Academic literature on the topic 'Irish governmental policy'
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Journal articles on the topic "Irish governmental policy"
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Kiely, Elizabeth, and Rosie Meade. "Contemporary Irish youth work policy and practice: A Governmental analysis." Child & Youth Services 39, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0145935x.2018.1426453.
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Shepard, Christopher. "A liberalisation of Irish social policy? Women’s organisations and the campaign for women police in Ireland, 1915–57." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 144 (November 2009): 564–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400005885.
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For much of the twentieth century, Ireland was quite unusual in comparison with other western European nations in its exclusion of women from policing. By the time women were allowed to join the national police force, the Garda Síochána, in 1957, women were already established in the police forces of Britain, Germany and France, as well as that of Northern Ireland. Further afield, women were already employed in police forces in Poland, New Zealand and the U.S. The appointment of women police was a major demand of feminists, moral campaigners and social reformers during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, all of whom sought better protections for women. As in the U.K., U.S. and many European countries, women’s organisations in the Irish Free State were to the forefront of the debate over the need for women police. Beginning with the Irish Women’s Suffrage and Local Government Association (I.W.S.L.G.A.) in 1915, women’s organisations such as the National Council of Women, Joint Committee of Women’s Societies and Social Workers (J.C.W.S.S.W.), and the Catholic Women’s Federation campaigned relentlessly for nearly half a century in the face of governmental indifference and obstruction. When the first class of ‘experimental’ women police emerged in 1958 from the Garda training college in Templemore, County Tipperary, women’s organisations hailed it as a victory.
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Speed, Ewen. "Irish Mental Health Social Movements: A Consideration of Movement Habitus." Irish Journal of Sociology 11, no. 1 (May 2002): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350201100104.
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There has been a lack of any concerted mental health service users‘ movement within the Republic of Ireland. Mental health service users’ movements elsewhere have a marked orientation towards strategies of empowerment and the provision of peer advocacy and support for mental health service users. Two potential user habituses (drawn from the literature) are expounded and discussed, in a context of transformations they have effected in the mental health field. Through an analysis of Department of Health and Children literature and literature offered by mental health service user groups (such as Schizophrenia Ireland and AWARE) service user habitus in Ireland are delineated and explored. A comparison between the habitus drawn from international literature and the Irish literature illustrates that the dominant Irish mental health social movement habitus is a consumer habitus. This analysis demonstrates that Irish governmental psychiatric policy is driven by a consumer model that in turn is adopted by mental health social movement organisations, resulting in a dominant consumer habitus.
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Twomey, C., M. Byrne, and P. McHugh. "‘Show me the money’: improving the economic evaluation of mental health services." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 30, no. 3 (August 14, 2013): 163–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipm.2013.41.
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BackgroundCompared with the United Kingdom, mental health services in Ireland are under-funded and under-developed. This may be partly due to the neglect of economic analyses concerning mental health services in Ireland, as few policy makers would invest in the sector without evidence that such investment represents ‘value-for-money’ economically.AimThe aim of this paper is to highlight how mental health services can conduct economic service evaluations that ultimately will drive the policy-making agenda and future governmental investment.MethodsA guide to the economic evaluation of mental health services, based on a narrative review of relevant policy documents and papers, in an Irish context.ResultsThree types of economic analyses that can be undertaken within mental health services are outlined: (a) cost-benefit analysis, (b) cost-utility analysis and (c) cost-minimisation analysis. In addition, a newly formulated questionnaire (i.e. the ‘EcoPsy 12’) is presented.ConclusionsEconomic evaluations of mental health services can provide re-assurances to policy-makers that (much-needed) investment in such services is economically viable.
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Doustaly, Cécile, and Vishalakshi Roy. "A Comparative Analysis of the Economic Sustainability of Cultural Work in the UK since the COVID-19 Pandemic and Examination of Universal Basic Income as a Solution for Cultural Workers." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 15, no. 5 (April 21, 2022): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm15050196.
