Journal articles on the topic 'Irish adult consumers'

The aim of the present study was to analyse the different food and nutrient intakes of the adult Irish population from the lowest and highest quartiles of intake for total fat (%energy) dietary fibre (g/MJ) and fruit and vegetables (g/day). Data on Irish adults (n = 715) from the Irish National Nutrition Survey conducted in 1989 were used for the analyses and showed that the average diet is low in dietary fibre, with fruit and vegetables being only half the recommended level of 400 g. Comparisons of people with low or high intakes (from lowest and highest quartiles) of total fat (%energy), dietary fibre (g/MJ) and fruit and vegetables (g/day) show patterns of food intake differing in both the percentage of consumers and in the mean intakes among consumers only. This analysis provides data which may be useful as a first step towards the development of food-based dietary guidelines for Ireland. In particular, the low intake of fruit and vegetables in the adult Irish population deserves special attention.

PurposeThe aim of this paper is to examine consumers' perceptions and expectations towards healthy snacks, with particular emphasis on the cereal snack market, and to explore new areas of opportunities for healthy snacks by identifying consumer needs and wants.Design/methodology/approachSix focus group discussions were conducted to generate attitudinal data across three different adult consumer groups.FindingsResults revealed that consumers expected a healthy snack to contain low levels of calories, fat, salt and sugar, and to contain high levels of whole‐grain, oats, bran, nuts, seeds, pulses and fruit, e.g. blueberries, cranberries, gogi berries. Additionally, healthy snacks were required to be free from any artificial colours, sweeteners and flavours. Major factors encouraging healthy snack consumption included reduced risk of weight gain, diabetes, heart burn and bloating. Conversely, perceived taste, portion size, the lack of available convenient nutritional snacks, accessibility and confusion over the credibility of the “healthy product” tag were the main factors preventing healthy consumption in the adult population examined. Consumers expressed a desire for a wider choice of filling snacks with specific health benefits for a variety of usage occasions, particularly those with associated health claims such as “high fibre”, “omega 3 for mental health” and “reduces cholesterol”.Research limitations/implicationsThe study sample size was not extensive and was limited to a small geographical spread of Dublin and Meath on the East coast of Ireland. A more representative sample of the entire Irish population could be the basis for further research.Practical implicationsThese findings increase the understanding of current expectations of the Irish adult consumer regarding healthy snack foods. They also highlight the potential new product development opportunities for snack food manufacturers to explore.Originality/valueThe present paper focuses specifically on healthy snacks and contributes to a limited amount of existing literature by providing consumer research for the development of new healthy snack foods.

AbstractObjectiveTo investigate Irish consumers’ use and understanding of and their belief in nutrition and health (NH) claims in the context of the European Union (EU) legislation (Regulation no. 1924/2006), which permits a number of NH claims on food products.DesignAn interview-assisted questionnaire was administered to consumers (n 400). Preference for three types of NH claims across six products was tested. Perception of NH claims was assessed across a further eight food products. Claims were categorised as content, structure–function and disease–risk factor reduction claims.SettingSix supermarkets in the Republic of Ireland.SubjectsFour hundred adult Irish supermarket consumers.ResultsOlder (P < 0·001), female (P < 0·01) consumers were more likely to seek NH claims. Structure–function and content claims were preferred across six products. Consumers’ perception was associated with the health benefit claimed rather than with the strength of the claim itself. Preference for claim type and claim perception differed with gender, age and educational level.ConclusionsIrish consumers prefer content and simpler NH claims rather than more complex disease–risk factor reduction claims. The food industry may thus be better served using these types of claims. Although the reported levels of understanding were high, evidence of positivity bias and misinterpretation was found. Thus, with regard to Regulation 1924/2006, consumers need more information on both simpler and more complex claims. Public health messages should be targeted according to gender, age and educational level.

Vitamin E is believed to play a preventive role in diseases associated with oxidative stress. The aims of the present study were to quantify vitamin E intake levels and plasma concentrations and to assess dietary vitamin E adequacy in Irish adults. Intake data from the National Adult Nutrition Survey were used; plasma samples were obtained from a representative cohort of survey participants. Plasma α- and γ-tocopherol concentrations were measured by HPLC. The main sources of vitamin E in the diet were ‘butter, spreadable fats and oils’ and ‘vegetables and vegetable dishes’. When vitamin E intake from supplements was taken into account, supplements were found to be the main contributor, making a contribution of 29·2 % to vitamin E intake in the total population. Supplement consumers had significantly higher plasma α-tocopherol concentrations and lower plasma γ-tocopherol concentrations when compared with non-consumers. Consumers of ‘vitamin E’ supplements had significantly higher vitamin E intake levels and plasma α-tocopherol concentrations compared with consumers of other types of supplements, such as multivitamin and fish oil. Comparison with the Institute of Medicine Estimated Average Requirement of 12 mg/d indicated that when vitamin E intake from food and supplement sources was taken into account, 100 % of the study participants achieved the recommended intake levels. When vitamin E intake from food sources was taken into account, only 68·4 % of the females were found to achieve the recommended intake levels compared with 99·2 % of the males. The results of the present study show that dietary vitamin E intake has a significant effect on plasma α- and γ-tocopherol concentrations. Furthermore, they show that the consumption of supplements is a major contributor to overall intake and has a significant effect on plasma vitamin E concentrations in the Irish population.

A growing body of evidence supports the inclusion of whole grain foods in the diet to help prevent certain chronic diseases. Although much of the research has been conducted in adult cohorts, it is thought that younger populations may also benefit from whole-grain-rich diets. The aim of the present study was to quantify the intake of whole grain in Irish children and teenagers, and assess the major sources of intake. Data used in the present study were from the National Children's Food Survey and the National Teens' Food Survey, which used 7 d food diaries to collect data on habitual food and beverage consumption in representative samples of Irish children and teenagers. Results showed that over 90 % of children (5–12 years) and over 86 % of teenagers (13–17 years) are consumers of whole grain, with mean daily intakes of 18·5 and 23·2 g/d, respectively. Ready-to-eat breakfast cereals made the greatest contribution to whole grain intakes for both children and teenagers (59·3 and 44·3 %), followed by bread (14·4 and 26·5 %), with wheat being the major source of intake, accounting for over 65 % of all whole grains consumed. Whole grain consumers had significantly higher intakes of fibre, P and Mg in comparison with non-consumers of whole grain, even though whole grain intakes in this sample were well below the recommendation of three servings or 48 g/d. The present study characterises, for the first time, the patterns of whole grain consumption in Irish children and teenagers and shows whole grain intake to be low.

Breakfast is considered to be one of the most important meals of the day. Its omission has been reported to be associated with increased disease risk, such as obesity, diabetes, and coronary heart disease, as well as unhealthy lifestyle and lower dietary quality. Using data from the National Adult Nutrition Survey (NANS)—a food consumption survey conducted among 1500 Irish men and women over 18 years of age, residing in the Republic of Ireland at the time the survey was conducted—we aimed to characterize breakfast regularity, identify dietary patterns associated with regular breakfast consumption, and assess the nutritional quality of such dietary patterns, using the nutrient-rich food index score NRF9.3. We determined two breakfast regularity categories and assessed dietary quality, by means of adherence to the principal component analysis derived dietary patterns and the NRF9.3 dietary index. Regular breakfast consumers were identified as those who consumed breakfast 3–4 times out of the 4 days of the collection period; such consumers comprised the majority of the population (94.4%). They had the highest adherence to healthier dietary patterns, namely, the “vegetarian” (odds ratio (OR): 2.59: 95% Confidence Interval (CI): 1.40, 4.77), “fish and vegetables” (OR: 2.88: 95% CI: 1.63, 5.10), and “breakfast cereals” (OR: 4.62: 95% CI: 2.43, 8.79) dietary patterns. Breakfast significantly contributed to the daily micronutrient intake by providing, on average, 24% of dietary fiber, 32% of iron, 30% of calcium, 32% of folate, and 37% of riboflavin. The importance of regular breakfast consumption on those who skip breakfast should be highlighted, in order to improve compliance with nutritional recommendations and adherence to a healthy lifestyle.

AbstractObjectiveTo evaluate the greenhouse gas emissions (GHGE) associated with the diet of Irish adults.DesignGHGE were estimated by applying conversion factors to habitual food consumption data taken from the National Adult Nutrition Survey, which was representative of the population. Descriptive analyses were undertaken for GHGE for the total population, as well as accounting for energy misreporting and across categories of sociodemographic and socio-economic factors and tertiles of emissions.SettingRepublic of Ireland.SubjectsAdults aged 18–87 years (n1500).ResultsThe GHGE derived from daily dietary intakes was estimated as 6·5 kg of CO2equivalents (CO2eq) per person. Males, younger consumers, those with secondary education and student employment status were associated with significantly higher GHGE. Red meat was the highest contributor to GHGE with 1646 g CO2eq arising from a mean intake of 47 g/d. Dairy and starchy staples were the next largest dietary GHGE sources, with mean daily emissions of 732 g CO2eq and 647 g CO2eq, respectively. The lowest emissions were associated with consumption of vegetables, fruits and legumes/pulses/nuts.ConclusionsBased on profiling using actual food consumption data, it is evident that one single measure is not sufficient and a range of evidence-based mitigation measures with potential to lower emissions throughout the food chain should be considered. The research contributes towards an improved understanding of the climatic impact of the dietary intakes of Irish adults and can serve to inform a sustainability framework to guide action in food and nutrition policy development.

