Journal articles: 'Ireland – Dublin – Ethnic relations'

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Zách, Lili. "“Like Ireland, Hungary Had Her Struggles for Freedom:” Cultural and Diplomatic Links between Interwar Ireland and Hungary." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 12, no. 1 (October 1, 2020): 84–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausp-2020-0007.

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Abstract The interwar years in Ireland were marked by the widening of international relations following the newly independent Irish Free State’s entry to the League of Nations in 1923. This paper aims to provide insights into a lesser-known part of Irish diplomatic history, focusing on how, besides Geneva, Dublin also became significant as a meeting point with Central European small states from the mid-1920s. It will trace how the foundation of the Honorary Consulate of Hungary in Dublin demonstrated Irish interest in widening economic relations and furthering cultural connections with Central Europe, even if honorary consulates traditionally fulfilled primarily symbolic purposes. Based on so far unpublished archival materials and press records, this article will assess cultural and diplomatic links cultivated under the consulate of Hubert Briscoe, highlighting the significance of independence and Catholicism as a perceived connection between Irish and Hungarian national identities. Ultimately, this article argues that Irish images of East-Central Europe may add to our current understanding of Irish nationalism in the first decades of Irish independence.

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Scholtz, Jennifer, and Robbie Gilligan. "Encountering difference: Young girls’ perspectives on separateness and friendship in culturally diverse schools in Dublin." Childhood 24, no. 2 (May 26, 2016): 168–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0907568216648365.

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Research on children’s friendship in culturally diverse contexts has shown that children are more likely to choose friends from their own ethnic or racial group than others. This article examines this tendency from the perspective of 10- to 12-year-old girls attending ethnically mixed primary schools in Dublin, Ireland. It argues that both the emotional challenges involved in encounters across divides and the dynamics of all children’s friendships have a significant role to play in the manner in which boundaries are drawn.

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O’Neill, Ciaran. "“Harvard Scientist Seeks Typical Irishman”." Radical History Review 2022, no. 143 (May 1, 2022): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9566118.

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Abstract In 1870, the Belgian Adolphe Quetelet wrote in his seminal scientific work Anthropometrié that “the average man characterises the nation to which he belongs.” An obsession with the “national” characterized the field of anthropometry, which scientists such as Quetelet pioneered in the Francophone world; their techniques were quickly adopted and adapted elsewhere—by Francis Galton in London and by Aleš Hrdlička, Earnest Hooton, and Franz Boas in the United States. Ireland played a surprisingly central role in this burgeoning new field of international scientific enquiry, which quickly became focused on connecting racial and criminal “degeneracy” under the guise of a scientific search for the “normal,” “average,” or “typical” example of any given ethnic or social group. This article connects two major Irish research projects, the Dublin Anthropometric Lab at Trinity College Dublin (1888–99) and the physical anthropology strand of the Harvard Irish Study (1934–36), to show that Ireland was an important node in the network of scientists and researchers who constructed the discourses of global racial science.

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Bocaz, J. A., P. Barja, J. Bonnar, L. Daly, A. Carrol, E. Coutinho, M. Goncalves, et al. "Differences in Coagulation and Haemostatic Parameters in Normal Women of Childbearing Age from Different Ethnic Groups and Geographical Locations." Thrombosis and Haemostasis 55, no. 03 (1986): 390–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1661571.

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SummaryA comparative study of coagulation and fibrinolytic laboratory parameters was undertaken in four countries (Salvador, Brazil; Singapore; Santiago, Chile and Dublin, Ireland) among apparently healthy women of reproductive age. A continuous external quality control scheme of the laboratory measurements was employed to permit comparison among centres. Significant and consistent differences were found between the four centres. In Dublin, the prothrombin time and activated partial thromboplastin time (APTT) were accelerated, and the specific factor assays showed more activity, whereas the antiprotease levels were higher than in the other centres. In Salvador, a contrasting tendency was found with longer prothrombin times and APTT and lower Factor VII and antiprotease levels. The results from the other two centres were approximately midway between these two extremes. The study has revealed important differences in the coagulation and haemostatic tests between women from widely diverse geographical areas. It is not certain whether these are due to ethnic, nutritional or economic factors but they may be related to the apparent varying incidence of thrombosis in these ethnic groups.

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CAMPBELL, FERGUS. "WHO RULED IRELAND? THE IRISH ADMINISTRATION, 1879–1914." Historical Journal 50, no. 3 (August 28, 2007): 623–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006280.

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ABSTRACTIn an influential monograph, The greening of Dublin Castle (1991), Lawrence McBride argued that the Irish administration was in a rapid state of transformation between 1892 and 1922. Broadly speaking, he argued that the Protestant and unionist senior administrators were gradually replaced by Catholic and nationalist civil servants during this period. However, a significant body of evidence suggests that McBride may have overstated the changes taking place in the Irish civil service. Using a prosopographical study of the senior civil servants in Ireland in 1891 and 1911, this article suggests that there was significantly less ‘greening’ than McBride claimed. The British state appears to have regarded Irish-born Catholics as potentially disloyal, and to have implemented a subtle system of ethnic discrimination at the upper levels of the Irish civil service. It is argued that the existence of this glass ceiling provided young educated Catholic professionals with a powerful motive for participation in the Irish revolution (1916–23).

