Journal articles on the topic 'Irish and British art'
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1
van Hoek, M. A. M. "The Rosette in British and Irish Rock Art." Glasgow Archaeological Journal 16, no. 1 (January 1989): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/gas.1989.16.16.39.
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Summary Discussed here is the occurrence on British prehistoric rock art sites of the ‘rosette’ – a circle of cup-marks round a central cup. The motif is rare although occurring over a wide area in Britain; the main zones of concentration are Co. Louth in Ireland, Northumberland, Galloway in Soulh-West Scotland and in Mid-Argyll, and similar motifs are found in Galicia. In contrast to the standardised and ubiquitous cup-and-ring motifs and rarer designs such as spirals, rosettes seem to have specifically local concentrations, as if they were symbols of social identification.
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van Hoek, Maarten A. M. "The Spiral in British and Irish Neolithic Rock Art." Glasgow Archaeological Journal 18, no. 1 (January 1993): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/gas.1993.18.18.11.
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Summary This paper provides an up-dated account of all spiral-sites in Neolithic British and Irish rock art. The focus is on spirals executed on open-air rock surfaces like outcrops and boulders; the ones in passage tombs and single graves will be discussed for comparative reasons. The paper describes many spirals recently discovered. But moreover, it introduces a new group of spirals, which, because of their specific nature, have long been taken for normal cupand-rings. It thus proves that spirals are more common in cup-and ring art than often suggested and consequently the distribution pattern of the spiral has somewhat changed. The spiral-motif has often been used, together with other symbols, to divide the Neolithic rock art of Britain and Ireland into two rather strictly separated traditions. The main conclusions of this paper are that, in the opinion of the author, there never existed two separate rock art traditions and that cupand-ring art may even be older than the passage tomb art.
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Turpin, John. "Researching Irish art in its educational context." Art Libraries Journal 43, no. 3 (June 18, 2018): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/alj.2018.16.
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Documentary sources for Irish art are widely scattered and vulnerable. The art library of the Royal Hibernian Academy of Arts was destroyed by bombardment during the Rising of 1916 against British rule. The absence of degree courses in art history delayed the development of art libraries until the 1960s when art history degrees were established at University College Dublin, and Trinity College Dublin. In the 1970s the state founded the Regional Technical Colleges all over Ireland with their art and design courses. Modern approaches to art education had transformed the education of artists and designers with a new emphasis on concept rather than skill acquisition. This led to theoretical teaching and the growth of art sections in the college libraries. Well qualified graduates and staff led the way in the universities and colleges to a greater emphasis on research. Archive centres of documentation on Irish art opened at the National Gallery of Ireland, Trinity College and the Irish Architectural Archive. At NCAD the National Irish Visual Arts Archive (NIVAL) became the main depository for documentation on 20th century Irish art and design. Many other libraries exist with holdings of relevance to the history of Irish art, notably the National Library of Ireland, the Royal Irish Academy, the Royal Dublin Society, the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland and the National Archives.
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Lucey, Conor. "British Agents of the Irish Adamesque." Architectural History 56 (2013): 133–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00002471.
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In the Dublin Journal of 4 April 1769, Thomas Weston, recently arrived from London and ‘versed in the Stucco Art’, announced his proficiency in the ‘Antique Taste’, having worked ‘some Years under the Designs of Mess. Adams, Chambers and Stewart [sic]’. His timing was far from coincidental: less than a month earlier the premium for the design of the Royal Exchange in Dublin, awarded to the English architect Thomas Cooley, had been announced; the competition had generated no less than thirty-three British submissions (or 60% of the total number of competitors). Just as enlightened Irish architectural critics had deemed the employment of an English architect for this particular project as ‘too obvious to be insisted upon’, so it would appear that Weston had identified an opportunity to establish himself in Ireland as an unrivalled exponent of the Neoclassical style. Some weeks later, on 27 April, Weston amended his original advertisement to record that he had ‘served his Apprenticeship to Mr. Rose of London’.
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Hardy, Jennifer K. "The Caricature Of The Irish In British And U.S. Comic Art." Historian 54, no. 2 (December 1, 1991): 283–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1992.tb00853.x.
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Casey, Terrence. "Rational Choice and British Politics: An Analysis of Rhetoric and Manipulation from Peel to Blair. By Iain McLean. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. 256p. $65.00 cloth, $29.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 858–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402810462.
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In Rational Choice and British Politics, Iain McLean applies William Riker's concept of “heresthetics” to British political history. In contrast to rhetoric (the art of persuasion), heresthetics is “the art and science of political manipulation” (p. 10). Rather than trying to convince others of one's position, heresthetics is about transforming the question and altering political dimensions so as to change the rational calculus of key actors and manufacture a supportive coalition. McLean employs the device of “analytical narratives” (historical analysis informed by rational choice methodology) to explore critical junctures in British political development, including the repeal of the Corn Laws, the Second Reform Act, the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1922, and the political and economic revolution of Margaret Thatcher. He also explores broader political movements, including the realignment of Victorian political parties and the attempts by Joseph Chamberlain and Enoch Powell to connect race and empire into winning coalitions.
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Trew1, Johanne Devlin. "The Forgotten Irish?" Ethnologies 27, no. 2 (February 23, 2007): 43–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/014041ar.
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The Irish in Newfoundland have developed their culture and identity over the past 300 years in the context of the island’s changing political status from independent territory, to British colony, and to Canadian province (since 1949). Newfoundland song, dance and dialect all display evident Irish features and have played an important role in the marketing of the province as a tourist destination. Recent provincial government initiatives to forge contacts with Celtic Tiger Ireland and thus revive this powerfully “imagined” Atlantic network have also contributed to the notion of the “Irishness” of Newfoundland culture. The narrative of Newfoundland as an Irish place, however, has always been (and continues to be) contested; this is most evident in a local discourse of space and place that is grounded in two predominant narratives of the Newfoundland nation: Republican and Confederate. The author illustrates how this contested spatial discourse has recently played out over the disputed terrain of theThe Rooms, the new home of Newfoundland’s provincial museum, art gallery and archives.