AbstractDairy products are important contributors to nutrient intakes. However, dairy intakes are reportedly declining in developed populations, potentially due to concerns regarding Na and SFA in dairy foods, particularly cheese. This could impact other nutrient intakes. The present study used data from the National Adult Nutrition Survey (NANS) to (1) examine dairy intakes, with a specific focus on cheese, and (2) to examine the contribution of cheese to population nutrient intakes. The NANS captured detailed dietary intake data from a nationally representative sample (n 1500) between 2008 and 2010 using 4-d semi-weighed food diaries; 99·9 % of the population reported dairy intake. Mean daily population dairy intake was 290·0 (sd 202·1) g. Dairy products provided 8·7 % of the population intake of reported dietary Na, 19·8 % SFA, 39 % Ca, 34·5 % vitamin B12 and 10·5 % Mg. Cheese alone provided 3·9 % Na intake, 9·1 % Ca, 12·6 % retinol, 8·3 % SFA, 3·7 % protein, 3·4 % vitamin B12 and 3·2 % riboflavin. High dairy consumers had greater Ca and Mg intakes per 10 MJ, greater total energy intake, greater percentage of energy from carbohydrate and SFA and lower Na intakes compared with low dairy consumers. Similar trends were observed for high consumers of cheese for most nutrients except Na. These results demonstrate that dairy and cheese are important contributors to nutrient intakes of public health interest, such as Ca and B12. Our analysis also demonstrated that food-based dietary guidelines recommending lower-fat versions of dairy products are warranted.

The incidence of varicose veins in the Irish adult population was studied. Using a questionnaire attached to the quarterly Economic Consumer Survey it was found that approximately 13% of Irish adults have varicose veins. Women out numbered men by 3:1 and the incidence in both sexes increased with age, 70% of sufferers being over 45 years. Also, those in standing employment and women who had had many pregnancies had a higher than average incidence for their age.

The present analysis aimed to investigate the changes in the reported portion sizes (PS) of foods and beverages commonly consumed by Irish adults (18–64 years) from the North South Ireland Food Consumption Survey (NSIFCS) (1997–2001) and the National Adult Nutrition Survey (NANS) (2008–10). Food PS, which are defined as the weight of food (g) consumed per eating occasion, were calculated for comparable foods and beverages in two nationally representative cross-sectional Irish food consumption surveys and were published in NSIFCS and NANS. Repeated measure mixed model analysis compared reported food PS at the total population level as well as subdivided by sex, age, BMI and social class. A total of thirteen commonly consumed foods were examined. The analysis demonstrated that PS significantly increased for five foods (‘white sliced bread’, ‘brown/wholemeal breads’, ‘all meat, cooked’, ‘poultry, roasted’ and ‘milk’), significantly decreased for three (‘potatoes’, ‘chips/wedges’ and ‘ham, sliced’) and did not significantly change for five foods (‘processed potato products’, ‘bacon/ham’, ‘cheese’, ‘yogurt’ and ‘butter/spreads’) between the NSIFCS and the NANS. The present study demonstrates that there was considerable variation in the trends in reported food PS over this period.

AbstractObjectiveTo identify the most important motivations for food choice from the point of view of the consumer in the Irish population, and to characterize those subjects who do and do not regard nutrition as a significant consideration in food choice.DesignAs part of a pan-European Union (EU) survey on consumer attitudes to food, nutrition and health, a quota-controlled, nationally representative sample of Irish adults (n = 1009) aged 15 years upwards, completed an interview-assisted, close-ended questionnaire. Subjects selected three factors, from a list of 15, which they believed had the greatest influence on their food choice.SettingThe interviews for the survey were conducted in subjects' homes.Results‘Quality/freshness of food’ was the most frequently selected food choice factor (51%) followed by ’taste‘ (43%) and ‘trying to eat a healthy diet’ (36%). Female gender, increasing age and higher levels of education were found to be independent sociodemographic factors affecting the selection of ‘trying to eat a healthy diet’ as an important factor in food choice.ConclusionsAlthough included in the top five most frequently selected factors affecting food choice, nutrition/healthy eating does not appear to have top priority for the majority of Irish adults. There are differences between the various sociodemographic groups within the population; males and younger subjects appear to require specific nutrition promotion messages.

The aim of the present study was to examine the association of red meat, white meat and processed meat consumption in Irish adults with dietary quality. A cross-sectional study of subjects, randomly selected using the electoral register, estimated habitual food intakes using a 7 d food diary in a nationally representative sample of 662 men and 717 women (not pregnant or lactating) aged 18–64 years. Consumers were classified into thirds, based on the distribution of mean daily intakes for red meat, white meat and processed meat. The mean intakes of red meat, white meat and processed meat were 51, 33 and 26 g/d respectively, and men consumed significantly more (P<0·001) than women for all meat types. In men, red meat consumption was associated with lower (P<0·001) prevalence of inadequacy for Zn, riboflavin and vitamin C intakes. Increasing processed meat intake was associated with a lower (P<0·01) level of compliance with dietary recommendations for fat, carbohydrate and fibre in men. Increasing processed meat consumption was associated with lower (P<0·01) wholemeal bread, vegetables, fruit and fish intakes in men and women. Managerial occupations were associated with lower processed meat intakes. It is important to distinguish between meat groups, as there was a large variation between the dietary quality in consumers of red meat, white meat and processed meat. Processed meat consumption is negatively associated with dietary quality and might therefore be a dietary indicator of poor dietary quality. This has important implications in nutritional epidemiological studies and for the development of food-based dietary guidelines.

The objective of this work was to quantify the impact of the voluntary fortification of foods on dietary intakes of vitamins and minerals of Irish adults. Foods that were voluntarily fortified were identified and pre- and post-fortification levels of micronutrients were determined from data supplied by manufacturers and food composition tables. Using food consumption data in 1379 adults aged 18–64 years, estimated using a 7-d food diary during the North/South Ireland Food Consumption Survey, intakes of micronutrients were determined, both including and excluding the fortification component in foods. Of approximately 3000 foods recorded as consumed, 1·9 % were fortified, mainly breakfast cereals and beverages. Median micronutrient content of fortified foods (FF) ranged from 18–33 % EC RDA per typical serving. Among consumers (65 % of men, 68 % of women), FF contributed, on average, 3·9 % (men) and 5·0 % (women) to mean daily intake (MDI) of energy. Relative to their contribution to MDI of energy, FF contribute a greater % MDI for Fe (men 16, women 19), folate (men 18, women 21), vitamins B1(men 14, women 16), B2(men 16, women 18), B6(men 12, women 15), D (men 5, women 11), B12(men 5, women 7) and niacin (men 10, women 12). Fortification significantly improved the adequacy of intake of some micronutrients, particularly of riboflavin, folate, vitamin D and Fe in women and did not contribute to an increased risk of adverse effects from excessive intake of any micronutrient.

Higher dietary energy density (DED) has been reported to be associated with weight gain, obesity and poorer dietary quality, yet nationally representative estimates that would allow tracking of secular trends and inter-country comparisons are limited. The aims of the present study were to calculate DED estimates for the Irish population and to identify dietary determinants of DED. Weighed/semi-weighed food records from three cross-sectional surveys (the National Children's Food Survey, the National Teens’ Food Survey and the National Adult Nutrition Survey) were collated to estimate habitual dietary intakes for a nationally representative sample of the Irish population, aged 5–90 years (n2535). DED estimates, calculated using the total diet method, the food only method and a novel method, including foods and solids in beverages, were 3·70 (sd1·09), 7·58 (sd1·72) and 8·40 (sd1·88) kJ/g, respectively. Determinants of DED did not vary by the calculation method used. Variation in the intakes of fruit, vegetables and sugar-sweetened beverages (SSB) across consumer groups contributed to the largest variance in DED estimates, followed by variation in the intakes of potatoes, fresh meat, bread, chips, ready-to-eat breakfast cereals, and confectionery. DED estimates were inversely associated with age group and consistently lower for females than for males. The inverse association of DED with age group was explained by higher intakes of vegetables, fruit, fish, potatoes, fresh meat and brown bread and lower intakes of SSB, chocolate confectionery, ready-to-eat breakfast cereals and savoury snacks in older age groups. Females consumed, on average, 1·5 times more fruit and vegetables combined when compared with males, largely explaining the sex differences in DED estimates. Current DED estimates for adults were similar to those calculated in a previous survey, carried out 10 years earlier. These estimates and determinants serve as a baseline for comparison for other works and public health campaigns.

Abstract Background Food is an important part of older people’s life contributing to their physiological and mental well-being and to their satisfaction with life. The aim of this study was to investigate the factors that contribute to the satisfaction with food-related life of Irish community-dwelling adults older than 55 years. Methods A mixed methods approach was employed. Quantitative data were collected through a survey which tested how socio-demographic characteristics, food habits, mood and self-perceived health were correlated (Spearman correlation) with the 5 items from the satisfaction with food-related life (SWFL) questionnaire. Qualitative data were collected through open-ended questions which investigated the factors determining food satisfaction levels of the 81 adults (54 women) older than 55 years who participated in the study. Results The highest score (4.3/5) was given to the item from the SWFL questionnaire: “Food and meals are very important elements in my life”, and was regardless of gender, age and marital status of the participants. In contrast, the lowest score (3.9/5) was given to the item “My life in relation to food and meals is ideal”. Spearman’s correlation revealed that fruit consumption was positively correlated “With regard to food, the conditions of my life are excellent” (rho=0.29, p<0.05). The open-ended questions showed that sensory appeal was the most popular term related to food satisfaction levels. Conclusion Meals and food play an important role in older adults’ life; however, participants did not consider their life in relation to meals and food as ideal. Therefore, strategies need to be employed to improve food and meal experience for community-dwelling older adults to keep them healthy for longer. Food industry should focus on developing nutritious and sensory-appealing food for the older consumers. Finally, the finding that consumption of fruit leads to satisfaction with food-related life could be used as a health promotion message to change eating behaviour.

AbstractObjectivesTo analyse the temporal distribution of the intake of cereal and dairy products in the Republic of Ireland.DesignThe North/South Ireland Food Consumption Survey established a database of habitual food and drink consumption using a 7-day food diary. The database also recorded the time and day of food consumption. Mean intakes of cereal and dairy products were calculated for time of the day and day of the week.ResultsAt the weekend, the percentage of consumers decreased for nearly all cereal and dairy products. White bread, total cereals, full-fat milk and total dairy intakes were significantly lower at the weekend (P<0.01) compared with weekdays. Intakes of cereal and dairy products over time of the day showed clear mealtime or snacking patterns when the number of consumers was controlled for. White bread, wholemeal bread, total cereals, full-fat milk, reduced-fat milk and total dairy intakes showed mealtime peaks for morning, afternoon and evening. When examined by tertile of intake, tertile of percentage energy from fat and tertile of fibre intake, intakes of cereal and dairy products over time of the day and day of the week were similar to trends described above, regardless of the tertile.ConclusionsTemporal analysis of the intakes of cereal and dairy products did not reveal any unusual trends in this population. However, the significant methodological issues raised in this paper will be of benefit to other aspects of research in this area.