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Sanders, Andrew. "Landing Rights in Dublin: Relations between Ireland and the United States 1945–72." Irish Studies in International Affairs 28, no. 1 (2017): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2017.0015.

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Andrew Sanders. "Landing Rights in Dublin: Relations between Ireland and the United States 1945–72." Irish Studies in International Affairs 28 (2017): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2017.28.11.

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Barnard, T. C. "Reforming Irish manners: the religious societies in Dublin during the 1690s." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 805–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026170.

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AbstractThis article considers how and why the campaign to reform manners spread from England to Ireland in the 1690s. Together with the links and resemblances between the English and Irish campaigns, the distinctive aspects of the latter are discussed. Important to the Irish activity were the shock of the catholic revanche of 1685–90; the powerful tradition of providential explanation for the recurrent crises; the tense and increasingly competitive relations between the Church of Ireland and the Presbyterians; the rapid growth of Dublin (the main centre for reforming activity) and its attendant social and economic difficulties; and the sense of cultural difference between protestants and catholics. The campaign included an assault on heterodox ideas, notably those of Toland and Molesworth, and paralleled the retributive measures taken against the Irish catholics in the same period.

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Brewer, John D., and Ronald Weitzer. "Policing under Fire: Ethnic Conflict and Police-Community Relations in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Sociology 47, no. 3 (September 1996): 571. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591384.

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de Lint, Willem. "Policing Under Fire: Ethnic Conflict and Police-Community Relations in Northern Ireland." Canadian Journal of Criminology 38, no. 4 (October 1996): 492–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjcrim.38.4.492.

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Kelleher, William F., and Ronald Weitzer. "Policing Under Fire: Ethnic Conflict and Police-Community Relations in Northern Ireland." Contemporary Sociology 24, no. 6 (November 1995): 803. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076709.

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Trench, Brian. "Masters (MSc) in Science Communication. Dublin City University." Journal of Science Communication 08, no. 01 (March 20, 2009): C05. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.08010305.

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The Masters (MSc) in Science Communication at Dublin City University (Ireland) draws on expertise from several disciplines in human and physical sciences. The programme takes a broad view of communication that includes the various kinds of interaction between institutions of science and of society, as well as the diverse means of exchanging information and ideas. Nearly 200 students from a wide variety of backgrounds have completed the programme since its start in 1996, and they work in many different types of employment, from information and outreach services, to science centres, to publishing and journalism. Through the programme, and in the dissertation in particular, students are encouraged to reflect critically on the place and performance of science in society, and on relations between the cultures of natural sciences and of humanities and social sciences.

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Bergene, Ann Cecilie, David Jordhus-Lier, and Anders Underthun. "Organizing Capacities and Union Priorities in the Hotel sector in Oslo, Dublin, and Toronto." Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 4, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v4i3.4183.

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In this article, we draw international comparisons between industrial relations regimes in the hotel sector and compare relevant trade union experiences in the selected metropolitan areas of Oslo, Dublin, and Toronto. We ask how union strategies differ in these different hotel markets, and how strategic choices at a local level relate to industrial relations models, regulatory change, and corporate restructuring in the hotel market. The study is based on interviews with union representatives and key informants in Norway, Ireland, and Canada. The main argument we make is that the reorientation of union priorities and the willingness to engage in innovative strategies that has characterized hotel unionism in Toronto and Dublin is not detectable in the case of Oslo. This might be a result of the relatively strong position Norwegian trade unions have in national industrial relations, but can at the same time leave local hotel unions vulnerable as they are facing low unionization levels and corporate restructuring which they are unable to tackle effectively.

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McEvoy, F. J. "Canada, Ireland and the Commonwealth: the declaration of the Irish republic, 1948-9." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 96 (November 1985): 506–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034490.

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The relationship of Ireland to the Commonwealth during the period of its membership was a tortuous one. Forced to accept dominion status under threat of the renewal of Anglo-Irish hostilities, Ireland was not an enthusiastic member of the club as were the older dominions. The Constitutional Amendment (No. 27) Bill, enacted on 11 December 1936, removed all references to the crown and governor general from the constitution while the Executive Authority (External Relations) Bill, enacted the next day, recognised the crown only for purposes of diplomatic representation and international agreements. These two measures, commonly referred to as the External Relations Act, left Ireland a more or less undeclared republic with ambiguous links to the Commonwealth. Wartime neutrality differentiated Ireland even further from the other dominions, aroused British anger and brought the question of Ireland's constitutional status into even greater prominence. Ireland was, the Canadian high commissioner in Dublin considered in 1944, a more or less unknown quantity' The Canadian government, though it would have preferred a different choice, respected Ireland's neutrality and resented British actions, taken without prior consultation, that might have contrived to drive Ireland from the Commonwealth. The end of the war removed a major cause of grievance but left Ireland's nosition unresolved.

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Moore, Gavin, Neophytos Loizides, Nukhet A. Sandal, and Alexandros Lordos. "Winning Peace Frames: Intra-Ethnic Outbidding in Northern Ireland and Cyprus." West European Politics 37, no. 1 (June 6, 2013): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.801576.

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Considine, Craig. "Young Pakistani Men and Irish Identity: Religion, Race and Ethnicity in Post-Celtic Tiger Ireland." Sociology 52, no. 4 (January 17, 2017): 655–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516677221.