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Bogdanor, Vernon. "The British–Irish Council and Devolution." Government and Opposition 34, no. 3 (July 1999): 287–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00482.x.
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THE BRITISH-IRISH COUNCIL SPRINGS FROM AND IS PROVIDED FOR IN the Belfast Agreement signed on Good Friday 1998. Its coming into force depends upon the implementation of the Agreement. The Council is established, however, not by the 1998 Northern Ireland Act, which gives legislative expression to the bulk of this Agreement, but by an international treaty, the British–Irish Agreement, attached to the Belfast Agreement.The Belfast Agreement together with the legislation providing for devolution to Scotland and Wales establishes a new constitutional settlement, both among the nations which form the United Kingdom, and also between those nations and the other nation in these islands, the Irish nation. The United Kingdom itself is, as a result of the Scotland Act and the Government of Wales Act, in the process of becoming a new union of nations, each with its own identity and institutions – a multi-national state, rather than, as many of the English have traditionally seen it, a homogeneous British nation containing a variety of different people.
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Ward, Margaret. "Conflicting Interests: The British and Irish Suffrage Movements." Feminist Review 50, no. 1 (July 1995): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.27.
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This article uses a case-study of the relationship between the British suffrage organization, the Women's Social and Political Union, and its equivalent on the Irish side, the Irish Women's Franchise League, in order to illuminate some consequences of the colonial relationship between Britain and Ireland. As political power was located within the British state, and the British feminist movement enjoyed superior resources, the Irish movement was at a disadvantage. This was compounded by serious internal divisions within the Irish movement — a product of the dispute over Ireland's constitutional future — which prevented the Franchise League, sympathetic to the nationalist demand for independence — from establishing a strong presence in the North. The consequences of the British movement organizing in Ireland, in particular their initiation of a militant campaign in the North, are explored in some detail, using evidence provided by letters from the participants. British intervention was clearly motivated from British-inspired concerns rather than from any solidarity with the situation of women in Ireland, proving to be disastrous for the Irish, accentuating their deep-rooted divisions. The overall argument is that feminism cannot be viewed in isolation from other political considerations. This case-study isolates the repercussions of Britain's imperial role for both British and Irish movements: ostensibly with a common objective but in reality divided by their differing response to the constitutional arrangement between the two countries. For this reason, historians of Irish feminist movements must give consideration to the importance of the ‘national question’ and display a more critical attitude towards the role played by Britain in Irish affairs.
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FREEMAN, JULIAN. "BRITISH AND IRISH ART 1945-51: FROM WAR TO FESTIVAL BY ADRIAN CLARK." Art Book 17, no. 4 (November 2010): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8357.2010.01134_16.x.
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Coleman, Marie. "The Irish Hospitals Sweepstake in the United States of America, 1930–39." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 138 (November 2006): 220–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004909.
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From its foundation in 1930 until the end of 1934 the Irish Hospitals Sweepstake sold the overwhelming majority of its tickets in Great Britain. Alarmed at the success of an enterprise that was illegal in its jurisdiction and that resulted in a considerable financial drain to the Irish Free State’s hospital service, the British government enacted a Betting and Lotteries Act in 1934 to curtail the sale of Irish sweepstake tickets there. The result was a substantial decline in British contributions to the sweepstake and in the overall income from ticket sales. The British action threatened the continued existence and success of the venture.
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Kanter, Douglas. "The Foxite Whigs, Irish legislative independence and the Act of Union, 1785–1806." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 143 (May 2009): 332–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400005381.
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The establishment of Irish legislative independence in 1782–3, once regarded as a watershed in Irish constitutional history, has more recently and quite properly been reduced to an achievement of modest proportions. According to the new historiographical orthodoxy, Irish legislative independence was an aberration in a period of increasing British political control, and one that actually encouraged the British ruling class to pursue the political assimilation of Ireland into Britain by means of a union. Historians now have a tolerably clear picture of the process by which William Pitt and the British executive gradually became convinced that an incorporating union provided the best solution to the constitutional anomalies and sectarian difficulties posed by the government of Ireland in the 1780s and 1790s.
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Milligan, Kathryn. "Social Smoking and French Fancies: The Dublin Art(s) Club, 1886–98." Journal of Victorian Culture 25, no. 3 (March 28, 2020): 365–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcaa009.
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Abstract ABSTRACT The Dublin Art(s) Club, which operated in the Irish capital from 1886 to 1898, offers an intriguing case study for modes of artistic networks and cultural exchange between Ireland and Britain in the closing decades of the nineteenth century. Despite this, the history of the Club has been little explored in historiography to date, often confused with other ventures by artists in the city. Examining the rise and fall of the Dublin Art(s) Club, along with its members and activities, this article retrieves its history and posits that it offers an example of an aspect of art in Ireland which was conspicuous for its cosmopolitan outlook and active engagement with the wider British art world, which then spanned across both islands. The history of the Dublin Art(s) Club poses a challenge to the extant scholarship of this period in Irish art history, which to date has been largely understood to be focused on themes of national identity, the cultural revival, and artists who left Ireland to train in Belgium and France. This article posits that by re-engaging with the activities of art clubs and societies, a more complex reading of artistic life in Victorian Dublin can emerge.