AbstractObjective:A consideration of eating patterns in the general population is necessary when deriving food-based dietary guidelines (FBDG) as promoting the intake of one food may indirectly result in the increased consumption of another, which may not always be desirable. A number of issues that influence meal patterns such as temporal distribution of food intake (using data from the Netherlands), converging and diverging foods (using data from Ireland) and meals eaten inside and outside of the home (using data from the UK) are examined and discussed in the context of developing FBDG.Setting:Food intake databases from three EU countries: The Netherlands, Ireland and the UK.Results:The hot meal (dinner) was found to be the main contributor to the intake of energy and macro-nutrients in the Dutch population. It was also the main contributor to the intake of all micro-nutrients with the exception of calcium where the bread meal contributed a similar proportion as the hot meal to the intake of this micronutrient. Furthermore, fruit intake showed a very different temporal distribution to vegetable intake. Exploring the convergence of certain foods in the Irish population also revealed differences between fruit and vegetables. A low correlation was shown for consumers of fruit and vegetables indicating that being a high fruit consumer did not suggest being also a high vegetable consumer. An examination of where meals were consumed among British adults showed that 71% of all meals were consumed inside the home while 29% were consumed outside. 27% of food energy and 45% of alcohol energy was consumed out of home by the total population. In addition, those eating less of their foods out of home obtained a lower proportion of their food energy from fat and protein and a higher proportion from carbohydrate. A different demographic profile was associated with eating out compared to eating in, comprising more males and younger individuals.Conclusions:Information on patterns of food intake and food habits, specifically temporal distribution, the convergence and divergence of foods and foods consumed inside and outside of the home, give a culturally specific picture of food consumption practices within a population. This should enable the development of more culturally acceptable and realistic FBDG.

The present research quantified the risk mitigation indices associated with some risk mitigation protocols practiced by humans in Nigeria to mitigate the baseline risk of illness that were associated with Clarias gariepinus contaminated with multidrug-resistant AmpC beta-lactamase-producing Enterobacter cloacae pathogen. Identification of the multidrug-resistant AmpC beta-lactamase-producing E. cloacae pathogen was performed with phenotypic and molecular methods. The United States FDA-iRisk stochastic software quantified the baseline and residual risk of illness associated with the contamination and cross-contamination routes of the C. gariepinus chain. The fresh adult C. gariepinus was contaminated with the multidrug-resistant E. cloacae pathogen (median concentration = 4.49 CFU g-1), but this was significantly reduced by the risk mitigation protocols practiced by the human consumers. The risk mitigation practices of human consumers resulted in a risk mitigation index of 0.92, which was equivalent to a 92% reduction in the baseline risk of illness (baseline risk of illness = 7.58 × 10-4; residual risk of illness = 5.9 × 10-5). In spite of the significant risk mitigation, inducible AmpC beta-lactamase resistance genes was still found in the residual multidrug-resistant Enterobacter cloacae pathogen, which survived the inadequate risk mitigation protocols that accounted for 8% residual risk of illness.

AbstractObjectiveTo evaluate the impact of the disaggregation of composite foods on intake estimates of meat and individual meat categories and on the contribution of meat to nutrient intakes in Irish adults.DesignData were analysed from the North/South Ireland Food Consumption Survey, which used a 7-day food diary to estimate food intake. Of 742 food codes that contained meat, 320 were codes for meat consumed as an individual portion and 422 were composite foods and were disaggregated to estimate the meat content.SubjectsA nationally representative sample of 475 men and 483 women (not pregnant or lactating) from the Republic of Ireland aged 18–64 years.ResultsThe mean intake of meat was 134 g day−1in consumers (98.5%) and men (168 g day−1) consumed significantly more (P< 0.001) than women (102 g day−1). Mean intakes of meat were higher in subjects with manual skilled occupations (P< 0.01) and lower in those with third-level educational qualifications (P< 0.05). Without disaggregating meat from composite foods, meat intake was overestimated by 43% (57 g day−1) and varied widely by meat category. Meat disaggregated from composite foods contributed 25% of meat intake. The contribution meat made to nutrient intakes ranged from 29% for protein, vitamin B12, zinc and niacin to 20% for vitamin D, 16% for vitamin B6, 15% for thiamine and 14% for iron.ConclusionsFailure to disaggregat meat from composite foods substantially overestimates meat intake, with a large variation between meat categories. This has important implications for estimates of meat intakes in nutritional epidemiological studies and for food safety purposes.

AbstractObjective:To describe the consumption of ready-to-eat-breakfast cereals (RTEBCs) in Irish adults and its impact on adequacy and safety of micronutrient intakes and compliance with dietary recommendations.Design:Analysis for this paper used data from the North/South Ireland Food Consumption Survey that estimated habitual food intake using a 7-day food diary in a representative sample of adults aged 18–64 years (n=1379; 662 men, 717 women).Results:Despite the small quantity consumed (mean 28.6gday-1or 4.7% of total energy intake), RTEBCs made an important contribution to the mean daily intake of carbohydrate (8.1%), starch (10.8%), dietary fibre (9.8%) and non-starch polysaccharides (NSP) (10.8%) in consumers. Increased consumption was associated with a more fibre-dense diet and with greater compliance with dietary recommendations for fat, carbohydrate and NSP. Fortified RTEBCs contributed significantly to mean daily intakes of iron (18%), thiamin (14%), riboflavin (17%), niacin (15%), vitamin B6(13%), total folate (18%) and vitamin D (10%) and most of the contribution was from micronutrients added to RTEBCs. Increased consumption of fortified RTEBCs was associated with an increased nutrient density for a number of micronutrients and with a lower prevalence of dietary inadequacy of calcium, iron, riboflavin and folate, particularly in women. However, it was not associated with intakes in excess of the Tolerable Upper Intake Level for any micronutrient.Conclusions:The consumption of RTEBCs is associated with improved compliance with dietary recommendations for fat, carbohydrate and fibre, with a more micronutrient-dense diet and a reduced risk of dietary inadequacy for calcium, iron, riboflavin and folate, without increasing the risk of excessive intakes of micronutrients.

AbstractLow intakes and suboptimal status of vitamin D, riboflavin, vitamin B12, folate and calcium have been reported in older adults across Europe. Dietary strategies to improve micronutrient intakes and status could include food fortification (mandatory or voluntary) and/or the use of nutritional supplements. This study aims to examine the impact of fortified food consumption and nutritional supplement use on nutrient intakes and nutritional status of vitamin D, riboflavin, vitamin B12, dietary folate equivalents (DFE) and calcium in older Irish adults.Analyses were based on the National Adult Nutrition Survey (NANS) (2008–2010). A 4 day semi-weighed food record was used to collect food and beverage intake data (including nutritional supplement use) from a nationally representative sample of 1500 adults (226 older adults (≥ 65y)). Blood samples (n 1126 (n 145 ≥ 65y)) were collected, processed and analysed using standard operating procedures. Nutrient intakes were estimated using WISP© based on UK and Irish food composition data. Fortified foods were identified as those that had one or more micronutrients added in the ingredient list and a nutritional supplement was defined as a supplement containing vitamins and/or minerals (i.e. excludes herbal/non-nutritional supplements). A fortified food consumer or nutritional supplement user was defined as a participant who consumed a fortified food or took a nutritional supplement at any time over the 4-day recording period. Usual intakes of micronutrients were calculated via the NCI-method using SAS© Enterprise Guide and analyses of biomarker data were carried out using SPSS©.The consumption of fortified foods and/or use of nutritional supplements increased mean intakes of vitamin D (3.6 to 6.9μg/d), riboflavin (1.6 to 2.3mg/d), vitamin B12 (4.5 to 6.0μg/d), DFE (228 to 408μg/d) and calcium (784 to 947mg/d) in older Irish adults and reduced the prevalence of inadequate intakes of these micronutrients by up to 40%. Furthermore, consumers of fortified foods and/or nutritional supplements had improved biomarker status and reduced prevalence of low/deficient status for vitamin D (62 vs 16%), riboflavin (65 vs 11%), vitamin B12 (8 vs 0%) and folate (serum folate:18 vs 0%; red blood cell folate: 0% across all groups) when compared to non-consumers.This study has shown that fortified foods and/or nutritional supplements represent an opportunity to improve intakes and status of key micronutrients in older adults. The data presented in this study will serve to inform the development and implementation of updated dietary recommendations for older adults in Ireland.

AbstractDietary iron requirements are higher among women of child-bearing age (WCBA) to replenish blood loss during menses, to prevent iron deficiency anaemia and to support a healthy foetus during pregnancy. Low intakes of iron have previously been reported among WCBA in Ireland and across Europe and data from European countries have shown that there is evidence of anaemia and low iron stores in this population group. The aim of this study was to investigate the dietary patterns influencing iron intakes in WCBA (18–50 years) in Ireland.Analyses were based on the National Adult Nutrition Survey (NANS) (2008–2010) (www.iuna.net). A 4 day semi-weighed food record was used to collect food and beverage intake data (including nutritional supplement use) from a nationally representative sample of 1500 adults (487 women (18–50y)). Nutrient intakes were estimated using WISP© based on UK and Irish food composition data. On the basis of mean daily intake of iron, WCBA were divided into three intake groups: low, medium and high. The food groups that accounted for the greatest proportion of the difference between the high (top third) and low (bottom third) of iron intakes were identified.The difference in iron intakes between the high and low intake groups (25 v 6.7mg/d) was 18.3mg/d. Nutritional supplements and ready-to–eat breakfast cereals (RTEBC) (commonly fortified with iron) accounted for 58 and 20% of the difference in intakes between the high and low intake group, respectively. The contribution of nutritional supplements to the difference in iron intakes can be explained by the proportion of users in the high vs low intake group (27% vs < 1%). The contribution of RTEBC to the difference in iron intakes can be explained by both a higher proportion of those in the high vs low intake group consuming RTEBC and those in the high intake group having a higher mean daily intake of RTEBC (78% vs 36%; 32g/d vs 7g/d).Most of the difference in iron intake between high and low consumers is attributable to nutritional supplement use and the patterns of consumption of fortified RTEBC. These findings will aid in the development of strategies to improve iron intakes in WCBA in Ireland.