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The COVID-19 pandemic and related lockdowns across the world have greatly affected an already vulnerable cultural economy and the structural precarity of many cultural workers. After documenting the impacts of the pandemic in the cultural sector and the effectiveness of governmental responses in the UK and in Europe, the article focuses on the visual arts and explores calls for reforms of the cultural economy. While the UK government’s recovery plan went against the country’s cultural policy tradition due to the plan’s interventionist and financially generous nature, it disproportionally benefitted organisations rather than individuals working in the sector, especially in England. The study, conducted on visual arts workers in the UK, shows that many were unable to access these financial recovery schemes and fell through the cracks of the complex criteria set for these funds. This article informs the current debate on measures that are potentially more economically sustainable and wellbeing protective than those currently in place for cultural workers, such as Universal Basic Income. Its applicability is explored with reference to the historic French and recent Irish examples.
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Twomey, C., M. Byrne, and T. Leahy. "Steps towards effective teamworking in Community Mental Health Teams." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 31, no. 1 (December 5, 2013): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipm.2013.62.
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ObjectivesThis paper aims to show how effective teamworking can be achieved in Community Mental Health Teams (CMHTs), in the context of recovery-focused care.MethodsA narrative review of various governmental policy documents and selected papers relevant to teamworking and recovery-focused care within mental health services, in an Irish context.FindingsEffective teamworking within CMHTs is a prerequisite to the provision of quality, recovery-focused care. It requires the management of various environmental (e.g. adopting a ‘recovery’ model of mental health), structural (e.g. sharing of responsibilities and capabilities) and process (e.g. utilising a clear referral pathway) factors that influence teamworking, as CMHTs develop over time.ConclusionsCompletion by CMHT members of teamworking and other evaluative measures can assist teams in highlighting potential interventions that may improve recovery-focused team functioning and effectiveness.
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Hochschild, Jennifer, and Vesla Mae Weaver. "“There's No One as Irish as Barack O'Bama”: The Policy and Politics of American Multiracialism." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (August 23, 2010): 737–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710002057.
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For the first time in American history, the 2000 United States census allowed individuals to choose more than one race. That new policy sets up our exploration of whether and how multiracialism is entering Americans' understanding and practice of race. By analyzing briefly earlier cases of racial construction, we uncover three factors important to understanding if and how intensely a feedback effect for racial classification will be generated. Using this framework, we find that multiracialism has been institutionalized in the federal government, and is moving toward institutionalization in the private sector and other governmental units. In addition, the small proportion of Americans who now define themselves as multiracial is growing absolutely and relatively, and evidence suggests a continued rise. Increasing multiracial identification is made more likely by racial mixture's growing prominence in American society—demographically, culturally, economically, and psychologically. However, the politics side of the feedback loop is complicated by the fact that identification is not identity. Traditional racial or ethnic loyalties and understandings remain strong, including among potential multiracial identifiers. Therefore, if mixed-race identification is to evolve into a multiracial identity, it may not be at the expense of existing group consciousness. Instead, we expect mixed-race identity to be contextual, fluid, and additive, so that it can be layered onto rather than substituted for traditional monoracial commitments. If the multiracial movement successfully challenges the longstanding understanding and practice of “one drop of blood” racial groups, it has the potential to change much of the politics and policy of American race relations.
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Newman, Daniel Aureliano. "Your body is our black box: Narrating nations in second-person fiction by Edna O’Brien and Jennifer Egan." Frontiers of Narrative Studies 4, no. 1 (June 28, 2018): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fns-2018-0004.