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This article contributes to the discussion on Irish identity by considering a set of empirical data from ethnographic research carried out in Pakistani communities in Dublin. The article considers views on ‘Irishness’ through the lens of young second-generation Pakistani Irish men. The data presented highlight how the Celtic Tiger experience reproduced cultural and ethnic narratives of Irish identity, but simultaneously initiated a new, more civic-oriented view of ‘Irishness’. Of particular concern in the minds of young Pakistani men include the secularisation of Irish society and the role that ‘whiteness’ plays in processes of ‘othering’ in Ireland. The article reveals that the current period of Irish history provides an opportunity for the Pakistani Irish to challenge some of the assumptions currently associated with Irish identity. Ultimately, the article calls for a broader understanding of Irish identity through the lens of civic national principles, which can better serve Ireland’s increasingly diverse population.

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Lydon, James. "Ireland and the English crown, 1171–1541." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 115 (May 1995): 281–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011834.

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When the earl of Pembroke met Henry II at Newnham in Gloucestershire in 1171, in the words of Gerald of Wales he surrendered Dublin (significantly called regni caput), the adjacent cantreds, the maritime towns and castles to the king. ‘As for the rest of the land he had conquered, he and his heirs were to acknowledge that it was held of the king and his heirs.’ Already Mac Murchada had given King Henry ‘the bond of submission and oath of fealty’. Later Mac Carthaig did homage as well as fealty, gave hostages and an annual tribute and ‘voluntarily submitted to the authority of the king of England’, while other Irish submitted and swore fealty. Most significantly, according to Gerald, Ó Conchobair of Connacht Obtained the king’s peace, became dependent for the tenure of his kingdom on the king as overlord, and bound himself in alliance with the king by the strongest ties of fealty and submission’. All in Ireland became the king’s subjects, and Henry’s lordship was accepted by all. It was later confirmed by the pope and publicly proclaimed by his legate, Cardinal Vivian, at a synod in Dublin. From 1171, then, until 1541, when an Irish parliament declared Henry VIII to be king of Ireland, Anglo-Irish relations were governed by one simple fact: the king of England was ipso facto lord of Ireland. Throughout that period the royal style never changed. In all charters and formal letters issuing from his chancery he was Rex Anglie, Dominus Hibernie etc.It was Gerald of Wales too who first voiced the new reality which faced Ireland after 1171. When he composed a dedication to King John of a new edition of his Expugnatio Hibernica, sometime around 1209, he reminded him that he should not neglect Ireland and wrote that ‘the Irish kingdom was made subject to the English crown, as if through a perpetual indenture and an indissoluble chain’.

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Kruczkowska, Joanna. "Museum Project: 14 Henrietta St. Museum, Paula Meehan, Dragana Jurišić and the Irish Housing Crisis." Text Matters: A Journal of Literature, Theory and Culture, no. 12 (November 24, 2022): 452–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2083-2931.12.27.

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The aim of the article is to compare three (re)creative activities within one interdisciplinary project: a public space (14 Henrietta St. Museum in Dublin), poetry (Paula Meehan’s cycle of sonnets in Museum of 2019) and photography (Dragana Jurišić’s photos in the same book). They are all examined in the light of the current housing crisis in Ireland, which followed the collapse of the Celtic Tiger in 2008. The Museum project not only comments on the crisis and the changing social relations in Ireland but also challenges the perception of history and private/public memory. In the article, the components of the project are situated against biographical and historical backgrounds, and within the framework of new museology, memory studies, and the functions of photography and poetry.

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Carbone, Maurizio. "From Paris to Dublin: Domestic Politics and the Treaty of Lisbon." Journal of Contemporary European Research 5, no. 1 (April 24, 2009): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v5i1.173.

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This article discusses the domestic politics of treaty reform in the European Union, from the failed referendum on the Constitutional Treaty held in France in May 2005 to the failed referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon held in Ireland in June 2008. A meticulous examination of the national level, it is argued here, helps us to better understand the European level and why some Member States manage to influence outcomes more than it would be expected. In particular, this article looks at the role played by actors beyond national governments, the impact of the political system and the general context on preference formation and inter-state bargaining, and the use that national negotiators made of ratification hurdles to receive extra concessions. More generally, by looking at the preparatory, negotiation and ratification process of the Treaty of Lisbon, this article aims to make a contribution to an emerging literature, which argues that we can no longer explain the evolution of the European Union without understanding the increased politicisation of the European project.

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Lentin, Ronit. "Responding to the Racialisation of Irishness: Disavowed Multiculturalism and its Discontents." Sociological Research Online 5, no. 4 (February 2001): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.554.

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This article begins by discussing the specificities of racism in the Republic of Ireland. Critiquing multiculturalist and top-down antiracism policies, it argues that Irish multiculturalist initiatives are anchored in a liberal politics of recognition of difference, which do not depart from western cultural imperialism and are therefore inadequate for deconstructing inter-ethnic power relations. Multiculturalist approaches to antiracism result in the top-down ethnicisation of Irish society, and are failing to intervene in the uneasy interface of minority and majority relations in Ireland. Instead of a ‘politics of recognition’ guiding multiculturalist initiatives, I conclude the article by developing Hesse's (1999) idea of a ‘politics of interrogation’ of the Irish ‘we’ and propose disavowed multiculturalism as a way of theorising Irish responses to ethnic diversity. Interrogating the Irish ‘we’ cannot evade interrogating the painful past of emigration, a wound still festering because it was never tended, and which, I would suggest, is returning to haunt Irish people through the presence of the immigrant ‘other’.