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CROSBIE, BARRY. "IRELAND, COLONIAL SCIENCE, AND THE GEOGRAPHICAL CONSTRUCTION OF BRITISH RULE IN INDIA, c. 1820–1870." Historical Journal 52, no. 4 (November 6, 2009): 963–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990318.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the role that Ireland and Irish people played in the geographical construction of British colonial rule in India during the nineteenth century. It argues that as an important sub-imperial centre, Ireland not only supplied the empire with key personnel, but also functioned as an important reference point for scientific practice, new legislation, and systems of government. Occupying integral roles within the information systems of the colonial state, Irish people provided much of the intellectual capital around which British rule in India was constructed. These individuals were part of nineteenth-century Irish professional personnel networks that viewed the empire as a legitimate sphere for work and as an arena in which they could prosper. Through involvement and deployment of expertise in areas such as surveying and geological research in India, Irishmen and Irish institutions were able to act decisively in the development of colonial knowledge. The relationships mapped in this article centre the Irish within the imperial web of connections and global exchange of ideas, technologies, and practices during the long nineteenth century, thereby making a contribution towards uncovering Ireland's multi-directional involvement in the British empire and reassessing the challenges that this presents to existing British, Irish, and imperial historiography.
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Arthur, Paul. "“Our Greater Ireland beyond the Seas”." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 1, no. 3 (December 1991): 365–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.1.3.365.
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The concerns of both these books are wider than their titles suggest. Professor Akenson’s work on the Irish diasporas of New Zealand and South Africa also deals with the historiography of Irish America, Irish Canada, and, either directly or obliquely, Ireland. Given this scope, his work adds up to a shrewd and highly literate analysis of British historiography as well as the Irish diaspora. At the same time, it emphatically addresses and criticizes the “filio-pietistic excesses” of Irish-American historiography—much of which, he informs us, “has become a massive baroque structure built on quicksand” (Occasional Papers 12). Finally, these books contribute to his larger attempt to construct a new concept of Anglo-Celtic culture. These important exploratory exercises in the comparative method are rich in style, method, and detail. In the conclusion to his New Zealand study, he enumerates some of the sources and methods he has employed to illuminate ethnic history: “demographic analysis, institutional history, community studies, biographical sketches, and the reading of works of art for their evidentiary value” (Half the World 196). All are indeed contained within these pages and enhance our understanding of the Irish diaspora since the nineteenth century.
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Ward, Alan J. "Models of Government and Anglo-Irish Relations." Albion 20, no. 1 (1988): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049796.
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In 1922 the Irish Free State began life with a constitution which embodied two contradictory principles. The first recognized that all powers of government derive from the people and provided for a system of government in which the Irish Cabinet was clearly responsible to the popularly elected Irish lower house, Dail Eireann. The second recognized a monarch, King George V, as head of the Irish executive, with substantial prerogative powers derived not from the Irish people but from British common law. The constitution was a compromise between Britain and Irish republicans to end the Irish War of Independence. Though not every compromise in politics makes complete sense, for Britain this one represented more than a short-range expedient. Its contradictions represented the dying gasp in a long, often anguished, and ultimately futile attempt by Britain to devise a formula which would simultaneously permit the Irish a measure of self-government and protect vital British interests in Ireland.This essay will review the attempts to construct a satisfactory Anglo-Irish relationship in the years between 1782 and 1949. It will concentrate on four models of government proposed for Ireland: (a) the independent Irish Parliament of the period from 1782 to 1800, (b) O'Connell's proposals to repeal the union with Britain in the 1830s and 1840s, (c) the devolution proposed in the home rule bills of 1886, 1893, 1912, and the Government of Ireland Act of 1920, and (d) the independence provided in the Irish Free State constitution of 1922 and its successor, the Irish constitution of 1937. It will also place these models in the context of the constitutional evolution of the British Empire. In the Canadian, New Zealand, Australian, and South African colonies, colonial self-government and British imperial interests were reconciled, beginning in Nova Scotia in 1848, by using a kind of constitutional double-think involving the Crown and the colonial Governor. But the problem of the troubled Anglo-Irish relationship could not be resolved so easily.
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DREA, EOIN. "THE IMPACT OF HENRY PARKER-WILLIS AND THE FEDERAL RESERVE ON THE INSTITUTIONAL DESIGN OF THE IRISH CURRENCY ACT 1927." Historical Journal 58, no. 3 (July 24, 2015): 855–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000466.
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ABSTRACTThe Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 provided monetary independence to the newly established Irish Free State. The existing historiography views Irish monetary and banking policy post-independence as following British precedent in terms of the structure and design of state monetary institutions. However, this article considers how Professor Henry Parker-Willis's experience of establishing the United States (US) Federal Reserve system in 1913 had a direct impact on his work as chair of the Irish banking commission in 1926. This research highlights that Parker-Willis played a significantly more important role in formulating the Irish Currency Act 1927 than is currently recognized. It further identifies that Parker-Willis's design for a wholly independent, non-political Irish currency commission was primarily based on his disillusionment with the political interference then evident in the management of the Federal Reserve system. This article, therefore, challenges the dominant view that Irish monetary institution building in the 1920s automatically followed British precedent, but rather identifies the direct influence of US monetary structures on the development of Irish institutions. This is an internationalist dimension not recognized in the existing historiography.
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CAMPBELL, FERGUS. "IRISH POPULAR POLITICS AND THE MAKING OF THE WYNDHAM LAND ACT, 1901–1903." Historical Journal 45, no. 4 (December 2002): 755–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002662.
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The Wyndham Land Act was the most important land reform introduced by any British government during the period of the Act of Union (1801–1922); and this article provides a new interpretation of the origins of this revolutionary legislation. Whereas previous accounts attribute the Act to the initiative of the Irish chief secretary, George Wyndham, this article locates the legislation in the wider context of both popular and ‘high’ politics. The state of the land question in fin de siècle Ireland is examined, as is the United Irish League's extensive agitation for compulsory land purchase between 1901 and 1903. Finally, the impact of the agitation on the British government is considered, and the article demonstrates that the Wyndham Land Act was introduced as a result of the United Irish League's campaign for land reform.