AbstractIntroduction:Milk is widely recognised as a nutrient dense food, supporting the growth and development of children. Nevertheless some milk types such as whole milk can consist of high levels of saturated fat, which is recognised for its association with chronic disease risk in adults when intakes are elevated. In Ireland, current dietary guidelines recommend that children from two years onwards should consume low fat milk. Previous research has shown low levels of compliance with this guideline. Therefore the aim of this study is to review the current consumption of milk and non-dairy milk-based alternatives among Irish children and compare these with previous intakes.Materials and methods:Analyses are based on data from the nationally representative National Children's Food Survey (NCFS, 2003–2004) and the National Children's Food Survey II (NCFSII 2017–2018) (www.iuna.net). The NCFS and NCFS II collected detailed food and beverage intake data from 7-d and 4-d weighed food diaries respectively, of Irish children aged 5–12 years (NCFS, n594; NCFS II, n600). Dietary intakes were analysed using WISP© in NCFS and Nutritics V5.02 (Nutritics, Dublin, Ireland) in NCFS II. Milk intakes were categorised into three food groups: ‘Whole milk’, ‘reduced fat milk’, and ‘non-dairy milk alternatives’. Mean daily intakes (MDIs) were calculated for the total population and consumers only using SPSS© V24.0.Results:Dietary intakes of ‘whole milk’ decreased over time from 232 ± 186g/d to current intakes of 131 ± 154g/d. In contrast, increases were noted in ‘reduced fat milks’ (26 ± 86g/d to 52 ± 110g/d) and ‘non-dairy alternatives’ (0.2 ± 4g/d to 3 ± 19g/d). A total of 68% of children were classified as consumers of whole milk (193 ± 151g/d) compared to 90% (257 ± 178g/d) previously. ‘Reduced fat milk’ consumers increased from 17% to 31% and ‘non-dairy alternatives’ consumers also increased from < 1% to 3%.Conclusion:Our preliminary results indicate that the number of Irish children consuming whole milk have decreased over the last number of years. In contrast consumers of ‘reduced fat milks’ have significantly increased, indicating potential improvement to healthy eating guidelines adherence. Further analysis to examine current intakes and sources of saturated fat is warranted to establish additional changes in dietary patterns and compliance with recommendations within this age group.

AbstractIntroduction:Little is known about the factors which influence seafood consumption in Irish adults at present. This systematic review will serve the purpose of reviewing published literature examining influences on seafood consumption to provide a basis for a larger project being carried out in UCD - the Seafood Consumption and Risk Exposure Study (SCaRES) - examination of seafood consumption in the Irish population. This project aims to generate food consumption data, on seafood, consumers to improve the characterisation of the risk from exposure to biotoxins and other contaminants from consuming shellfish. This approach will represent a significant step forward in terms of public health policy contribution by being able to characterise the likelihood of illness in a population or population sub-group on an annual basis.Materials and Methods:Data sources PubMed, Embase, and Web of Science were searched for articles published between January 2008 and January 2018 investigating the characteristics of seafood consumers. Search terms include the following: factors OR influences OR determinants OR indicators AND fish OR seafood OR shellfish OR marine products AND diet OR dietary intake OR intake OR consumption. Articles, in English which investigated factors influencing seafood/fish consumption in adults (18 + ) were included.Results:A total of 3964 unique articles were found, after duplicates (n = 1537) were removed. Following this, a further 3531 articles were excluded based on title and abstract. The remaining articles (n = 433) were screened based on inclusion criteria. After the initial systematic search, 149 papers met the inclusion criteria. Preliminary analysis to date demonstrated the following; seafood consumers are more likely to have higher educational attainment (n = 43 article), they are more likely to be of older age (n = 29 articles), 21 articles reported that they are less likely to be smokers, whilst n = 17, found that they are more likely to be physically active, with n = 20 reporting they are more likely to have a healthier overall diet and n = 14 reporting that they are more likely to have a higher household income. Results were mixed with respect to BMI.Discussion:The included studies have found that seafood consumers are more likely to have higher educational attainment, be of older age, have lower tobacco use, be physically active, have a higher fruit and vegetable intake and have a higher household income. Full analysis is ongoing.