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Keane, Damien. "Contrary Regionalisms and Noisy Correspondences: The BBC in Northern Ireland circa 1949." Modernist Cultures 10, no. 1 (March 2015): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2015.0096.

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This essay examines the limits and possibilities of the mid-century broadcasting field in Northern Ireland, by attending to the dynamic interplay at the BBC's Belfast station of three competing regional formations: the political regionalism of the Northern Irish state; the cultural regionalism of a coterie of Northern Irish writers and intellectuals; and the broadcasting regionalism instituted as part of the BBC's policy of national programming. These contrary regionalisms each had different and, at times, competing criteria for what constituted particular and typical details of life in the North, and broadcasters had to negotiate the inexact correspondences among them with ears tuned to the political relations triangulated by Belfast, Dublin, and London. Beginning with a consideration of how broadcasters in Northern Ireland produced forms of mediated actuality both in and beyond the studio, the essay concludes with Sam Hanna Bell's This is Northern Ireland (1949), a feature that explores the tension of overspill and containment effected less by the partition of Ireland than by the contradictions inherent to the broadcasting field.

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Marangudakis, Manussos, and William Kelly. "Strategic Minorities and the Global Network of Power: Western Thrace and Northern Ireland in Comparative Perspective." Sociological Research Online 4, no. 4 (February 2000): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.389.

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The relationship between ethnic communities who share a common national space is often affected by factors above civil society, such as inter-state relations, political and economic alliances, and geopolitical interests. The relevance of ethnic minorities’ identity and behaviour to the international political environment becomes clear whenever an ethnic minority occupies territory of geopolitical and/or geo-economic importance to countries with conflicting interests in the area - we will call such a minority, ‘strategic minority’. Using a model of ‘network compatibility’ we could delineate the mechanisms and factors which affect the social outlook of a given minority. To highlight the paramount importance of national and international relations in shaping ethnic minorities’ identity and behaviour the paper examines and compares two strategic minorities situated at the fringes of Europe: The Northern Irish Catholic minority and the Muslim minority in Western Thrace, North Eastern Greece. Using as our analytic tool the theory of ‘networks of social power’ we tentatively conclude that the formation as well as the current identity, status, and behaviour of the two minorities cannot be fully understood unless we examine the role of the two sets of neighboring countries (G. Britain - Ireland, and Greece - Turkey), as well as the two major Western political powers, i.e., the European Union, and the United States, in the two contested regions.

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Giulianotti, Richard. "‘All the Olympians: A Thing Never Known Again’? Reflections on Irish Football Culture and the 1994 World Cup Finals." Irish Journal of Sociology 6, no. 1 (May 1996): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160359600600106.

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Utilising fieldwork with Irish fans, and interviews with leading Irish journalists and football officials, this article examines five major themes surrounding USA ‘94 for the Irish: i) the cultural and ethnic symbiosis of Ireland with the USA; ii) aspects of the political economics behind the United States’ allocation of the Finals; iii) the Irish supporters‘ culture of ‘carnivalesque’, and any internal changes involved; iv) the possible impacts of USA '94 on soccer culture in Ireland, particularly in playing style; v) the possible future inter-relations of soccer and Irish civil society.

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Rachel McPhee, Siobhán. "Employers and migration in low‐skilled services in Dublin." Employee Relations 34, no. 6 (September 28, 2012): 628–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01425451211267928.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to analyse the role of employers as “institutional” factors in the creation of segmentation in the labour market. Industrial structure defines segments of the labour market (the employer) based on the nature of demand, and with the impact on the individual workers or groups based on their personal characteristics.Design/methodology/approachEmpirical work is within the Dublin labour market, which experienced the largest increase in availability of migrant workers under immigration policies of the Celtic Tiger state. Focused on the sectors of catering, cleaning and security as low‐skilled service sector providers, the analysis is based on 24 semi‐structured interviews with employers selected based on a database of a cross‐section of all employers in the selected sectors in Dublin.FindingsSemi‐structured interviews reinforce state policies as key institutional factor underlying migrant labour trends and experiences, but perspectives of the employers in low‐end service industries reveal additional insights. In addition to using migrant labour as a means of cost cutting, the daily actions of employers reveal cultural stereotyping of workers, making them an elemental component “exploiting” the trends facilitated by state immigration policies.Originality/valueAlthough a large body of research on migration into Ireland during the Celtic Tiger years is available, little of it has focused on labour market processes. More broadly, in attempting to understand labour market processes and the creation of segmentation there needs to be a triangulation of processes of supply, demand and state policies; and employers are key players in shaping demand and exploiting supply trends.

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Cogan, Frank. "Reflections on Ireland’s Chairmanship in Office of the OSCE, 2012." Security and Human Rights 24, no. 1 (2013): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02401005.