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AbstractFor a century, the disorienting effects of second-person narration have seemed peculiarly well suited to representing the experiential confusions and political contradictions of inhabiting a female body in times of national crisis. This essay examines such effects in Edna O’Brien’s A pagan place and Jennifer Egan’s “Black box,” very different narratives that similarly exploit the deictic and ontological uncertainties of second-person address. Second person in O’Brien’s novel participates in its depiction of a sexually naïve rural Irish girl confronting the conflicting pressures of enforced chastity and reproductive futurism in the name of the Irish State. Emphasis is placed on the narrative’s unusual use of past-tense second-person narration and its intriguing overlap with O’Brien’s nonfictional writings. In Egan’s story, the protean and multivocal second person suggests a sinister fusion of individual and governmental agency, effected through the protagonist’s cybernetically-enhanced body. The result is a deceptively simple critique of post-9/11 American foreign policy as an extension of paternalism and patriarchy in the domestic sphere. The patterns investigated in this paper shed light on other recent uses of the second person in other experimental narratives concerned with identity, self-formation among disenfranchised individuals, and resistance to political and cultural oppression.
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Jaouimaa, Fatima-Zahra, Daniel Dempsey, Suzanne Van Osch, Stephen Kinsella, Kevin Burke, Jason Wyse, and James Sweeney. "An age-structured SEIR model for COVID-19 incidence in Dublin, Ireland with framework for evaluating health intervention cost." PLOS ONE 16, no. 12 (December 7, 2021): e0260632. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0260632.
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Strategies adopted globally to mitigate the threat of COVID–19 have primarily involved lockdown measures with substantial economic and social costs with varying degrees of success. Morbidity patterns of COVID–19 variants have a strong association with age, while restrictive lockdown measures have association with negative mental health outcomes in some age groups. Reduced economic prospects may also afflict some age cohorts more than others. Motivated by this, we propose a model to describe COVID–19 community spread incorporating the role of age-specific social interactions. Through a flexible parameterisation of an age-structured deterministic Susceptible Exposed Infectious Removed (SEIR) model, we provide a means for characterising different forms of lockdown which may impact specific age groups differently. Social interactions are represented through age group to age group contact matrices, which can be trained using available data and are thus locally adapted. This framework is easy to interpret and suitable for describing counterfactual scenarios, which could assist policy makers with regard to minimising morbidity balanced with the costs of prospective suppression strategies. Our work originates from an Irish context and we use disease monitoring data from February 29th 2020 to January 31st 2021 gathered by Irish governmental agencies. We demonstrate how Irish lockdown scenarios can be constructed using the proposed model formulation and show results of retrospective fitting to incidence rates and forward planning with relevant “what if / instead of” lockdown counterfactuals. Uncertainty quantification for the predictive approaches is described. Our formulation is agnostic to a specific locale, in that lockdown strategies in other regions can be straightforwardly encoded using this model.
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Nolan, Ann, and John Walsh. "‘In what orbit we shall find ourselves, no one could predict’: institutional reform, the university merger and ecclesiastical influence on Irish higher education in the 1960s." Irish Historical Studies 41, no. 159 (May 2017): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2017.7.
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AbstractThis paper explores the persistence of ecclesiastical influence on higher education in Ireland during an era of far-reaching policy change in the 1960s. The extensive interaction between political and official elites and the Catholic bishops offers a fascinating insight into the complex and contested process of policy formulation during an era of transformation in higher education. This study offers a re-interpretation of Whyte’s thesis that the Irish bishops displayed a ‘new flexibility’ in their response to governmental policy initiatives during this period, especially the initiative for university merger launched by Donogh O’Malley in 1967. Catholic prelates, notably John Charles McQuaid, the influential archbishop of Dublin, were pursuing a traditional Catholic religious and socio-political agenda in higher education, which sought not so much to accommodate new official initiatives as to shape such reforms in the ideological direction favoured by the bishops. McQuaid in particular enjoyed exceptional access to policy-makers and was an indispensable partner in launching the initiative for the university merger. The eventual failure of the merger, which was influenced by the successful resistance of academic elites and the declining significance of religious divisions in higher education, underlined the limits of ecclesiastical power in a rapidly changing society.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Irish governmental policy"
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Mulroe, Patrick. "Irish government security policy along the border 1969-1978." Thesis, Ulster University, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.685441.