Introduction The social roles of alcohol consumption are rich and varied, with different types of alcoholic beverages reflecting important symbolic and cultural meanings. Sparkling wine is especially notable for its association with secular and sacred celebrations. Indeed, sparkling wine is rarely drunk as a matter of routine; bottles of such wine signal special occasions, heightened by the formality and excitement associated with opening the bottle and controlling (or not!) the resultant fizz (Faith). Originating in England and France in the late 1600s, sparkling wine marked a dramatic shift in winemaking techniques, with winemakers deliberately adding “fizz” or bubbles to their product (Faith). The resulting effervescent wines were first enjoyed by the social elite of European society, signifying privilege, wealth, luxury and nobility; however, new techniques for producing, selling and distributing the wines created a mass consumer culture (Guy). Production of Australian sparkling wines began in the late nineteenth century and consumption remains popular. As a “new world” country – that is, one not located in the wine producing areas of Europe – Australian sparkling wines cannot directly draw on the same marketing traditions as those of the “old world”. One enterprising company, Treasury Wine Estates, markets a range of wines, including a sparkling variety, called 19 Crimes, that draws, not on European traditions tied to luxury, wealth and prestige, but Australia’s colonial history. Using Augmented Reality and interactive story-telling, 19 Crimes wine labels feature convicts who had committed one or more of 19 crimes punishable by transportation to Australia from Britain. The marketing of sparkling wine using convict images and convict stories of transportation have not diminished the celebratory role of consuming “bubbly”. Rather, in exploring the marketing techniques employed by the company, particularly when linked to the traditional drink of celebration, we argue that 19 Crimes, while fun and informative, nevertheless romanticises convict experiences and Australia’s convict past. Convict Heritage and Re-Appropriating the Convict Image Australia’s cultural heritage is undeniably linked to its convict past. Convicts were transported to Australia from England and Ireland over an 80-year period between 1788-1868. While the convict system in Australia was not predominantly characterised by incarceration and institutionalisation (Jones 18) the work they performed was often forced and physically taxing, and food and clothing shortages were common. Transportation meant exile, and “it was a fierce punishment that ejected men, women and children from their homelands into distant and unknown territories” (Bogle 23). Convict experiences of transportation often varied and were dependent not just on the offender themselves (for example their original crime, how willing they were to work and their behaviour), but also upon the location they were sent to. “Normal” punishment could include solitary confinement, physical reprimands (flogging) or hard labour in chain gangs. From the time that transportation ceased in the mid 1800s, efforts were made to distance Australia’s future from the “convict stain” of its past (Jones). Many convict establishments were dismantled or repurposed with the intent of forgetting the past, although some became sites of tourist visitation from the time of closure. Importantly, however, the wider political and social reluctance to engage in discourse regarding Australia’s “unsavoury historical incident” of its convict past continued up until the 1970s (Jones 26). During the 1970s Australia’s convict heritage began to be discussed more openly, and indeed, more favourably (Welch 597). Many today now view Australia’s convicts as “reluctant pioneers” (Barnard 7), and as such they are celebrated within our history. In short, the convict heritage is now something to be celebrated rather than shunned. This celebration has been capitalised upon by tourist industries and more recently by wine label 19 Crimes. “19 Crimes: Cheers to the Infamous” The Treasury Wine Estates brand launched 19 Crimes in 2011 to a target population of young men aged between 18 and 34 (Lyons). Two limited edition vintages sold out in 2011 with “virtually no promotion” (19 Crimes, “Canadians”). In 2017, 19 Crimes became the first wine to use an Augmented Reality (AR) app (the app was later renamed Living Wines Labels in 2018) that allowed customers to hover their [smart] phone in front of a bottle of the wine and [watch] mugshots of infamous 18th century British criminals come to life as 3D characters who recount their side of the story. Having committed at least one of the 19 crimes punishable by exile to Australia, these convicts now humor and delight wine drinkers across the globe. (Lirie) Given the target audience of the 19 Crimes wine was already 18-34 year old males, AR made sense as a marketing technique. Advertisers are well aware the millennial generation is “digitally empowered” and the AR experience was created to not only allow “consumers to engage with 19 Crimes wines but also explore some of the stories of Australia’s convict past … [as] told by the convicts-turned-colonists themselves!” (Lilley cited in Szentpeteri 1-2). The strategy encourages people to collect convicts by purchasing other 19 Crimes alcohol to experience a wider range of stories. The AR has been highly praised: they [the labels] animate, explaining just what went down and giving a richer experience to your beverage; engaging both the mind and the taste buds simultaneously … . ‘A fantastic app that brings a little piece of history to life’, writes one user on the Apple app store. ‘I jumped out of my skin when the mugshot spoke to me’. (Stone) From here, the success of 19 Crimes has been widespread. For example, in November 2020, media reports indicated that 19 Crimes red wine was the most popular supermarket wine in the UK (Lyons; Pearson-Jones). During the UK COVID lockdown in 2020, 19 Crimes sales increased by 148 per cent in volume (Pearson-Jones). This success is in no small part to its innovative marketing techniques, which of course includes the AR technology heralded as a way to enhance the customer experience (Lirie). The 19 Crimes wine label explicitly celebrates infamous convicts turned settlers. The website “19 Crimes: Cheers to the Infamous” incorporates ideas of celebration, champagne and bubbles by encouraging people to toast their mates: the convicts on our wines are not fiction. They were of flesh and blood, criminals and scholars. Their punishment of transportation should have shattered their spirits. Instead, it forged a bond stronger than steel. Raise a glass to our convict past and the principles these brave men and women lived by. (19 Crimes, “Cheers”) While using alcohol, and in particular sparkling wine, to participate in a toasting ritual is the “norm” for many social situations, what is distinctive about the 19 Crimes label is that they have chosen to merchandise and market known offenders for individuals to encounter and collect as part of their drinking entertainment. This is an innovative and highly popular concept. According to one marketing company: “19 Crimes Wines celebrate the rebellious spirit of the more than 160,000 exiled men and women, the rule breakers and law defying citizens that forged a new culture and national spirit in Australia” (Social Playground). The implication is that by drinking this brand of [sparkling] wine, consumers are also partaking in celebrating those convicts who “forged” Australian culture and national spirit. In many ways, this is not a “bad thing”. 19 Crimes are promoting Australian cultural history in unique ways and on a very public and international scale. The wine also recognises the hard work and success stories of the many convicts that did indeed build Australia. Further, 19 Crimes are not intentionally minimising the experiences of convicts. They implicitly acknowledge the distress felt by convicts noting that it “should have shattered their spirits”. However, at times, the narratives and marketing tools romanticise the convict experience and culturally reinterpret a difficult experience into one of novelty. They also tap into Australia’s embracement of larrikinism. In many ways, 19 Crimes are encouraging consumers to participate in larrikin behaviour, which Bellanta identifies as being irreverent, mocking authority, showing a disrespect for social subtleties and engaging in boisterous drunkenness with mates. Celebrating convict history with a glass of bubbly certainly mocks authority, as does participating in cultural practices that subvert original intentions. Several companies in the US and Europe are now reportedly offering the service of selling wine bottle labels with customisable mugshots. Journalist Legaspi suggests that the perfect gift for anyone who wants a sparkling wine or cider to toast with during the Yuletide season would be having a customisable mugshot as a wine bottle label. The label comes with the person’s mugshot along with a “goofy ‘crime’ that fits the person-appealing” (Sotelo cited in Legaspi). In 2019, Social Playground partnered with MAAKE and Dan Murphy's stores around Australia to offer customers their own personalised sticker mugshots that could be added to the wine bottles. The campaign was intended to drive awareness of 19 Crimes, and mugshot photo areas were set up in each store. Customers could then pose for a photo against the “mug shot style backdrop. Each photo was treated with custom filters to match the wine labels actual packaging” and then printed on a sticker (Social Playground). The result was a fun photo moment, delivered as a personalised experience. Shoppers were encouraged to purchase the product to personalise their bottle, with hundreds of consumers taking up the offer. With instant SMS delivery, consumers also received a branded print that could be shared so [sic] social media, driving increased brand awareness for 19 Crimes. (Social Playground) While these customised labels were not interactive, they lent a unique and memorable spin to the wine. In many circumstances, adding personalised photographs to wine bottles provides a perfect and unique gift; yet, could be interpreted as making light of the conditions experienced by convicts. However, within our current culture, which celebrates our convict heritage and embraces crime consumerism, the reframing of a mugshot from a tool used by the State to control into a novelty gift or memento becomes culturally acceptable and desirable. Indeed, taking a larrikin stance, the reframing of the mugshot is to be encouraged. It should be noted that while some prisons were photographing criminals as early as the 1840s, it was not common practice before the 1870s in England. The Habitual Criminals Act of 1869 has been attributed with accelerating the use of criminal photographs, and in 1871 the Crimes Prevention Act mandated the photographing of criminals (Clark). Further, in Australia, convicts only began to be photographed in the early 1870s (Barnard) and only in Western Australia and Port Arthur (Convict Records, “Resources”), restricting the availability of images which 19 Crimes can utilise. The marketing techniques behind 19 Crimes and the Augmented app offered by Living Wines Labels ensure that a very particular picture of the convicts is conveyed to its customers. As seen above, convicts are labelled in jovial terms such as “rule breakers”, having a “rebellious spirit” or “law defying citizens”, again linking to notions of larrikinism and its celebration. 