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Ireland’s first Chairmanship in Office of the OSCE in 2012 came at a time when the organisation was facing a number of internal and external challenges and was suffering from significant internal divisions. Despite the challenges faced by Ireland, as a small country in the midst of a recession, the Chairmanship was broadly successful; the Dublin Ministerial Council adopted some important decisions; most of its modest and realistic objectives were successfully achieved and some progress was recorded in handling protracted conflicts. The one area in which there was disappointment was in the Human Dimension; this was largely due to structural flaws within the Organisation and divisions among its members.

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O’Brennan, John. "Requiem for a shared interdependent past: Brexit and the deterioration in UK-Irish relations." Capital & Class 43, no. 1 (January 17, 2019): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816818818315.

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The vote by the electorate of the United Kingdom to leave the European Union in 2016 was one in which the impact of Brexit on the island of Ireland and on UK-Irish relations hardly figured. Within months, however, the ‘Irish border problem’ was centre stage. The deterioration in UK-Irish relations in the 2 years following the referendum was profound and marked the first stage in the potential unravelling of the deep interdependence which had come to characterise relations between Dublin and London by virtue of their shared membership of the European Union since 1973. A significant ‘reverse asymmetry of power’ emerged from the United Kingdom’s relative isolation in the Brexit negotiations and Ireland’s privileged position as an European Union insider. In an increasingly turbulent international arena, the retreat from integration set in train by Brexit also threatened the Good Friday Agreement and the institutions and processes put in place to manage North–South and East–West relations after 1998.

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Murtagh, Cera, and Allison McCulloch. "Beyond the core: Do ethnic parties ‘reach out’ in power-sharing systems?" British Journal of Politics and International Relations 23, no. 3 (January 8, 2021): 533–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120973139.

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While power-sharing arrangements are often commended for establishing peaceful relations between major ethnic groups, they are also criticised for excluding ‘Others’. Nevertheless, more complex forms of party competition can emerge in power-sharing systems, including parties representing the dominant communities (‘ethnic parties’) seeking to engage Others (‘non-dominant’ groups). Drawing on semi-structured interviews with parties from Northern Ireland, we examine the extent to which dominant parties reach beyond their core ethnic constituencies, how and why. We consider increasingly salient non-sectarian issues, such as marriage equality and abortion, and explore how ethnic parties have sought to respond to these debates. We consider whether liberal forms of power-sharing influence the willingness of dominant parties to advance inclusion of non-dominant groups. Our findings suggest that under favourable conditions, flexible power-sharing can create space for incremental moves by ethnic parties to reach out to constituencies beyond their core, gradually moving the system towards more inclusive representation.

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Beaudette, Donald M., and Andrew B. Kirkpatrick. "Zero-sum of all fears: intergroup threat, contact, and voting behavior in Northern Ireland." European Political Science Review 9, no. 1 (August 25, 2015): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000272.

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How do varying levels of inter-group contact affect voter preferences in connection with ethnically radical political candidates and parties? Two competing hypotheses have emerged in the last 60 years: the first, known as the group threat hypothesis, argues that voters from an ethnic or religious group in more ethnically or racially heterogeneous districts will exhibit stronger preferences for ethnically radical political candidates. The contact hypothesis argues that groups living in mixed localities are actually less likely to support ethnic radicals. Both perspectives have found empirical support, but no previous study has offered a theoretical explanation for two seemingly contradictory conclusions. We specify just such a theory, arguing that the effect of district level integration is conditioned by the direction of a group’s share of the national population. We test this theory quantitatively using electoral data from Northern Ireland between 1983 and 2010.

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Laird, Eamon, James Bernard Walsh, Susan Lanham-New, Maria O’Sullivan, Rose Anne Kenny, Helena Scully, Vivion Crowley, and Martin Healy. "A High Prevalence of Vitamin D Deficiency Observed in an Irish South East Asian Population: A Cross-Sectional Observation Study." Nutrients 12, no. 12 (November 28, 2020): 3674. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/nu12123674.

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At northern latitudes, non-ethnic population groups can be at an increased risk of vitamin D deficiency (defined as a 25-hydroxyvitamin D [25(OH)D] status ≤30 nmol/L). The vitamin D status of ethnic minority groups has been examined both in UK and European populations, but not in the Irish context. The aim of this study is to assess the vitamin D status from a selection of the Dublin population of South East Asian descent. A search was conducted, using the laboratory information system of St James’s Hospital, Dublin, for vitamin D requests by General practitioners. From 2013 to 2016, 186 participants were identified and 25(OH)D analysis was quantified using liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry (LC-MS-MS). Overall, the median age was 32 years, 51% were male, and the 25(OH)D concentration ranged from 10 to 154 nmol/L. In total, 66.7% of the total sample were vitamin D deficient and 6.7% had a 25(OH)D status greater than 50 nmol/L (the 25(OH)D concentration defined by the EU as ‘sufficient’). Females had a significantly higher 25(OH)D concentration than males (25.0 vs. 18.0 nmol/L; p = 0.001) but both groups had a significant proportion with deficient status (56% and 76.8%, respectively). Seasonal variation of 25(OH)D was not evident while high rates of deficiency were also observed in those aged <18 years and >50 years. Given the importance of vitamin D for health, this sub-population could be at a significantly increased risk of rickets, impaired bone metabolism, and osteoporosis. In addition, vitamin D deficiency has been associated with several non-bone related conditions, including cardiovascular disease and diabetes. Currently, there is no unique vitamin D intake or vitamin D status maintenance guidelines recommended for adults of non-Irish descent; this needs to be considered by the relevant public health bodies in Ireland.