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This research examines the role played by Irish security forces along the border with Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1978. Security policy posed particular problems for the southern state. By cooperating with the RUC and British Army against republicans, there was a risk of re-igniting latent republican sentiment in a state with a nationalist ethos at its core. Meanwhile, the IRA had the expressed aim of taking over the southern state and in many ways presented as great a threat to the southern state as it did to Northern Ireland. The implications of this dilemma are central to the study. There has been consistent criticism of the Irish security response to violence during this period from the media, British security sources and political figures. This remains one of the least researched 'legacy' issues associated with the troubles which this thesis now addresses. Using sources from official archives in Dublin and London, newspaper archives, the reports of official inquiries as well as other published sources the thesis reveals some significant findings. First, the notion that all cross border violence resulted from lax security south of the border is erroneous. Second, considerable new information on cross border security cooperation emerges from the archives, showing that cooperation was better in some parts of the border than others. There is evidence of discrete unofficial cooperation taking place in some areas but not in others. Third, archive material supports the view that successive Irish governments privately favoured such discrete cooperation. FOUlth, there was considerable animosity between republican groups and the Irish security forces. However, action against republicans was not necessarily accompanied by security cooperation with UK forces. Overt cooperation with British security forces risked destabilising the southern state. Chapters follow a consistent pattern of evidence and are structured according to a strict template. They examine first, the nature of political relations within the Republic of Ireland and with its neighbour; second, the state of the Irish security forces; and third, the general security situation along the border. By examining the political background the thesis demonstrates that the Irish state was essentially "weak" in socio political terms and placed primary emphasis on domestic security. The state was also weak in material terms with the Gardai and Irish Army both poorly organised and equipped. The security forces were, therefore, primarily tasked with ensuring domestic stability and this meant the focus of their actions was on combating the republican threat. Other threats, notably from loyalists, were downplayed. In border areas at stages during the early 1970s, the thesis confirms that republican sentiment was strong and it is shown that this created considerable friction with the Irish security forces. Levels of violence were also high along the border with significant numbers of casualties. This violence emphasised to decision makers in Dublin that there was a possibility of conflict spreading southward. Contrary to some suggestions, the thesis argues that levels of sympathy for republican activists within the security institutions of the southern state were low. While some individuals did collude with republican activists, such incidents were the exception not the rule. Overall, the thesis demonstrates that the Irish state took substantial action to deal with the IRA within the boundaries of the twenty six counties with the role of the Special Criminal Court particularly significant in this regard. Nevertheless, both security and political leaders were unsure as to whether the Irish state could survive the instability associated with overt cooperation with the British security forces.
Books on the topic "Irish governmental policy"
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Ireland. Department of Transport, Energy and Communications. Irish aviation policy. Dublin: Stationery Office, 1994.
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Shipkey, Robert Carl. Robert Peel's Irish policy, 1812-1846. New York: Garland, 1987.
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Laffan, Brigid. Ireland and South Africa: Irish government policy in the 1980s. Blackrock, Co. Dublin, Ireland: Trócaire, 1988.
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Deegan, James. Tourism policy and performance: The Irish experience. London: International Thomson Business Press, 1997.
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Interrogating Irish policies. Dublin: Dublin University Press, 2007.
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Kingston, William. Interrogating Irish policies. Dublin: Dublin University Press, 2007.
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Kingston, William. Interrogating Irish policies. Dublin: Dublin University Press, 2007.
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Irish governments and the guardianship of historical records, 1922-72. Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004.
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Joseph Walshe: Irish foreign policy, 1922-1946. Cork: Mercier Press, 2008.
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Nolan, Aengus. Joseph Walshe: Irish foreign policy 1922-1946. Cork: Mercier Press, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Irish governmental policy"
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O’Doherty, Teresa, and Tom O’Donoghue. "Attempts to Influence Government Policy." In Radical Reform in Irish Schools, 1900-1922, 95–129. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-74282-9_4.