19 Crimes have been careful to select convicts that have a story linked to “rule breaking, culture creating and overcoming adversity” (19 Crimes, “Snoop”) as well as convicts who have become settlers, or in other words, the “success stories”. This is an ingenious marketing strategy. Through selecting success stories, 19 Crimes are able to create an environment where consumers can enjoy their bubbly while learning about a dark period of Australia’s heritage. Yet, there is a distancing within the narratives that these convicts are actually “criminals”, or where their criminal behaviour is acknowledged, it is presented in a way that celebrates it. Words such as criminals, thieves, assault, manslaughter and repeat offenders are foregone to ensure that consumers are never really reminded that they may be celebrating “bad” people. The crimes that make up 19 Crimes include: Grand Larceny, theft above the value of one shilling. Petty Larceny, theft under one shilling. Buying or receiving stolen goods, jewels, and plate... Stealing lead, iron, or copper, or buying or receiving. Impersonating an Egyptian. Stealing from furnished lodgings. Setting fire to underwood. Stealing letters, advancing the postage, and secreting the money. Assault with an intent to rob. Stealing fish from a pond or river. Stealing roots, trees, or plants, or destroying them. Bigamy. Assaulting, cutting, or burning clothes. Counterfeiting the copper coin... Clandestine marriage. Stealing a shroud out of a grave. Watermen carrying too many passengers on the Thames, if any drowned. Incorrigible rogues who broke out of Prison and persons reprieved from capital punishment. Embeuling Naval Stores, in certain cases. (19 Crimes, “Crimes”) This list has been carefully chosen to fit the narrative that convicts were transported in the main for what now appear to be minimal offences, rather than for serious crimes which would otherwise have been punished by death, allowing the consumer to enjoy their bubbly without engaging too closely with the convict story they are experiencing. The AR experience offered by these labels provides consumers with a glimpse of the convicts’ stories. Generally, viewers are told what crime the convict committed, a little of the hardships they encountered and the success of their outcome. Take for example the transcript of the Blanc de Blancs label: as a soldier I fought for country. As a rebel I fought for cause. As a man I fought for freedom. My name is James Wilson and I fight to the end. I am not ashamed to speak the truth. I was tried for treason. Banished to Australia. Yet I challenged my fate and brought six of my brothers to freedom. Think that we have been nearly nine years in this living tomb since our first arrest and that it is impossible for mind or body to withstand the continual strain that is upon them. One or the other must give way. While the contrived voice of James Wilson speaks about continual strain on the body and mind, and having to live in a “living tomb” [Australia] the actual difficulties experienced by convicts is not really engaged with. Upon further investigation, it is also evident that James Wilson was not an ordinary convict, nor was he strictly tried for treason. Information on Wilson is limited, however from what is known it is clear that he enlisted in the British Army at age 17 to avoid arrest when he assaulted a policeman (Snoots). In 1864 he joined the Irish Republican Brotherhood and became a Fenian; which led him to desert the British Army in 1865. The following year he was arrested for desertion and was convicted by the Dublin General Court Martial for the crime of being an “Irish rebel” (Convict Records, “Wilson”), desertion and mutinous conduct (photo from the Wild Geese Memorial cited in The Silver Voice). Prior to transportation, Wilson was photographed at Dublin Mountjoy Prison in 1866 (Manuscripts and Archives Division), and this is the photo that appears on the Blanc de Blancs label. He arrived in Fremantle, Western Australia on 9 January 1868. On 3 June 1869 Wilson “was sentenced to fourteen days solitary, confinement including ten days on bread and water” (photo from the Wild Geese Memorial cited in The Silver Voice) for an unknown offence or breach of conduct. A few years into his sentence he sent a letter to a fellow Fenian New York journalist John Devoy. Wilson wrote that his was a voice from the tomb. For is not this a living tomb? In the tomb it is only a man’s body is good for the worms but in this living tomb the canker worm of care enters the very soul. Think that we have been nearly nine years in this living tomb since our first arrest and that it is impossible for mind or body to withstand the continual strain that is upon them. One or the other must give way. (Wilson, 1874, cited in FitzSimons; emphasis added) Note the last two lines of the extract of the letter have been used verbatim by 19 Crimes to create their interactive label. This letter sparked a rescue mission which saw James Wilson and five of his fellow prisoners being rescued and taken to America where Wilson lived out his life (Reid). This escape has been nicknamed “The Great Escape” and a memorial was been built in 2005 in Rockingham where the escape took place. While 19 Crimes have re-created many elements of Wilson’s story in the interactive label, they have romanticised some aspects while generalising the conditions endured by convicts. For example, citing treason as Wilson’s crime rather than desertion is perhaps meant to elicit more sympathy for his situation. Further, the selection of a Fenian convict (who were often viewed as political prisoners that were distinct from the “criminal convicts”; Amos) allows 19 Crimes to build upon narratives of rule breaking by focussing on a convict who was sent to Australia for fighting for what he believed in. In this way, Wilson may not be seen as a “real” criminal, but rather someone to be celebrated and admired. Conclusion As a “new world” producer of sparkling wine, it was important for 19 Crimes to differentiate itself from the traditionally more sophisticated market of sparkling-wine consumers. At a lower price range, 19 Crimes caters to a different, predominantly younger, less wealthy clientele, who nevertheless consume alcoholic drinks symbolic to the occasion. The introduction of an effervescent wine to their already extensive collection encourages consumers to buy their product to use in celebratory contexts where the consumption of bubbly defines the occasion. The marketing of Blanc de Blancs directly draws upon ideas of celebration whilst promoting an image and story of a convict whose situation is admired – not the usual narrative that one associates with celebration and bubbly. Blanc de Blancs, and other 19 Crimes wines, celebrate “the rules they [convicts] broke and the culture they built” (19 Crimes, “Crimes”). This is something that the company actively promotes through its website and elsewhere. Using AR, 19 Crimes are providing drinkers with selective vantage points that often sensationalise the reality of transportation and disengage the consumer from that reality (Wise and McLean 569). Yet, 19 Crimes are at least engaging with the convict narrative and stimulating interest in the convict past. Consumers are being informed, convicts are being named and their stories celebrated instead of shunned. Consumers are comfortable drinking bubbly from a bottle that features a convict because the crimes committed by the convict (and/or to the convict by the criminal justice system) occurred so long ago that they have now been romanticised as part of Australia’s colourful history. The mugshot has been re-appropriated within our culture to become a novelty or fun interactive experience in many social settings. For example, many dark tourist sites allow visitors to take home souvenir mugshots from decommissioned police and prison sites to act as a memento of their visit. The promotional campaign for people to have their own mugshot taken and added to a wine bottle, while now a cultural norm, may diminish the real intent behind a mugshot for some people. For example, while drinking your bubbly or posing for a fake mugshot, it may be hard to remember that at the time their photographs were taken, convicts and transportees were “ordered to sit for the camera” (Barnard 7), so as to facilitate State survelliance and control over these individuals (Wise and McLean 562). Sparkling wine, and the bubbles that it contains, are intended to increase fun and enjoyment. Yet, in the case of 19 Crimes, the application of a real-life convict to a sparkling wine label adds an element of levity, but so too novelty and romanticism to what are ultimately narratives of crime and criminal activity; thus potentially “making light” of the convict experience. 19 Crimes offers consumers a remarkable way to interact with our convict heritage. The labels and AR experience promote an excitement and interest in convict heritage with potential to spark discussion around transportation. The careful selection of convicts and recognition of the hardships surrounding transportation have enabled 19 Crimes to successfully re-appropriate the convict image for celebratory occasions. References 19 Crimes. “Cheers to the Infamous.” 19 Crimes, 2020. 14 Dec. 2020 <https://www.19crimes.com>. ———. “The 19 Crimes.” 19 Crimes, 2020. 14 Dec. 2020 <https://www.19crimes.com/en-au/the-19-crimes>. ———. “19 Crimes Announces Multi-Year Partnership with Entertainment Icon Snoop Dogg.” PR Newswire 16 Apr. 2020. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/19-crimes-announces-multi-year-partnership-with-entertainment-icon-snoop-dogg-301041585.html>. ———. “19 Crimes Canadians Not Likely to Commit, But Clamouring For.” PR Newswire 10 Oct. 2013. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/19-crimes-canadians-not-likely-to-commit-but-clamouring-for-513086721.html>. Amos, Keith William. The Fenians and Australia c 1865-1880. 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Pearson-Jones, Bridie. “Cheers to That! £9 Bottle of Australian Red Inspired by 19 Crimes That Deported Convicts in 18th Century Tops List as UK’s Favourite Supermarket Wine.” Daily Mail 22 Nov. 2020. 14 Dec. 2020 <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/food/article-8933567/19-Crimes-Red-UKs-favourite-supermarket-wine.html>. Reid, Richard. “Object Biography: ‘A Noble Whale Ship and Commander’ – The Catalpa Rescue, April 1876.” National Museum of Australia n.d. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://www.nma.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0015/2553/NMA_Catalpa.pdf>. Snoots, Jen. “James Wilson.” Find A Grave 2007. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/19912884/james-wilson>. Social Playground. “Printing Wine Labels with 19 Crimes.” Social Playground 2019. 14 Dec. 2020 <https://www.socialplayground.com.au/case-studies/maake-19-crimes>. 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AbstractStrong evidence exists linking poor diet to increased risk of overweight, obesity and non-communicable diseases. Reformulation initiatives, whereby the food industry gradually reduces energy, sodium, sugar, fat and saturated fat content of their products, are identified as important strategies to improve dietary intakes. The analysis aimed to examine the impact of voluntary reformulation, changes to products on the market and changes in consumer preferences on dietary intakes in Ireland from 2005 to 2017. Data on composition and volume sales (kg/ year) of products available on the market in 2005 and 2017 were collected from 15 Food Drink Ireland (FDI) member companies via online templates. These products were assigned to appropriate food and beverage groups identified in four Irish University Nutrition Alliance (IUNA) surveys of preschool children (1–4 years), children (5–12 years), teenagers (13–17 years) and adults (18–90 years). Assignment of FDI products to IUNA foods and beverages was carried out using weighted distributions for a given group of foods. The weightings were taken from the sales volumes of similar products relative to one another in a given category in a given year. Monte Carlo simulations were used to run the IUNA survey consumption data with both sets of weighted composition data from 2005 and 2017. The Creme Global intake model was used to estimate daily energy and nutrient intakes for all four populations during 2005 and 2017. The Wilcoxon-signed rank test was used to test for differences between the two years. Changes in both the products available on the market and market share of these products were observed from 2005 to 2017. The nutrient with the greatest intake reduction between the two years for all ages was sugar. Children and teens were the most affected, where total sugar intakes reduced by 3.2g/d and 2.7g/d, respectively. This reduction was primarily driven by the beverage category. There were modest saturated fat intake reductions observed for teens and adults (0.2g/d and 0.5g/d, respectively). Energy, total fat and sodium intakes for all ages remained relatively stable between the two years. This analysis highlights the impact of not only food industry efforts but also consumer choices on nutrient intakes in Ireland. It is worth noting that the data collected predates the sugar tax on sugar-sweetened beverages in Ireland. Reductions in sugar intakes were not compensated by total fat or energy increases.