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Ryan, Stephen. "Carrots, Sticks, and Ethnic Conflict: Rethinking Development Assistance. Edited by Milton J. Esman and Ronald J. Herring. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001. 272p. $49.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 682–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402950367.

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This excellent collection of essays takes the reader into a complex area: the relationship between economic development and ethnic conflict. It is such a tricky topic because there is consensus about neither what ethnicity is nor the contributions that economic factors make to the origins, dynamics, and resolution of ethnic strife. In fact the essays presented here steer clear of origins and resolution and focus instead on the less controversial area of how development policy impacts on the dynamics of ethnic conflicts. There is a great need for contributions in this area, because, as the introductory chapter by Herring and Esman notes, the international community is becoming more involved in humanitarian assistance and postviolence reconstruction initiatives in a number of protracted intercommunal conflicts. These include Bosnia, Kosovo, Israel and Palestine, Northern Ireland, and Lebanon. At the same time the increased awareness of ethnic conflict in the past decade has resulted in reassessments of what development means in a multicultural setting.

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Fanning, Bryan, Kevin Howard, and Neil O’Boyle. "Immigrant Candidates and Politics in the Republic of Ireland: Racialization, Ethnic Nepotism, or Localism?" Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 16, no. 3-4 (December 16, 2010): 420–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2010.527233.

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Byrne, Martina, and Brid Ni Chonaill. "‘Ghettos of the Mind’: Realities and Myths in the Construction of the Social Identity of a Dublin Suburb." Sociological Research Online 19, no. 3 (September 2014): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3347.

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The Republic of Ireland became a country of net immigration for the first time in 1996 and a large body of literature has since examined, at macro and meso levels, migration rates and flows, impacts on the economy, and issues around integration. However, there is a paucity of sociological literature on the effect of unprecedented immigration at local or community level. This article addresses this deficit by demonstrating how the social identity of a place, home to a particularly high proportion of immigrants over the past two decades, is differentially constructed in the perceptions of those situated within, and outside. We combine data sets from two qualitative studies of Irish people living inside and outside the north Dublin suburb of Blanchardstown firstly to underpin our argument that place identities are processes which can change in a relatively short time and that some place identities are more mythical than real. Secondly, we problematise the term ‘ghetto’, as employed by some participants in this study and argue that racial, ethnic and class positionality is implicated in the construction of the relational identities of the place. Our findings contrast residents’ awareness of the heterogeneity of their area with outsiders’ construction of a homogenous raced and classed identity for the place, namely, one where large numbers of lower class and black immigrants live.

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Heuston, R. F. V. "Constitutional Law of Ireland. By Michael Forde. [Cork and Dublin: The Mercia Press. 1987. lii + 800 pp. including index. £10]." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 37, no. 4 (October 1988): 1037–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/37.4.1037.

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Warbrick, Colin, Dominic McGoldrick, and Geoff Gilbert. "I. The Northern Ireland Peace Agreement, Minority Rights and Self-Determination." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 47, no. 4 (October 1998): 943–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002058930006262x.

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The Northern Ireland Peace Agreement1 was concluded following multi-party negotiations on Good Friday, 10 April 1998. It received 71 per cent approval in Northern Ireland and 95 per cent approval in the Republic of Ireland in the subsequent referenda held on Friday 22 May, the day after Ascension. To some, it must have seemed that the timing was singularly appropriate following 30 years of “The Troubles”, which were perceived as being between a “Catholic minority” and a “Protestant majority”. While there are some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation that do require rights relating only to their religion, such as the right to worship in community,2 to practise and profess their religion,3 to legal recognition as a church,4 to hold property5 and to determine its own membership,6 some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation are properly national or ethnic minorities–religion is merely one factor which distinguishes them from the other groups, including the majority, in the population. One example of the latter situation is to be seen in (Northern) Ireland where there is, in fact, untypically, a double minority: the Catholic-nationalist community is a minority in Northern Ireland, but the Protestant-unionist population is a minority in the island of Ireland as a whole.7 The territory of Northern Ireland is geographically separate from the rest of the United Kingdom. The recent peace agreement addresses a whole range of issues for Northern Ireland, but included are, on the one hand, rights for the populations based on their religious affiliation, their culture and their language and, on the other, rights with respect to their political participation up to the point of external self-determination. It is a holistic approach. Like any good minority rights agreement,8 it deals with both standards and their implementation and, like any good minority rights agreement, it is not a minority rights agreement but, rather, a peace settlement.

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Telford, Rachel, PJ Kitchen, and David Hassan. "Female Surfers Riding the Crest of a ‘New Wave’ of Irish National Identity." Studies in Arts and Humanities 7, no. 1 (June 3, 2021): 190–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.18193/sah.v7i1.208.