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Jones, Andy M., and Graeme Kirkham. "From Landscape to Portable Art: The Changing Settings of Simple Rock Art in South-West Britain and its Wider Context." European Journal of Archaeology 16, no. 4 (2013): 636–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957113y.0000000039.
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South-west Britain—Cornwall, Devon and west Somerset—has featured little in discussions of British rock art. However, although it lacks the complex motifs found in northern Britain or the rich ornamentation of the Irish passage graves, it has a growing number of sites with simple cup-marks and stands at a pivotal location in the wider distribution of this form of rock art within north-west Europe. This paper considers the cup-mark tradition in south-west Britain and its wider European context, drawing attention to comparable traditions in western France, Wales, and south-west Ireland where simple cup-marks occur in analogous contexts. We propose a chronology for cup-marks in the south-west, from suggested Neolithic origins associated with rock outcrops and chambered tombs through to their use in Bronze Age barrows and subsequently roundhouses in the second millennium BC.
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Chudzikowska-Wołoszyn, Małgorzata. "Glossa do enigm biskupa Aldhema (ok. 639-709)." Studia Warmińskie 48 (December 31, 2011): 275–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/sw.300.
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Though the Latin language appeared on British Island in common with Roman Invasion, exactly after 55 AD, yet his real popularization had become until after 597 AD, in which the Romans missionary gets to the Anglo-Saxon Canterbury and started great evangelization on this lands. The British Clergy and Aristocracy were very quickly mastered the arcana of Latin language which in this days was a synonym of a culture and a imperial traditions. Anglo-Saxon like any another nation managed to subordinate to themselves the Church language and not resign at the same time about an old traditions and fondness. Remarkable thing is that the anglo-saxon literature was creating on the spur of the three abnormally valuable inspiration source – the Roman, Irish and nativ influence – settled in Celtic culture. Creativeness of an Adhelm who was writing about VII and VIII AD was perfectly mirrored the colour of medieval culture of British Island. His corpus of a hundred riddles display over the reader unprecedented in early middle ages universal. In Sherborne bishop enigmas we can find an Irish boldness which didn’t want to fight with the Greek and Roman paganism but on the contrary it foster an advancement of Christian latin culture. In riddles we can find an Irish culture as well which cherish the bard tradition, attached attention to art of word and found an likes in that what is mannerism and vivid. And finally the Roman culture along with latin alphabet and monastery scholarship contribute to final combined all of drifts forming the original writing of Adhelm.
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Markey, Alfred. "IRISH-AMERICAN PATRIOTISM: THE TRANSATLANTIC POLITICS AND HUMANIST CULTURE OF COLUM MCCANN." Revista de Estudios Norteamericanos, no. 24 (2020): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/ren.2020.i24.07.
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This article proposes the novel TransAtlantic, from the IrishAmerican writer Colum McCann, as an example of what Edward Said called a “countermemory.” Such a countermemory facilitates the taking of critical positions against what the British intellectual Tony Judt called the “Washington Consensus:” the ideological ‘pensée unique’ which has dominated the Western world in recent decades, resulting in the substitution of an ethically-informed public conversation by a powerful discourse which prioritises, above all, the values of the so-called marketplace. This article explores how, via his historical novel, his participation as a public intellectual and through his concept of identity as art, McCann gives us a world of different values, values of trans-national and universal solidarity which implicate figures from Frederick Douglass to Barack Obama or the Hollywood actor Gabriel Byrne, and are expressed perhaps most radically in the language of what we may call an IrishAmerican “patriotism.”
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McCavery, Trevor. "POLITICS, PUBLIC FINANCE AND THE BRITISH–IRISH ACT OF UNION OF 1801." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 10 (December 2000): 353–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440100000165.
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AbstractBEFORE the smoke of the Irish rebellion of 1798 had cleared, the British prime minister William Pitt was convinced of the necessity of a legislative union between Britain and Ireland. He broached the subject seriously with his cabinet colleague, Lord Grenville, on 2 June and by 4 June the joint post master general, Lord Auckland, an expert on Irish commercial affairs, was brought into Pitt's confidence. Pitt told Auckland that he and Grenville had been able to: ‘see daylight in almost everything but what relates to trade and revenue.' The subject of this paper is to discover how matters of trade and revenue were arranged in the Act of Union and to discuss some of the political difficulties which arose from implementing these arrangements. As the evolution of ministers' thinking is documented, the authorship of some points can be precisely identified and the thinking and tacit economic forecasting brought to light. This paper will suggest that the arrangements were intended to be generous to Ireland and contrasts with an Irish nationalist interpretation of the subject articulated in the early decades of the twentieth century. Then the difficulties that politicians experienced in executing policies within the framework laid down by these articles are considered. The whole vice-regal system of government was by no means guaranteed in the immediate post-Union period as it worked against the chancellor of the Irish exchequer in his attempts to manage Irish public finance.
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Tishunin, Evgenii. "Concept “Hibernicus” in John Lynch’s “Cambrensis Eversus” (1662)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 6 (116) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021842-5.
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The article is devoted to the semantic content of concept “Irish/Hibernicus” in John Lynch’s “Cambrensis Eversus” (1662). In polemic with Gerald of Wales and the English/British tradition of representation of Ireland, Lynch constructed his own view on Irish. Lynch refuted the connotations of barbarism existed in intellectual discourse associated with Irish customs, religion and the rebelliousness of the Irish. Also, Lynch rejected the ethno-cultural division of the Irish community and united under the term “Irish/Hibernii” all the inhabitants of the island (Gaels and Anglo-Irish/Old English).
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Rees, Catherine. "The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: the Politics of Morality in Martin McDonagh's The Lieutenant of Inishmore." New Theatre Quarterly 21, no. 1 (January 26, 2005): 28–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x04000314.