The depiction of alcohol is the focus of a growing number of content analyses in the field of social media research. Typically, the occurrence and nature of alcohol representations are coded to measure the prevalence, normalization, or even glorification of alcohol and its consumption on different social media platforms (Moreno et al., 2016; Westgate & Holliday, 2016) and smartphone apps (Ghassemlou et al., 2020). But social media platforms and smartphone apps also play a role in the prevention of alcohol abuse when they disseminate messages about alcohol risks and foster harm reduction, abstinence, and sobriety (Davey, 2021; Döring & Holz, 2021; Tamersoy et al., 2015; Westgate & Holliday, 2016). Field of application/theoretical foundation: Social Cognitive Theory (SCT; Bandura 1986, 2009) as the dominant media effects theory in communication science, is applicable and widely applied to social media representations of alcohol: According to SCT, positive media portayals of alcohol and attractive role models consuming alcohol can influence the audience’s relation to alcohol. That’s why positive alcohol portayals in the media are considered a public health threat as they can foster increased and risky alcohol consumption among media users in general and young people in particular. The negative health impact predicted by SCT depends on different aspects of alcohol portrayals on social media that have been traditionally coded in manual content analyses (Beullens & Schepers, 2013; Mayrhofer & Naderer, 2019; Moreno et al., 2010) and most recently by studies relying on computational methods for content analysis (e.g. Ricard & Hassanpour, 2021). Core aspects of alcohol representations on social media are: a) the type of communicator / creator of alcohol-related social media content, b) the overall valence of the alcohol portrayal, c) the people consuming alcohol, d) the alcohol consumption behaviors, e) the social contexts of alcohol consumption, f) the types and brands of consumed alcohol, g) the consequences of alcohol consumption, and h) alcohol-related consumer protection messages in alcohol marketing (Moreno et al., 2016; Westgate & Holliday, 2016). For example, a normalizing portrayal shows alcohol consumption as a regular and normal behavior of diverse people in different contexts, while a glorifying portrayal shows alcohol consumption as a behavior that is strongly related to positive effects such as having fun, enjoying social community, feeling sexy, happy, and carefree (Griffiths & Casswell, 2011). While criticism of glorifying alcohol portrayals in entertainment media (e.g., music videos; Cranwell et al., 2015), television (e.g., Barker et al., 2021), and advertising (e.g., Curtis et al., 2018; Stautz et al., 2016) has a long tradition, the concern about alcohol representations on social media is relatively new and entails the phenomenon of alcohol brands and social media influencers marketing alcohol (Critchlow & Moodie, 2022; Turnwald et al., 2022) as well as ordinary social media users providing alcohol-related self-presentations (e.g., showing themselves partying and drinking; Boyle et al., 2016). Such alcohol-related self-presentations might elicit even stronger identification and imitation effects among social media audiences compared to regular advertising (Griffiths & Casswell, 2011). Because of its psychological and health impact, alcohol-related social media content – and alcohol marketing in particular – is also an issue of legal regulation. The World Health Organization states that “Europe is the heaviest-drinking region in the world” and strongly advocates for bans or at least stricter regulations of alcohol marketing both offline and online (WHO, 2020, p. 1). At the same time, the WHO points to the problem of clearly differentiating between alcohol marketing and other types of alcohol representations on social media. Apart from normalizing and glorifying alcohol portayals, there are also anti-alcohol posts and comments on social media. They usually point to the health risks of alcohol consumption and the dangers of alcohol addiction and, hence, try to foster harm reduction, abstincence and sobriety. While such negative alcohol portayals populate different social media platforms, an in-depth investigation of the spread, scope and content of anti-alcohol messages on social media is largely missing (Davey, 2021; Döring & Holz, 2021; Tamersoy et al., 2015). References/combination with other methods of data collection: Manual and computational content analyses of alcohol representations on social media platforms can be complemented by qualitative interview and quantitative survey data addressing alcohol-related beliefs and behaviors collected from social media users who a) create and publish alcohol-related social media content and/or b) are exposed to or actively search for and follow alcohol-related social media content (e.g., Ricard & Hassanpour, 2021; Strowger & Braitman, 2022). Furthermore, experimental studies are helpful to directly measure how different alcohol-related social media posts and comments are perceived and evaluated by recipients and if and how they can affect their alcohol-related thoughts, feelings, and behaviors (Noel, 2021). Such social media experiments can build on respective mass media experiments (e.g., Mayrhofer & Naderer, 2019). Insights from content analyses help to select or create appropriate stimuli for such experiments. Last but not least, to evaluate the effectiveness of alcohol marketing regulations, social media content analyses conducted within a longitudinal or trend study design (including measurements before and after new regulations came into effect) should be preferred over cross-sectional studies (e.g., Chapoton et al., 2020). Example Studies for Manual Content Analyses: Coding Material Measure Operationalization (excerpt) Reliability Source a) Creators of alcohol-related social media content Extensive explorations on Facebook, Instagram and TikTok Creators of alcohol-related social media content on Facebook, Instagram and TikTok Polytomous variable “Type of content creator” (1: alcohol industry; 2: media organization/media professional; 3: health organization/health professional; 4: social media influencer; 5: ordinary social media user; 6: other) Not available Döring & Tröger (2018) Döring & Holz (2021) b) Valence of alcohol-related social media content N = 3 015 Facebook comments N = 100 TikTok videos Valence of alcohol-related social media content (posts or comments) Binary variable “Valence of alcohol-related social media content” (1: positive/pro-alcohol sentiment; 2: negative/anti-alcohol sentiment) Cohen’s Kappa average of .72 for all alcohol-related variables in codebook* Döring & Holz (2021) *Russell et al. (2021) c) People consuming alcohol N = 160 Facebook profiles (profile pictures, personal photos, and text) Portrayal of people consuming alcohol on Facebook profiles Binary variable “Number of persons on picture” (1: alone; 2: with others) Cohen’s Kappa > .90 Beullens & Schepers (2013) d) Alcohol consumption behaviors N = 160 Facebook profiles (profile pictures, personal photos, and text) Type of depicted alcohol use/consumption Polytomous variable “Type of depicted alcohol use/consumption” (1: explicit use such as depiction of person drinking alcohol; 2: implicit use such as depiction of alcohol bottle on table; 3: alcohol logo only) Cohen’s Kappa = .89 Beullens & Schepers (2013) N = 100 TikTok videos Multiple alcoholic drinks consumed per person Binary variable “Multiple alcoholic drinks consumed per person” as opposed to having only one drink or no drink per person (1: present; 2: not present) Cohen’s Kappa average of .72 for all alcohol-related variables in codebook Russell et al. (2021) N = 100 TikTok videos Alcohol intoxication Binary variable “Alcohol intoxication” (1: present; 2: not present) Cohen’s Kappa average of .72 for all alcohol-related variables in codebook Russell et al. (2021) N = 4 800 alcohol-related Tweets Alcohol mentioned in combination with other substance use Binary variable “Alcohol mentioned in combination with tobacco, marijuana, or other drugs” (1: yes; 2: no) Cohen’s Kappa median of .73 for all pro-drinking variables in codebook Cavazos-Rehg et al. (2015) e) Social contexts of alcohol consumption N = 192 Facebook and Instagram profiles (profile pictures, personal photos, and text) Portrayal of social evaluative contexts of alcohol consumption on Facebook and Instagram profiles Polytomous variable “Social evaluative context” (1: negative context such as someone looking disapprovingly at a drunk person; 2: neutral context such as no explicit judgment or emotion is shown; 3: positive context such as people laughing and toasting with alcoholic drinks) Cohen’s Kappa ranging from .68 to .91 for all variables in codebook Hendriks et al. (2018), based on previous work by Beullens & Schepers (2013) N = 51 episodes with a total of N = 1 895 scenes of the American adolescent drama series “The OC” Portrayal of situational contexts of alcohol consumption in scenes of a TV series Polytomous variable “Setting of alcohol consumption” (1: at home; 2: at adult / youth party; 3: in a bar; 4: at work; 5: at other public place) Polytomous variable “Reason of alcohol consumption” (1: celebrating/partying; 2: habit; 3: stress relief; 4: social facilitation) Cohen’s Kappa for setting of alcohol consumption .90 Cohen’s Kappa for reason of alcohol consumption .71 Van den Bulck et al. (2008) f) Types and brands of consumed alcohol N = 17 800 posts of Instagram influencers and related comments Portrayal of different alcohol types and alcohol brands in Instagram posts Polytomous variable “Alcohol type” (1: wine; 2: beer; 3: cocktails; 4: spirits; 5: non-alcoholic drinks/0% alcohol) Binary variable “Alcohol brand visibility” (1: present if full brand name, recognizable logo, or brand name in header or tag are visible; 2: non-present) String variable “Alcohol brand name” (open text coding) Krippendorff’s Alpha ranging from .69 to 1.00 for all variables in codebook Hendriks et al. (2019) g) Consequences of alcohol consumption N = 400 randomly selected public MySpace profiles Portayal of consequences of alcohol consumption on MySpace profiles Five individually coded binary variables for different consequences associated with alcohol use (1: present; 2: not present): a) “Positive emotional consequence highlighting positive mood, feeling or emotion associated with alcohol use” b) “Negative emotional consequence highlighting negative mood, feeling or emotion associated with alcohol use” c) “Positive social consequences highlighting perceived social gain associated with alcohol use” d) “Negative social consequences highlighting perceived poor social outcomes associated with alcohol use” e) “Negative physical consequences describing adverse physical consequences or outcomes associated with alcohol use” Cohen’s Kappa ranging from 0.76 to 0.82 for alcohol references and alcohol use Moreno et al. (2010) h) Alcohol-related consumer protection messages in alcohol marketing N = 554 Tweets collected from 13 Twitter accounts of alcohol companies in Ireland Alcohol-related consumer protection messages in alcohol marketing (covers both mandatory and voluntary messages depending on national legislation) Four individually coded binary variables for different alcohol-related consumer protection messages in alcohol marketing (1: present; 2: not present): a) “Warning about the risks/danger of alcohol consumption” b) “Warning about the risks/danger of alcohol consumption when pregnant” c) “Warning about the link between alcohol consumption and fatal cancers” d) “Link/reference to website with public health information about alcohol” Not available Critchlow & Moodie (2022) The presented measures were developed for specific social media platforms, but are so generic that they can be used across different social media platforms and even across mass media channels such as TV, cinema, and advertisement. 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The Harry Potter (HP) Fan Fiction (FF) phenomenon offers an opportunity to explore the nature of fame and the work of fans (including the second author, a participant observer) in creating and circulating cultural products within fan communities. Matt Hills comments (xi) that “fandom is not simply a ‘thing’ that can be picked over analytically. It is also always performative; by which I mean that it is an identity which is (dis-)claimed, and which performs cultural work”. This paper explores the cultural work of fandom in relation to FF and fame. The global HP phenomenon – in which FF lists are a small part – has made creator J K Rowling richer than the Queen of England, according to the 2003 ‘Sunday Times Rich List’. The books (five so far) and the films (three) continue to accelerate the growth in Rowling’s fortune, which quadrupled from 2001-3: an incredible success for an author unknown before the publication of Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone in 1997. Even the on-screen HP lead actor, Daniel Radcliffe, is now Britain’s second wealthiest teenager (after England’s Prince Harry). There are other globally successful books, such as the Lord of the Rings trilogy, and the Narnia collection, but neither of these series has experienced the momentum of the HP rise to fame. (See Endnote for an indication of the scale of fan involvement with HP FF, compared with Lord of the Rings.) Contemporary ‘Fame’ has been critically defined in relation to the western mass media’s requirement for ‘entertaining’ content, and the production and circulation of celebrity as opposed to ‘hard news’(Turner, Bonner and Marshall). The current perception is that an army of publicists and spin doctors are usually necessary, but not sufficient, to create and nurture global fame. Yet the HP phenomenon started out with no greater publicity investment than that garnered by any other promising first novelist: and given the status of HP as children’s publishing, it was probably less hyped than equivalent adult-audience publications. So are there particular characteristics of HP and his creator that predisposed the series and its author to become famous? And how does the fame status relate to fans’ incorporation of these cultural materials into their lives? Accepting that it is no more possible to predict the future fame of an author or (fictional) character than it is to predict the future financial success of a book, film or album, there is a range of features of the HP phenomenon that, in hindsight, helped accelerate the fame momentum, creating what has become in hindsight an unparalleled global media property. J K Rowling’s personal story – in the hands of her publicity machine – itself constituted a magical myth: the struggling single mother writing away (in longhand) in a Scottish café, snatching odd moments to construct the first book while her infant daughter slept. (Comparatively little attention was paid by the marketers to the author’s professional training and status as a teacher, or to Rowling’s own admission that the first book, and the outline for the series, took five years to write.) Rowling’s name itself, with no self-evident gender attribution, was also indicative of ambiguity and mystery. The back-story to HP, therefore, became one of a quintessentially romantic endeavour – the struggle to write against the odds. Publicity relating to the ‘starving in a garret’ background is not sufficient to explain the HP/Rowling grip on the popular imagination, however. Instead it is arguable that the growth of HP fame and fandom is directly related to the growth of the Internet and to the middle class readers’ Internet access. If the production of celebrity is a major