelines on handwashing and social distancing will be addressed, including socioeconomic status, threat perceptions, fear of COVID-19, response efficacy and self-efficacy, response cost and social norms, mood, loneliness, and self-reported health. The NUIG team aimed to identify psychosocial determinants of adherence to physical distancing and to determine whether Government of Ireland COVID-19 communications adequately address the determinants. The findings to be presented will draw on a nationally representative cross-sectional survey as part of the International COVID-19 Awareness and Responses Evaluation (iCARE) study, a qualitative interview study, and a content analysis of COVID-19 poster communications. The UCC team will present the findings from a series of four large, nationally representative cross-sectional telephone surveys, focused on the level of adherence and major socio-demographical determinants of adherence to travel restrictions and wearing of face coverings during the early phase of the pandemic response in Ireland. All presenters will reflect on the challenges of conducting applied research during a rapidly changing international crisis. Key messages Adherence to the public health measures was high overall, but with significant variation among sociodemographic groups and different factors influencing adherence to the different measures. Government communications to promote physical distancing could be refined to better address key barriers and facilitators of this behaviour.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Irish governmental policy'

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