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Jeffery, Keith. "Parades, Police and Government in Northern Ireland, 1922–69." In The Irish Parading Tradition, 78–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333993859_6.
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"Analysing health and health policy: introducing the governmentality turn." In Reframing Health and Health Policy in Ireland, edited by Claire Edwards and Eluska Fernández. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719095870.003.0001.
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This chapter introduces the twin central themes of the book: Irish health policy and the concept of governmentality. It explores key characteristics associated with Foucault and others’ exposition of the governmental approach and asks what such an analysis can add to already-existing analyses of Ireland’s health and healthcare agenda, whilst remaining cognisant of its criticisms. The chapter also discusses Ireland’s health system – and Irish health policy – in the context of advanced neoliberal welfare regimes, and in so doing it highlights some of the specificities of the governance of Ireland’s health policy and practices that make it distinctive from other jurisdictions, not least its system of two-tier (public and private) provision, and the residual nature of its welfare state. Finally, the chapter introduces the key themes of the book and the specific chapters.
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Edwards, Claire. "Assessment of Need as a technology of government in Ireland’s Disability Act 2005." In Reframing Health and Health Policy in Ireland. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719095870.003.0010.
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This chapter is concerned with exploring a specific governmental technology – the Assessment of Need (AoN) process in the Disability Act 2005 – which has initiated a new system of categorising children with disabilities in the Irish state. Subject to significant controversy, the AoN exposes not just the way in which governmental rationalities and strategies seek to bring new categories of individuals into being, but also how these projects are often incomplete and fraught with tension, insofar as they are played out within and across institutional and professional boundaries and forms of expertise. In particular, the chapter is concerned with documenting how those charged with working within the health system interpret, make sense and sometimes subvert, the categorisations and obligations which the AoN process places upon them, thereby pointing to the messy realities of governing which are sometimes absent from governmentality-inspired analyses of policy programmes.
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O’Donovan, Órla. "Governing organ donation: the dead body, the individual and the limits of medicine." In Reframing Health and Health Policy in Ireland. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719095870.003.0007.
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This chapter focuses on governmental dilemmas and practices around the dead body in recent political debates about organ donation. Drawing on a public consultation process initiated by the Joint Committee on Health and Children in 2013 on a proposal to change the organ donation system in Ireland from one based on ‘opting in’, to one based on ‘presumed consent’, this chapter explores the political rationalities that underpinned the construction of organ donation as a ‘problem’, and the ways in which the Irish state has sought to act through its citizens to transform the prevailing cultural attitude to organ donation. The chapter reveals how governmental shaping of people’s subjectivities and dispositions in relation to organ donation was necessarily complex and messy, reflected in the different rationalities articulated in public hearings which invoked ideas about the dead body, the rights of the individual and the family, and the limits to medicine. The chapter draws attention to the significance of counter conducts or forms of resistance in defining and articulating policy problems: thus, whilst the overriding construction of the organ donation problem by the government was one of a scarcity of organs and a low donation rate, counter-discourses pointed to an ineffective and poorly-resourced health system.
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Scheopner, Erin Kate. "‘Fallen as a bombshell’." In 'Miserable Conflict and Confusion', 33–66. Liverpool University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800856493.003.0002.
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Beginning with an overview of the 1916 Easter Rising, Chapter 1 examines press coverage of the government’s Irish policy during the 1917–18 Irish Convention. The events of the uprising and the political fallout thereafter challenged the British government’s Irish policy. The intent of the Irish Convention was to secure a resolution to the Irish question. Fresh from a push to remove Prime Minister Asquith from office, the press largely supported the convention proceedings and awaited its result. When it became clear that a solution would not be reached, and as the Great War drew to a close, the press recognised that the Irish question had changed from its pre-war iteration and required a new approach.
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O’Kane, Eamonn. "British government policy post 1974: learning slowly between Sunningdales?" In Sunningdale, the Ulster Workers' Council Strike and the Struggle for Democracy in Northern Ireland. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719099519.003.0005.