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With surfing debuting at the 2021 Tokyo Olympics (postponed from summer 2020 due to the COVID 19 global pandemic) it is timely to consider surfing and the national identifications women in Ireland may have with this sport. As Lee Bush states, ‘with so little scholarship on surfing women, descriptive studies are needed as a foundation for launching future interpretive and critical studies.’[1] Twelve women who surf in Ireland spoke about the links their surfing may or may not have with their national identity. Previous academic inquiry on links between national identity and sport on the island of Ireland has almost exclusively focused on men’s experiences of team sports and issues of ‘Irishness’.[2] ‘Irishness’ is globally recognised and stereotypically linked to traditional and indigenous Irish sports such as Gaelic football and a range of other cultural activities. Research into women’s sport participation has largely been restricted to the study of soccer in the Republic of Ireland,[3] and gendered evaluations of various lifestyle and health surveys.[4] Katie Liston, a key researcher in sport and gender relations in Ireland, highlights that ‘there seems to be an increasing diversity in the kinds of activities in which people participate in’,[5] and that there is a shift towards ‘lifestyle’ activities for adults as diversity increases in young people’s participation in sports and leisure activities. Against the backdrop of Liston’s work, this article delves deeper into data collected as part of a wider research project, discussing whether or not women who surf in Ireland do so as part of a process designed to construct and reflect their national identities related to this arguably ‘postmodern’[6] ‘lifestyle sport’,[7] in which Ireland will be represented on the Olympic stage for the first time in 2021. [1] Lee Bush, ‘Creating Our Own Lineup: Identities and Shared Cultural Norms of Surfing Women in a U.S. East Coast Community’, Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 45, no. 3 (2016): 290–318. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0891241614556346, 262. [2] See the work of Alan Bairner, John Sugden, David Hassan and Mike Cronin for a broad range of work in this area. [3] See for example Katie Liston, ‘Women's Soccer in the Republic of Ireland: Some Preliminary Sociological Comments’, Soccer & Society 7, no. 2 (2006b): 364 – 384. Also see Ann Bourke, ‘Women’s Soccer in the Republic of Ireland: Past Events and Future Prospects’, in Soccer, Women, Sexual Liberation: Kicking Off a New Era ed. Fan Hong and J.A. Mangan (London: Frank Cass, 2004): 162–82. [4] Katie Liston, ‘A Question of Sport’ in Contemporary Ireland: A Sociological Map ed. Sara O'Sullivan (Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 2007), 159-180. [5] Liston, ‘A Question of Sport’, 161. [6] The idea of lifestyle sport as postmodern sport is discussed in Belinda Wheaton, ed., Understanding Lifestyle Sports: Consumption, Identity and Difference (London: Routledge, 2004). Also see: Lincoln Allison, Amateurism in Sport: An Analysis and a Defence (London: Frank Cass, 2001); R. Rinehart, ‘Emerging Arriving Sport: Alternatives to Formal Sport’ in Handbook of Sports Studies ed. Jay Coakley and Eric Dunning (London: Sage, 2000), 504-519. [7] The term is used by two leading researchers in the field. See Wheaton, Understanding Lifestyle; Rinehart, ‘Emerging Arriving’.

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Blake, Jonathan S. "Ethnic Elites and Rituals of Provocation: Politicians, Pastors, and Paramilitaries in Northern Ireland." Terrorism and Political Violence 31, no. 4 (March 2017): 817–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2017.1289090.

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37

Bell, John. "Constitutional Law of Ireland. By David Gwynn Morgan. [Blackrock, Co. Dublin: The Round Hall Press. 1985. 271 pp. IR£22·50]." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 36, no. 3 (July 1987): 706–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/36.3.706.

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Keogh, Dáire. "The Bible war in Ireland: the ‘Second Reformation’ and the polarisation of Protestant–Catholic relations in Ireland, 1800–1840. By Irene Whelan. Pp 347. Dublin: Lilliput Press. 2005. €45." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 138 (November 2006): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004995.

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Maher, C., and D. Murray. "Ideas of flight." Psychiatric Bulletin 22, no. 8 (August 1998): 492–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.22.8.492.

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As staff on the acute psychiatric unit at St Ita's Hospital had recently become aware of an increasing number of referrals from Dublin airport, a retrospective analysis of case notes of such patients admitted from 1987 to 1994 was undertaken. Twenty-three patients were admitted over this period, the majority arriving from the UK. Mania was the admission diagnosis in 11 patients, schizophrenia in eight, unipolar depression in two, and schizoaffective and personality disorder in one case each. All but two had a past psychiatric history. Seventeen had Irish friends or relations; five of these acting upon ‘Ireland-related’ delusions. Ten patients required temporary certification. The mean duration of hospitalisation was 19 days and the total 433 days. All patients were repatriated, nine being transferred directly to psychiatric hospitals, with the relatives eventually bearing the cost of transport in all but one.

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ATTIS, DAVID. "More Than a Maxwellian: Fitzgerald and Technology." European Review 15, no. 4 (September 18, 2007): 561–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798707000531.

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While George Francis Fitzgerald is celebrated today primarily for his contributions to theoretical physics, especially Maxwell's theory of electromagnetism, his correspondence demonstrates that he was driven as much by a passion for new technologies and their potential to change the world as by the mathematical explanations that made him famous. He experimented with a wide range of technologies, educated a generation of engineers at Trinity College Dublin and advocated the importance of technical education for Ireland's future prosperity. But during his own lifetime, he struggled to convince the public of what many today believe to be self-evident – namely, that progress in industry depends on university-educated scientists and engineers and that every good university requires a well-equipped research laboratory. His dream for Ireland of prosperity through education, science and industry would not be realized until almost 90 years after his death.