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The recent plays of Martin McDonagh have fascinated and repelled critics for nearly a decade. His idiosyncratic blend of rural Irish mythology and ‘in-yer-face’ aggression has both caused consternation and won high praise, but the motivations and inspirations of McDonagh's work have not been widely discussed. Here, Catherine Rees addresses some of the common critical assaults on one of his most contentious plays, The Lieutenant of Inishmore (2001), and seeks to rescue the playwright from misunderstanding and heavy-handed critical treatment. She also aims to clarify some of the issues surrounding this politically charged and controversial work, and discusses it within the wider context of British and Irish drama. An earlier version of this article was given as a paper at the ‘Contemporary Irish Literature: Diverse Voices’ conference at the University of Central Lancaster in April 2003. Rees has presented on various aspects of McDonagh's work at a joint American Conference for Irish Studies and British Association of Irish Studies conference, and is currently working on a PhD about his plays at the University of Wales, Aberystwyth.
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Kelly, Bernard. "‘England owes something to these people’: the Anglo-Irish Unemployment Insurance agreement, 1946." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 150 (November 2012): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001127.
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On 19 December 1946, the Irish President, Seán T. O'Kelly, signed the Unemployment Insurance Act into law. This innocuous-sounding piece of legislation has received very little attention from historians, but was of great importance to one section of post-war Irish society. Under its terms, Dublin and London entered into a special scheme whereby Irish men and women who had served with the British forces during the Second World War were allowed to claim British unemployment insurance payments, while still resident in the twenty-six counties of independent Ireland. Coming at a time of unemployment and economic slump in Ireland, this was of crucial importance to many exservicemen. This article will explore the background, negotiation and implementation of the unemployment insurance agreement, and will speculate on the reasons why the Taoiseach, Éamon de Valera, agreed to it. It will also examine the British side of the scheme and explore London's motives, both concrete and notional.
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Pierse, Michael. "‘A dance for all the outcasts’: Class and Postcolonialism in Brendan Behan's An Giall and The Hostage." Irish University Review 44, no. 1 (May 2014): 92–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2014.0105.
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As Susan Bassnett and Harish Trivedi argue, ‘translation does not happen in a vacuum, but in a continuum; it is not an isolated act, it is part of an ongoing process of intercultural transfer’. In understanding Brendan Behan's most celebrated and controversial translation, of his spare Irish language play An Giall (1958) to its riotous English counterpart The Hostage (1958), understanding the problematic ‘intercultural transfer’ between British and Irish life in the 1950s is crucial. Comparisons between both works reveal significant changes that illuminate Behan's relationship with both nations and provide a sometimes oblique metacommentary regarding his most pressing political and personal anxieties. Yet for all their differences, the plays also share a common desire to transcend the divisions forged by the colonial experience through critical understandings of life on either side of the Irish Sea. In this essay, I argue that Behan's act of transculturation reveals a great deal more reflexivity and depth than many of his critics would allow, developing an iconoclastic dialogue between British and Irish mid-century life.
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Curran, Declan. "‘Articles of Practical Banking Written by Practical Bankers’." Irish Economic and Social History 43, no. 1 (September 19, 2016): 21–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489316661626.
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This article analyses the reportage of the banking publication Bankers’ Magazine over the duration of the Great Irish Famine (1845–50). It explores attitudes to famine incidence and relief prevalent among Irish and British banking officials, as expounded in the trade publication representing their views. These professionals, employed in branch networks across both Irish and British society, were not political elites or ideologues, but rather saw themselves as ‘practical bankers’. This analysis shows that the Bankers’ Magazine reportage of the famine espoused, albeit in a measured rhetoric, the prevailing economic mindset based on self-reliance and the free market mechanism, while repeatedly acknowledging Irish famine-era suffering and reconciling itself to the expediency of ‘unproductive’ government-funded famine relief efforts. This analysis also shows the Bankers’ Magazine’s famine reportage to have largely been subsumed by its campaign against the Bank Charter Act. More generally, the article argues that the Irish banking system offers a useful, though underutilised, lens through which to view famine-era socio-economic institutional workings and public opinion.
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Quinault, Roland. "British Democracy and Irish Nationalism 1876–1906." Journal of Victorian Culture 15, no. 3 (December 2010): 413–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13555502.2010.519551.
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Connolly, Clara, Catherine Hall, Mary Hickman, Gail Lewis, Ann Phoenix, and Ailbhe Smyth. "Editorial: The Irish Issue: The British Question." Feminist Review 50, no. 1 (July 1995): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.17.
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Smyth, Patricia. "The Popular Picturesque: Landscape in Boucicault's Irish Plays." New Theatre Quarterly 32, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 347–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x16000427.
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The inspiration for Dion Boucicault's first Irish subject, The Colleen Bawn, in a set of pictur esque views of Ireland after the artist W. H. Bartlett is well documented, and Bartlett's iconography of wild scenery, moonlight, round towers, and ruined abbeys features strongly throughout the Irish plays. Although Bartlett's compositions were widely known in the nineteenth century, there has been little consideration of how they may have informed the audience's understanding of the plays. Rather, they are regarded as a set of clichéd, stereotyped images, which the playwright subverted through a process of ironic distancing and repurposing. In this article Patricia Smyth argues that, on the contrary, Boucicault made use of the mythical and supernatural associations of picturesque Ireland in order to convey a particular narrative of Irish history. Patricia Smyth is a Visiting Research Fellow at the University of Warwick. She has published articles and book chapters on French and British nineteenth-century art, visual culture and theatre. She is co-editor of Nineteenth-Century Theatre and Film, co-edited with Jim Davis a special issue dedicated to theatrical iconography (2012), and is currently completing a book on Paul Delaroche and theatre.
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Jupp, Peter. "BRITAIN AND THE UNION, 1797–1801." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 10 (December 2000): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440100000104.