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This chapter seeks to examine the impact and legacy of the failed Sunningdale initiative on British policy in Northern Ireland. At a superficial level British policy towards the problem oscillated markedly in the 25 years between the Sunningdale and Belfast/Good Friday Agreements. The approach of seeking to build a power-sharing devolved government with a strong Irish dimension proved unattainable in 1974. Over the subsequent years the British appeared to toy with: Irish unity; full integration of Northern Ireland into the United Kingdom; devolution without an Irish dimension (or indeed much power to share); and a variant of joint authority with the Irish government without power-sharing in Northern Ireland, before returning successfully to the Sunningdale model in the late 1990s. This chapter will question the reasons for this oscillating approach. Was it a result of a disillusion with Sunnningdale amongst British policy-makers; a reflection of their pragmatism; a desire to insulate wider British politics from the Irish question; or an indication of a lack of ideological commitment and interest in Northern Ireland in wider British political circles? Drawing on the available archival sources, and interview data from British policymakers, the chapter will argue that it was not slow learning that delayed the ‘return’ to Sunningdale for the British, but the realities of events on the ground in Northern Ireland and the political attitudes of those involved in the conflict. The British were key players in this conflict but their ability to control events and outcomes was severely limited. Sunningdale represented what the British believed would be the most acceptable solution to the problem in 1973, but the conditions were not conducive for almost a quarter of a century.
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Whiting, Matthew. "British Policy Towards Irish Republicanism." In Sinn Féin and the IRA. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474420549.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the role of British state policy in extracting republican moderation. It argues against studies that assume British policy had a clear goal of co-opting republicans and sucking them into mainstream politics. Instead a better understanding is to appreciate how British policy enabled republican moderation through two key conditions. Firstly it created a credible institutional framework for political competition in Northern Ireland that reduced the risks of participation for all sides. Secondly it was tolerant of the emergence of republicanism as a political force and did not suppress it, even while imposing robust anti-terrorist legislation against the IRA. These factors allowed republicans to commit to a moderate path knowing that the institutional framework offered a genuine opportunity to exercise power without inherently favouring one side over the other. Yet it would be a mistake to think British policy was always the product of a clear plan. It was often messy and contradictory. However, with the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, successive British and Irish governments began to cohere around a shared position which ultimately enabled republican moderation.
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Edwards, Aaron. "British security policy and the Sunningdale Agreement: the consequences of using force to combat terrorism in a liberal democracy1." In Sunningdale, the Ulster Workers' Council Strike and the Struggle for Democracy in Northern Ireland. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719099519.003.0006.
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This chapter assesses the nine specific clauses in the Sunningdale Agreement that dealt with the implications for security policy in Northern Ireland. It analyses the consequences that these clauses had in Britain’s war against terrorism, especially as the Conservative government sought to shift the operational focus away from military-led counter-insurgency to a law enforcement-led counter-terrorism strategy. Although the policy of ‘police primacy’ did not emerge as Britain’s preferred option for tackling terrorism until 1975-76, this chapter argues that the seeds were sown by the British Government’s approach to the Sunningdale Agreement and the urgency by which it sought a cross-border arrangement with the Republic of Ireland that would enhance the security forces’ powers of pursuit, arrest and extradition. Indeed, the chapter asks whether the Conservative Party’s return to power in 1979 finally heralded a renewed vision for ‘police primacy’ in a more systematic way than that enacted by the Labour Government between 1974 and 1979. The chapter also highlights the theme of democratic control over the military instrument that would remain constant right up to the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985 and beyond. Indeed, it makes the case - pace Evelegh (1978) and Neumann (2003) – that the British government’s use of the military instrument as an option of last resort is fundamental to our understanding of Britain’s long war on Irish terrorism. This is relevant today, of course, particularly as Britain faces another (albeit much less sustained) armed challenge from dissident republicans. In conclusion, the chapter reflects on how liberal democracies more broadly have responded to the challenge posed by terrorism.