project of the conventional mass media, the HP phenomenon is a harbinger of the hyper-fame that can be generated through the combined efforts of the mass media and online fan communities. The implication of this – evident in new online viral marketing techniques (Kirby), is that publicists need to pique cyber-interest as well as work with the mass media in the construction of celebrity. As the cheer-leaders for online viral marketing make the argument, the technique “provides the missing link between the [bottom-up] word-of-mouth approach and the top-down, advertainment approach”. Which is not to say that the initial HP success was a function of online viral marketing: rather, the marketers learned their trade by analysing the magnifier impact that the online fan communities had upon the exponential growth of the HP phenomenon. This cyber-impact is based both on enhanced connectivity – the bottom-up, word-of-mouth dynamic, and on the individual’s need to assume an identity (albeit fluid) to participate effectively in online community. Critiquing the notion that the computer is an identity machine, Streeter focuses upon (649) “identities that people have brought to computers from the culture at large”. He does not deal in any depth with FF, but suggests (651) that “what the Internet is and will come to be, then, is partly a matter of who we expect to be when we sit down to use it”. What happens when fans sit down to use the Internet, and is there a particular reason why the Internet should be of importance to the rise and rise of HP fame? From the point of view of one of us, HP was born at more or less the same time as she was. Eleven years old in the first book, published in 1997, Potter’s putative birth year might be set in 1986 – in line with many of the original HP readership, and the publisher’s target market. At the point that this cohort was first spellbound by Potter, 1998-9, they were also on the brink of discovering the Internet. In Australia and many western nations, over half of (two-parent) families with school-aged children were online by the end of 2000 (ABS). Potter would notionally have been 14: his fans a little younger but well primed for the ‘teeny-bopper’ years. Arguably, the only thing more famous than HP for that age-group, at that time, was the Internet itself. As knowledge of the Internet grew stories about it constituted both news and entertainment and circulated widely in the mass media: the uncertainty concerning new media, and their impact upon existing social structures, has – over time – precipitated a succession of moral panics … Established commercial media are not noted for their generosity to competitors, and it is unsurprising that many of the moral panics circulating about pornography on the Net, Internet stalking, Web addiction, hate sites etc are promulgated in the older media. (Green xxvii) Although the mass media may have successfully scared the impressionable, the Internet was not solely constructed as a site of moral panic. Prior to the general pervasiveness of the Internet in domestic space, P. David Marshall discusses multiple constructions of the computer – seen by parents as an educational tool which could help future-proof their children; but which their children were more like to conceptualise as a games machine, or (this was the greater fear) use for hacking. As the computer was to become a site for the battle ground between education, entertainment and power, so too the Internet was poised to be colonised by teenagers for a variety of purposes their parents would have preferred to prevent: chat, pornography, game-playing (among others). Fan communities thrive on the power of the individual fan to project themselves and their fan identity as part of an ongoing conversation. Further, in constructing the reasons behind what has happened in the HP narrative, and in speculating what is to come, fans are presenting themselves as identities with whom others might agree (positive affirmation) or disagree (offering the chance for engagement through exchange). The genuinely insightful fans, who apparently predict the plots before they’re published, may even be credited in their communities with inspiring J K Rowling’s muse. (The FF mythology is that J K Rowling dare not look at the FF sites in case she finds herself influenced.) Nancy Baym, commenting on a soap opera fan Usenet group (Usenet was an early 1990s precursor to discussion groups) notes that: The viewers’ relationship with characters, the viewers’ understanding of socioemotional experience, and soap opera’s narrative structure, in which moments of maximal suspense are always followed by temporal gaps, work together to ensure that fans will use the gaps during and between shows to discuss with one another possible outcomes and possible interpretations of what has been seen. (143) In HP terms the The Philosopher’s Stone constructed a fan knowledge that J K Rowling’s project entailed at least seven books (one for each year at Hogwarts School) and this offered plentiful opportunities to speculate upon the future direction and evolution of the HP characters. With each speculation, each posting, the individual fan can refine and extend their identity as a member of the FF community. The temporal gaps between the books and the films – coupled with the expanding possibilities of Internet communication – mean that fans can feel both creative and connected while circulating the cultural materials derived from their engagement with the HP ‘canon’. Canon is used to describe the HP oeuvre as approved by Rowling, her publishers, and her copyright assignees (for example, Warner Bros). In contrast, ‘fanon’ is the name used by fans to refer the body of work that results from their creative/subversive interactions with the core texts, such as “slash” (homo-erotic/romance) fiction. Differentiation between the two terms acknowledges the likelihood that J K Rowling or her assignees might not approve of fanon. The constructed identities of fans who deal solely with canon differ significantly from those who are engaged in fanon. The implicit (romantic) or explicit (full-action descriptions) sexualisation of HP FF is part of a complex identity play on behalf of both the writers and readers of FF. Further, given that the online communities are often nurtured and enriched by offline face to face exchanges with other participants, what an individual is prepared to read or not to read, or write or not write, says as much about that person’s public persona as does another’s overt consumption of pornography; or diet of art house films, in contrast to someone else’s enthusiasm for Friends. Hearn, Mandeville and Anthony argue that a “central assertion of postmodern views of consumption is that social identity can be interpreted as a function of consumption” (106), and few would disagree with them: herein lies the power of the brand. Noting that consumer culture centrally focuses upon harnessing ‘the desire to desire’, Streeter’s work (654, on the opening up of Internet connectivity) suggests a continuum from ‘desire provoked’; through anticipation, ‘excitement based on what people imagined would happen’; to a sense of ‘possibility’. All this was made more tantalising in terms of the ‘unpredictability’ of how cyberspace would eventually resolve itself (657). Thus a progression is posited from desire through to the thrill of comparing future possibilities with eventual outcomes. These forces clearly influence the HP FF phenomenon, where a section of HP fans have become impatient with the pace of the ‘official’/canon HP text. J K Rowling’s writing has slowed down to the point that Harry’s initial readership has overtaken him by several years. He’s about to enter his sixth year (of seven) at secondary school – his erstwhile-contemporaries have already left school or are about to graduate to University. HP is yet to have ‘a relationship’: his fans are engaged in some well-informed speculation as to a range of sexual possibilities which would likely take J K Rowling some light years from her marketers’ core readership. So the story is progressing more slowly than many fans would choose and with less spice than many would like (from the evidence of the web, at least). As indicated in the Endnote, the productivity of the fans, as they ‘fill in the gaps’ while waiting for the official narrative to resume, is prodigious. It may be that as the fans outstrip HP in their own social and emotional development they find his reactions in later books increasingly unbelievable, and/or out of character with the HP they felt they knew. Thus they develop an alternative ‘Harry’ in fanon. Some FF authors identify in advance which books they accept as canon, and which they have decided to ignore. For example, popular FF author Midnight Blue gives the setting of her evolving FF The Mirror of Maybe as “after Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire and as an alternative to the events detailed in Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix, [this] is a Slash story involving Harry Potter and Severus Snape”. Some fans, tired of waiting for Rowling to get Harry grown up, ‘are doin’ it for themselves’. Alternatively, it may be that as they get older the first groups of HP fans are unwilling to relinquish their investment in the HP phenomenon, but are equally unwilling to align themselves uncritically with the anodyne story of the canon. Harry Potter, as Warner Bros licensed him, may be OK for pre-teens, but less cool for the older adolescent. The range of identities that can be constructed using the many online HP FF genres, however, permits wide scope for FF members to identify with dissident constructions of the HP narrative and helps to add to the momentum with which his fame increases. Latterly there is evidence that custodians of canon may be making subtle overtures to creators of fanon. Here, the viral marketers have a particular challenge – to embrace the huge market represented by fanon, while not disturbing those whose HP fandom is based upon the purity of canon. Some elements of fanon feel their discourses have been recognised within the evolving approved narrative . This sense within the fan community – that the holders of the canon have complimented them through an intertextual reference – is much prized and builds the momentum of the fame engagement (as has been demonstrated by Watson, with respect to the band ‘phish’). Specifically, Harry/Draco slash fans have delighted in the hint of a blown kiss from Draco Malfoy to Harry (as Draco sends Harry an origami bird/graffiti message in a Defence against the Dark Arts Class in Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban) as an acknowledgement of their cultural contribution to the development of the HP phenomenon. Streeter credits Raymond’s essay ‘The Cathedral and the Bazaar’ as offering a model for the incorporation of voluntary labour into the marketplace. Although Streeter’s example concerns the Open Source movement, derived from hacker culture, it has parallels with the prodigious creativity (and productivity) of the HP FF communities. Discussing the decision by Netscape to throw open the source code of its software in 1998, allowing those who use it to modify and improve it, Streeter comments that (659) “the core trope is to portray Linux-style software development like a bazaar, a real-life competitive marketplace”. The bazaar features a world of competing, yet complementary, small traders each displaying their skills and their wares for evaluation in terms of the product on offer. In contrast, “Microsoft-style software production is portrayed as hierarchical and centralised – and thus inefficient – like a cathedral”. Raymond identifies “ego satisfaction and reputation among other [peers]” as a specific socio-emotional benefit for volunteer participants (in Open Source development), going on to note: “Voluntary cultures that work this way are not actually uncommon [… for example] science fiction fandom, which unlike hackerdom has long explicitly recognized ‘egoboo’ (ego-boosting, or the enhancement of one’s reputation among other fans) as the basic drive behind volunteer activity”. This may also be a prime mover for FF engagement. Where fans have outgrown the anodyne canon they get added value through using the raw materials of the HP stories to construct fanon: establishing and building individual identities and communities through HP consumption practices in parallel with, but different from, those deemed acceptable for younger, more innocent, fans. The fame implicit in HP fandom is not only that of HP, the HP lead actor Daniel Radcliffe and HP’s creator J K Rowling; for some fans the famed ‘state or quality of being widely honoured and acclaimed’ can be realised through their participation in online fan culture – fans become famous and recognised within their own community for the quality of their work and the generosity of their sharing with others. The cultural capital circulated on the FF sites is both canon and fanon, a matter of some anxiety for the corporations that typically buy into and foster these mega-media products. As Jim Ward, Vice-President of Marketing for Lucasfilm comments about Star Wars fans (cited in Murray 11): “We love our fans. We want them to have fun. But if in fact someone is using our characters to create a story unto itself, that’s not in the spirit of what we think fandom is about. Fandom is about celebrating the story the way it is.” Slash fans would beg to differ, and for many FF readers and writers, the joy of engagement, and a significant engine for the growth of HP fame, is partly located in the creativity offered for readers and writers to fill in the gaps. Endnote HP FF ranges from posts on general FF sites (such as fanfiction.net >> books, where HP has 147,067 stories [on 4,490 pages of hotlinks] posted, compared with its nearest ‘rival’ Lord of the rings: with 33,189 FF stories). General FF sites exclude adult content, much of which is corralled into 18+ FF sites, such as Restrictedsection.org, set up when core material was expelled from general sites. As an example of one adult site, the Potter Slash Archive is selective (unlike fanfiction.net, for example) which means that only stories liked by the site team are displayed. Authors submitting work are asked to abide by a list of ‘compulsory parameters’, but ‘warnings’ fall under the category of ‘optional parameters’: “Please put a warning if your story contains content that may be offensive to some authors [sic], such as m/m sex, graphic sex or violence, violent sex, character death, major angst, BDSM, non-con (rape) etc”. Adult-content FF readers/writers embrace a range of unexpected genres – such as Twincest (incest within either of the two sets of twin characters in HP) and Weasleycest (incest within the Weasley clan) – in addition to mainstream romance/homo-erotica pairings, such as that between Harry Potter and Draco Malfoy. (NB: within the time frame 16 August – 4 October, Harry Potter FF writers had posted an additional 9,196 stories on the fanfiction.net site alone.) 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Watson, Nessim. “Why We Argue about Virtual Community: A Case Study of the Phish.net Fan Community.” Virtual Culture: Identity and Communication in Cybersociety. Ed. Steven G. Jones. London: Sage, 1997. 102-32. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Green, Lelia, and Carmen Guinery. "Harry Potter and the Fan Fiction Phenomenon." M/C Journal 7.5 (2004). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/14-green.php>. APA Style Green, L., and C. Guinery. (Nov. 2004) "Harry Potter and the Fan Fiction Phenomenon," M/C Journal, 7(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/14-green.php>.