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AbstractSTUDENTS of the Union and the Irish and British contexts in which it was shaped owe G.C. Bolton and his study of the subject,The Passing of the Irish Act of Union, a considerable debt. By 1966, the year of its publication, J.C. Beckett, E.M. Johnston and R.B. McDowell had laid the foundations for a re-evaluation of Irish politics and British–Irish relations in the later eighteenth century, but for many aspects of those subjects, including the Union, Lecky's near-eighty-year-old history still remained the principal source. Bolton's was therefore a pioneering book and not only in the sense that it was the first to be based on an exhaustive study of the available evidence: it also broke new ground in its attempt to measure Irish elite and popular opinion on the issue and in the techniques that were used to do so. For these and other reasons, Bolton's study has had a strong influence on more than a generation of undergraduates at Queen's, some of whom have become major historians of the period; his study is, and will remain, an essential guide to the subject.
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Medvedeva, Nataliya. "British Political Cartoon about Irish Border Issue under Brexit." ISTORIYA 13, no. 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019607-6.
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The article examines the features of the reflection of the problem of the Irish border in the British political caricature. The issue of the border between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland became one of the defining ones in the discussion of the Brexit process. The second aspect of the border problem emerged when a transparent Irish border mechanism was proposed, which in turn threatens to create a semblance of a border between Northern Ireland and the rest of the Kingdom. The positions of the negotiating parties and political parties within the Kingdom were divided. The British political cartoon reflected the complexity and, at the same time, the comic and paradoxical nature of this situation. At the political level, all participants in the negotiation process emphasized their commitment to maintaining peace in Northern Ireland and preventing the emergence of a “hard” border that would divide the island. The creation of barriers within the Kingdom was all the more denied. Despite its seriousness, the topic displayed characteristic satirical assessments, which became part of political discourse and markers of the unsuccessful activities of political leaders, primarily Prime Minister Theresa May, and later Boris Johnson. British cartoonists from left-liberal and conservative publications differed in critical assessments of their activities. The former showed a more pro-European position and expressed concern about the interests of the Irish, exaggerated the fear of a real border on the island of Ireland. Conservative cartoonists criticized the EU's stance, defended British fears of customs barriers within the Kingdom, and downplayed the prospect of a “hard” Irish border.
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Hickman, Mary J., and Bronwen Walter. "Deconstructing Whiteness: Irish Women in Britain." Feminist Review 50, no. 1 (July 1995): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.18.
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The Irish are largely invisible as an ethnic group in Britain but continue to be racialized as inferior and alien Others. Invisibility has been reinforced by academic treatment Most historians have assumed that a framework of assimilation is appropriate and this outcome is uncritically accepted as desirable. Sociologists on the other hand have excluded the Irish from consideration, providing tacit support for the ‘myth of homogeneity’ of white people in Britain against the supposedly new phenomenon of threatening (Black) ‘immigrants’. Focus on the paradigm of ‘colour’ has limited the range of racist ideologies examined and led to denial of anti-Irish racism. But an analysis of nineteenth-century attitudes shows that the ‘Irish Catholic’ was a significant Other in the construction of the British nationalist myth. Despite contemporary forgetting, hostility towards the Irish continues, over and above immediate reactions to recent IRA campaigns. Verbal abuse and racial harassment are documented in London and elsewhere, but unacknowledged. The masculine imagery of ‘Paddy’ hides the existence of Irish women in Britain, although they have outnumbered men since the 1920s. In America, by contrast, there is a strong stereotype of ‘Bridget’ and her central contribution to Irish upward mobility is recognized. But invisibility does not protect Irish women in Britain from racism. Indeed, they are often more exposed since their productive and reproductive roles connect more firmly to British society. Moreover, women have played a key role in maintaining Catholic adherence, which continues to resonate closely with Irishness and difference.
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Seynhaeve, Benedicte, and Raphaël Ingelbien. "‘Doing her spiriting’: Lady Morgan's Irish Tempests." Irish University Review 45, no. 2 (November 2015): 242–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2015.0175.
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Several studies have tried to answer the question ‘where is Ireland in The Tempest?’, while others have assessed Ireland's sense of its own postcoloniality through Irish writers' engagement with Shakespeare's most ‘colonial’ play. This essay argues that Lady Morgan's national tales offer the first significant Irish rewritings of The Tempest. It shows how her allusions to the play constitute coherent intertextual patterns, informed by a clear sense of parallels between the enchanted isle of Shakespeare's imagination and Ireland around the time of the Act of Union. Those parallels, however, challenge the idea that The Tempest illustrates a (post)colonial relation between Ireland and Britain. Instead, Morgan's focus on the spells cast on foreign visitors by the island and by the native magic of Prospero and Ariel suggests that she used the play in order to allegorize possible ways of making the Union work, rather than to impugn the illegitimacy of colonial rule. Her last and most pessimistic national tale embryonically sketches a wild, native Irish Caliban who would later recur in both British and Irish imaginations with the rise of militant radical nationalism, but Morgan's version of the figure still shows important differences with subsequent postcolonial embodiments of Irish otherness. Although seminal in many ways, Morgan's rewritings of The Tempest only later make room for more conflictual uses of the play as an allegory of British-Irish relations.
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Smith, Angèle. "Landscapes of power in nineteenth century Ireland." Archaeological Dialogues 5, no. 1 (July 1998): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800001173.
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The British Ordnance Survey mapping of Ireland in the nineteenth-century was an official systematic survey which created a picture document of the landscape and the past. While the maps influenced the institutionalization of archaeology, the documenting of an archaeological record on the maps shaped their look and language. Within a setting of the political contest between British colonialism and Irish nationalism, both the Ordnance Survey maps and the archaeological past they recorded became powerful tools that helped to construct Irish identity and a sense of place and heritage.
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Ward, Margaret. "Conflicting Interests: The British and Irish Suffrage Movements." Feminist Review, no. 50 (1995): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1395496.