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hIfearnáin, Tadhg Ó. "Paradoxes of Engagement with Irish Language Community Management, Practice, and Ideology." In Endangered Languages. British Academy, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265765.003.0002.
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Since gaining independence in 1922, the Irish Government’s pro-Irish language policy has gone through several stages of development, moving from openly coercive maintenance strategies in designated areas (Gaeltacht) and obligatory Irish-medium schooling throughout the country, to a contemporary stance where the state sees Irish speakers as customers who require services. Policy for the majority Anglophone population is now based on a heritage role for Irish. Despite the evolution of state and community policies, some early ideological stances have remained at the core of decision-making. In the first decade of the twenty-first century the state has further reassessed its positions. The power of ideologically driven state language policy has inevitably produced mismatches which may paradoxically have further endangered the future of Irish as a community language. This chapter focuses on the stance of the monolingual English-speaking minority and inactive Irish speakers in Gaeltacht regions.
Reports on the topic "Irish governmental policy"
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Sheridan, Anne. Annual report on migration and asylum 2016: Ireland. ESRI, November 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/sustat65.
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The Annual Report on Migration and Asylum 2016 provides an overview of trends, policy developments and significant debates in the area of asylum and migration during 2016 in Ireland. Some important developments in 2016 included: The International Protection Act 2015 was commenced throughout 2016. The single application procedure under the Act came into operation from 31 December 2016. The International Protection Office (IPO) replaced the Office of the Refugee Applications Commissioner (ORAC) from 31 December 2016. The first instance appeals body, the International Protection Appeals Tribunal (IPAT), replacing the Refugee Appeals Tribunal (RAT), was established on 31 December 2016. An online appointments system for all registrations at the Registration Office in Dublin was introduced. An electronic Employment Permits Online System (EPOS) was introduced. The Irish Short Stay Visa Waiver Programme was extended for a further five years to October 2021. The Second National Action Plan to Prevent and Combat Human Trafficking was published. 2016 was the first full year of implementation of the Irish Refugee Protection Programme (IRPP). A total of 240 persons were relocated to Ireland from Greece under the relocation strand of the programme and 356 persons were resettled to Ireland. Following an Oireachtas motion, the Government agreed to allocate up to 200 places to unaccompanied minors who had been living in the former migrant camp in Calais and who expressed a wish to come to Ireland. This figure is included in the overall total under the IRPP. Ireland and Jordan were appointed as co-facilitators in February 2016 to conduct preparatory negotiations for the UN high level Summit for Refugees and Migrants. The New York Declaration, of September 2016, sets out plans to start negotiations for a global compact for safe, orderly and regular migration and a global compact for refugees to be adopted in 2018. Key figures for 2016: There were approximately 115,000 non-EEA nationals with permission to remain in Ireland in 2016 compared to 114,000 at the end of 2015. Net inward migration for non-EU nationals is estimated to be 15,700. The number of newly arriving immigrants increased year-on-year to 84,600 at April 2017 from 82,300 at end April 2016. Non-EU nationals represented 34.8 per cent of this total at end April 2017. A total of 104,572 visas, both long stay and short stay, were issued in 2016. Approximately 4,127 persons were refused entry to Ireland at the external borders. Of these, 396 were subsequently admitted to pursue a protection application. 428 persons were returned from Ireland as part of forced return measures, with 187 availing of voluntary return, of which 143 were assisted by the International Organization for Migration Assisted Voluntary Return Programme. There were 532 permissions of leave to remain granted under section 3 of the Immigration Act 1999 during 2016. A total of 2,244 applications for refugee status were received in 2016, a drop of 32 per cent from 2015 (3,276). 641 subsidiary protection cases were processed and 431 new applications for subsidiary protection were submitted. 358 applications for family reunification in respect of recognised refugees were received. A total of 95 alleged trafficking victims were identified, compared with 78 in 2015.
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml, and Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.
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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.