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Chima, Jugdep S. "Why some ethnic insurgencies decline: Political parties and social cleavages in Punjab and Northern Ireland compared." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 35, no. 3 (November 1997): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662049708447750.

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Schmitt, David E. "Northern Ireland and the Divided World: The Northern Ireland Conflict and the Good Friday Agreement in Comparative Perspective. Edited by John McGarry. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. 374p. $65.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 857–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402800466.

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John McGarry and a distinguished group of comparativists have produced a volume important not only for scholars interested in the study of Northern Ireland but also for those concerned with ethnic conflict and nationalism generally. Although its success is certainly not assured, the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, a consociational (power-sharing) settlement of the Northern Ireland conflict with international confederal dimensions, has sparked much interest by scholars and practitioners concerned with other ethnonational conflicts. The agreement was achieved with considerable pressure and support from international actors. The international community has played an increasingly important part in the resolution, management, and containment of ethnonational conflict, and the success or failure of the Good Friday Agreement may hold important lessons for international efforts elsewhere. From both a theoretical and practical perspective, this is a fine edited volume with internal coherence and useful contributions.

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Trauth, Eileen M. "A Review of: “The Information Revolution & Ireland: Prospects and Challenges, by Lee Komito. Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 2004. ix + 222 pp. $35.95 (paper). ISBN 1-904558-07-0”." Information Society 22, no. 5 (December 2006): 369–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01972240600904340.

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Greene, Sheila M., and Anne Hickey. "Coping with multiple sclerosis." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 6, no. 2 (September 1989): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0790966700015457.

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AbstractA questionnaire containing the Multidimensional Health Locus of Control scale, a focus of coping scale, the Centre for Epidemiological Studies Depression scale, and the Hopelessness scale was posted to 50 male and 50 female Dublin members of the Multiple Sclerosis Society of Ireland. The aim of the study was to examine ways in which people with multiple sclerosis cope with their illness, and to determine whether the coping strategies used were effective or ineffective in terms of the relations between the scales that were used. Sex differences on each of the scales were also examined. Results indicated that there were some sex differences on the locus of control scale. However, no sex differences were found on the focus of coping, or on the depression and hopelessness scales. Rather, both sexes were found to have mean depression and hopelessness scores above what is considered to be the norm for both of these scales.

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Murtagh, Cera. "The plight of civic parties in divided societies." International Political Science Review 41, no. 1 (October 24, 2019): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119859349.

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Civic political parties in divided societies occupy an ambiguous place in the power-sharing literature. Scholarship tends to focus on ethnic parties and assumes civic actors to be marginal. The empirical reality tells a different story: civic parties have contributed to peace, stability and democracy in some of the world’s most deeply divided places by playing a mediating role, acting as a moderating force and representing otherwise marginalised groups. Drawing from interviews with representatives from civic parties, ethnic parties and civil society in Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and broader institutional analysis, I argue that civic parties’ survival can be explained by the fact that they meet therein not only with barriers but also critical openings. They adapt to this opportunity structure, with different party types developing under different forms of power-sharing. In illustrating the relationship between governance models and civic parties, this article underlines the importance of post-settlement institutional design.

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O’Toole, Emer. "Cultural capital in intercultural theatre." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 25, no. 3 (October 11, 2013): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.25.3.06aal.

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In 2006, the Dublin-based theatre company Pan Pan went to China to produce a Mandarin version of J.M. Synge’s canonical Irish play The Playboy of the Western World. Director Gavin Quinn chose to set the adaptation in a hairdresser/ massage parlour/brothel, on the outskirts of Beijing. He originally wanted the protagonist to hail from Xin-Jiang, China’s troubled Sinomuslim province. In interview, he said he was advised against this for fear of Chinese state censorship. However, the Chinese translators, Yue Sun and Zhaohui Wang, suggest that the decision not to represent a Muslim protagonist had to do with ethnic sensitivities. In order to analyse this conflict, this article draws on translation sociology after Bourdieu, clarifying the functioning of the habitus, and formulating a global field of cultural production. It argues that analysis of intercultural processes focused on cultural capital can provide materially engaged insights into the power relations informing given intercultural situations.

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Ganiel, Gladys. "Ethnoreligious Change in Northern Ireland and Zimbabwe: A Comparative Study of How Religious Havens Can Have Ethnic Significance." Ethnopolitics 9, no. 1 (March 2010): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449050903557492.

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McManus, C. P. "Dealing with the Legacy of Ethnic Conflict: Confronting ‘Othering’ through Transformative Adult Education—A Northern Ireland Case Study." Ethnopolitics 16, no. 4 (June 14, 2016): 411–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2016.1190142.

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Warbrick, Colin. "Extradition Law in Ireland. By Forde Michael. 2nd edn. [Dublin: Round Hall Press, 1995. xxiv + 261 pp. ISBN 1-85800-050-5 (cloth). £42·50]." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 45, no. 1 (January 1996): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300058929.

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Howarth, William. "Environmental and Planning Law in Ireland. By Yvonne Scannell. [Dublin: Round Hall Press. 1995. lxxxvii + 584 (inc. index) pp. ISBN 1-85800-002-5. £65]." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 44, no. 4 (October 1995): 975. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/44.4.975.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Ireland – Dublin – Ethnic relations'

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