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Trotter, Mary. "Riotous Performances: The Struggle for Hegemony in the Irish Theatre, 1712–1784. By Helen M. Burke. Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press, 2002; pp. 356. $70 cloth, $35 paper." Theatre Survey 45, no. 2 (November 2004): 296–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557404290263.
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While Irish theatre history and criticism has closely linked performance, nationalism, and identity politics throughout the twentieth century, far less attention has been paid to the Irish theatre's profound role in nation building in previous centuries. Cheryl Herr, John Harrington, and others have reminded us of the nineteenth-century popular theatre's role in subverting British opinions of Irish history and identity. But the eighteenth century, the century of Thomas Sheridan, John O'Keeffe, and Smock Alley, as well as Jonathan Swift, the United Irishmen, and Grattan's Parliament, has received surprisingly little attention from the point of view of theatre history.
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Kelly, A. "The Lane bequest: A British-Irish cultural conflict revisited." Journal of the History of Collections 16, no. 1 (May 1, 2004): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhc/16.1.89.
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Till, Karen E. "Troubling national commemoration in Dublin, London and Liverpool: ANU Production and CoisCéim Dance Theatre’s These Rooms." Journal of Urban Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 267–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jucs_00045_1.
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The cultural production These Rooms challenged traditional nationalistic commemorations of war and rebellion during the ‘Decade of the Centenaries’. Created by the Dublin-based ANU Productions and CoisCéim Dance Theatre, and funded by the Irish and UK governments, this series of theatre/dance performances, installations and public outreach projects in unconventional urban venues ran from 2016 to 2019 in Dublin, London and Liverpool, cities with mixed British and Irish populations. Fragmentary, embodied stories about the 1916 Easter Rising in Dublin communicated the perspectives of working-class Irish civilian women and confused young British soldiers through intimate domestic encounters that productively disrupted heroic narratives. Audiences were instead invited to create temporary communities of encounter and ‘unlearn’ dominant concepts supporting colonial, imperial and national spaces‐times. As a critical agonistic artistic intervention, These Rooms offered more inclusive ‘potential histories’ and forms of belonging across political, social and temporal borders during the geopolitically uncertain times associated with Brexit.
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Polyakova, Elena. "Ireland During the War of Independence. From the Truce to the Treaty." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2022): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020639-0.
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The year 2022 marks the centenary of the formation of the modern, independent Irish state. The Anglo-Irish Treaty signed in December 1921 was crucial to its creation and political destiny, setting the direction of Irish state policy for a century and laying the foundations of modern Irish statehood. The treaty was signed after two years of Anglo-Irish war, in which the Republic of Ireland, proclaimed in 1919, had to defend its independence, when both sides found the will to declare a truce and agree to a five-month-long period of negotiations. The author examines the events that influenced the terms of the treaty, including the 1920 Government of Ireland Act, which provided for the creation of two Irish parliaments, for the South and the North, effectively dividing the country, and the complex and dramatic events between the truce and the signing of the treaty. Special attention is given to the positions of British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George and Irish republican leader Éamon de Valera on key issues of Irish sovereignty and territorial integrity, as reflected in their months-long correspondence. The peace treaty signed by Britain with the unrecognised Republic of Ireland was the starting point of its move towards genuine independence.
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Geary, Frank. "The Act of Union, British-Irish Trade, and Pre-Famine Deindustrialization." Economic History Review 48, no. 1 (February 1995): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597871.
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Moor, Andrew. "John Hill (ed.), A Companion to British and Irish Cinema." Journal of British Cinema and Television 17, no. 2 (April 2020): 273–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2020.0523.
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Burdett, Sarah. "“Be Mine in Politics”: Charlotte Corday and Anti-Union Allegory in Matthew West’s Female Heroism, A Tragedy in Five Acts (1803)." Restoration and Eighteenth-Century Theatre Research 30, no. 1-2 (2015): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/rectr.30.1-2.0089.
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Abstract This essay draws attention to Irish playwright Matthew West’s rarely studied drama Female Heroism, A Tragedy in Five Acts (1803), performed at the Crow Street Theatre, Dublin, in 1804. The tragedy dramatizes republican woman Charlotte Corday’s murder of Jacobin leader Jean-Paul Marat, committed in July 1793. My paper contends that West’s tragedy blends an explicitly anti-Jacobin narrative, with a covertly embedded strain of Irish oppositional politics. Focusing centrally on West’s incorporation of a fabricated rape scene, which alludes strongly to contemporary allegories of the Act of Union, I hypothesize the possibility for Female Heroism to be interpreted by its Dublin theatre audience as a subtle rebuke of the union, which positions Corday as the personification of Irish independence, and Marat as the unlikely embodiment of tyrannical British rule.
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Orlando, Emily J. "Passionate Love-Letters to a Dead Girl: Elizabeth Siddall in Oscar Wilde's The Picture of Dorian Gray." Victoriographies 7, no. 2 (July 2017): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/vic.2017.0266.
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While Oscar Wilde's attraction to Pre-Raphaelite art has been well documented, surprisingly little attention has been paid to his career-long fascination with Elizabeth Siddall (1829–62). This essay will demonstrate that Wilde's deep and abiding interest in Siddall reverberates across his only novel, The Picture of Dorian Gray (1891), to an extent that has not been considered. I will specifically argue that the suicide of Dorian Gray's lover Sibyl Vane was inspired by Elizabeth Siddall's untimely overdose. The very name Sibyl echoes Siddall, who is best known as the model for John Everett Millais's Ophelia and Dante Gabriel Rossetti's Beata Beatrix. I want to suggest that Siddall, long dead by the 1890s, may have been coded as Celtic across turn-of-the-century Irish literature in ways not hitherto considered. Although Siddall was not born of Irish parents, she served ‘as a model for “a fair Celt with red hair”’ for the Pre-Raphaelite painter William Holman Hunt, perhaps owing to the fact that she was copper-haired, ivory-skinned, Welsh, and working class. As such, Siddall – who has not previously been read in a Celtic context – might serve as a signifier of the young, pale, passive, red-haired Irish maiden romanticised across popular culture as a symbol of the Irish nation. Indeed, it is plausible that the Dublin-born Wilde was attracted to Siddall because of her resemblance to the aisling figure derived from the eighteenth-century Gaelic tradition and popular in turn-of-the-century Irish culture. The essay will examine closely the nods to Elizabeth Siddall in The Picture of Dorian Gray and ultimately will propose that the Pre-Raphaelite musings in Wilde – whose engagement with feminism and with his native Ireland have always been complicated – effectively, if not intentionally, silence the figure of the fin-de-siècle New Woman as she appeared across the British and Irish Isles.
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Loftus, Belinda. "Northern Ireland 1968–1988: Enter an Art Historian in Search of a Useful Theory." Sociological Review 35, no. 1_suppl (May 1987): 99–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1987.tb00084.x.
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Publications and museum or art-gallery displays have tended to separate the visual images related to the Northern Ireland troubles into illustrations of history, works of art and media imagery. These distinct categories to some degree reflect the growing specialisation of art workers in Europe from the late eighteenth century onwards. But in the context of the Northern Ireland conflict visual images patently cut across such distinctions. Fine art works have direct political and therefore historical impact; media images use and are used by the producers of popular emblems; visual styles are held in common by all categories of imagery. The perpetuation of the separate history illustration/artwork/media picture categories when dealing with Northern Ireland imagery is therefore attributed to the formal and informal training of British and Irish historians and art historians. An alternative theoretical basis for examining the images related to the Northern Ireland conflict is suggested, in which those images are seen as parts of visual language codes, whose constant use and re-use simultaneously adds further layers of meaning to them, ensures their real impact on social, political, economic and religious developments, and modifies the overall visual language of their producers/users. This approach is related to the work of German and Austrian art-historians and their successors, American media studies focusing on the links between institutional organisation and visual style, anthropological analyses of ritual symbols and recent sociological use of linguistic theory.
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Elliott, Ben, and Aimée Little. "Introduction: A Social History of the Irish and British Mesolithic." Journal of World Prehistory 31, no. 3 (August 9, 2018): 315–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10963-018-9122-2.
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Román Sotelo, Antía. "Irish Identities Revisited in Mary O’Donnell’s “Empire”." Estudios Irlandeses, no. 17 (March 17, 2022): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24162/ei2022-10694.
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This paper aims at analysing the liminal and thus ambiguous position of both Ireland and the Irish within the British Empire through Mary O’Donnell’s short story “Empire”, published in an eponymous collection in 2018. My approach is critically informed by the theoretical perspective of liminal studies, which have characterised the short story as the liminal genre par excellence, and are thus especially suitable to address the complexities of postcolonial identities. This paper focuses on the different thematic and narrative techniques the story employs to represent different Irish experiences, while negotiating conflicting identities and spaces at a time of political upheaval and social unrest – in the years surrounding the Great War and the Easter Rising – thus providing a contemporary perspective that invites reflection and re-consideration of the official Irish national memory.
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Tishunin, Evgenii. "Representation of Authority Over Ireland in the John Lynch’s “Cambrensis Eversus” (1662)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 1 (111) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019001-0.
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The paper analyzes the forms of representation of authority over Ireland in John Lynch’s “Cambrensis Eversus” (1662). In polemic with Gerald of Wales and the English/British tradition of representation of Ireland, Lynch constructed his own view on history of Ireland and authority over this land. The first level of representation is the authority of ancient Irish kings. In this sense Lynch emphasized the contract between Irish kings and people. Moreover, Lynch modernized the image of power of ancient Irish kings, using the terms and concepts of early modern intellectual discourse. The second level is the papal authority and in this case Lynch denied any claims of Rome. The third level are the issues of legitimacy and values of authority of Anglo-Norman and Old English. In Lynch’s view, English kings before Stuarts haven’t had enough loyalty from Irish people. And the last level is Stuart’s authority over Ireland. On this level Lynch synthesized the discourse practices of other levels to construct the legitimacy of restored dynasty and to prove loyalty of whole Irish people without ethnic and confessional divisions.
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Winick, Stephen D. "Reissuing the Revival: British and Irish Music on Topic Records." Journal of American Folklore 110, no. 437 (1997): 324. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/541167.
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Novick, Ben. "Postal censorship in Ireland, 1914–16." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 123 (May 1999): 343–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001419x.
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When members of the Irish Volunteers shot dead a policeman and burst into the yard of Dublin Castle on 24 April 1916, Sir Matthew Nathan, the under-secretary, and Major Ivon H. Price, the head of military intelligence in Ireland, were upstairs in Nathan’s office discussing whether or not known agitators should be deported under the Defence of the Realm Act (DORA). This somewhat ironic scenario, which raises questions about the state of British intelligence in Ireland, has proved very attractive to historians working on this period. Some, such as Leon Ó Broin in his classics Dublin Castle and the 1916 rising: the story of Sir Matthew Nathan (1966) and The chief secretary: Augustine Birrell in Ireland (1969), have attempted to defend the actions of the civil government. Eunan O’Halpin, a more recent historian of political and military intelligence in Ireland, chooses to take the idea of British intelligence in Ireland as something of an oxymoron. Focusing on the fact that the Easter Rising was ‘permitted’ to occur, he lays the blame for such poor intelligence work on four factors: the political danger faced by British officials who risked alienating parliamentarians if they struck at advanced nationalists; legal difficulties in getting Irish juries to convict people for political crimes; failure of the intelligence branches of the Royal Irish Constabulary and Dublin Metropolitan Police to collect effective information from suspects; and finally, the personality of Augustine Birrell, who, as his wife slowly went insane and began to die of a brain tumour between 1912 and 1915, rather understandably lost interest in his official duties as chief secretary.