Relevant bibliographies by topics / Ireland – Dublin – Ethnic relations

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Ireland – Dublin – Ethnic relations'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Ireland – Dublin – Ethnic relations"

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Zách, Lili. "“Like Ireland, Hungary Had Her Struggles for Freedom:” Cultural and Diplomatic Links between Interwar Ireland and Hungary." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 12, no. 1 (October 1, 2020): 84–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausp-2020-0007.

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Abstract The interwar years in Ireland were marked by the widening of international relations following the newly independent Irish Free State’s entry to the League of Nations in 1923. This paper aims to provide insights into a lesser-known part of Irish diplomatic history, focusing on how, besides Geneva, Dublin also became significant as a meeting point with Central European small states from the mid-1920s. It will trace how the foundation of the Honorary Consulate of Hungary in Dublin demonstrated Irish interest in widening economic relations and furthering cultural connections with Central Europe, even if honorary consulates traditionally fulfilled primarily symbolic purposes. Based on so far unpublished archival materials and press records, this article will assess cultural and diplomatic links cultivated under the consulate of Hubert Briscoe, highlighting the significance of independence and Catholicism as a perceived connection between Irish and Hungarian national identities. Ultimately, this article argues that Irish images of East-Central Europe may add to our current understanding of Irish nationalism in the first decades of Irish independence.
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Scholtz, Jennifer, and Robbie Gilligan. "Encountering difference: Young girls’ perspectives on separateness and friendship in culturally diverse schools in Dublin." Childhood 24, no. 2 (May 26, 2016): 168–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0907568216648365.

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Research on children’s friendship in culturally diverse contexts has shown that children are more likely to choose friends from their own ethnic or racial group than others. This article examines this tendency from the perspective of 10- to 12-year-old girls attending ethnically mixed primary schools in Dublin, Ireland. It argues that both the emotional challenges involved in encounters across divides and the dynamics of all children’s friendships have a significant role to play in the manner in which boundaries are drawn.
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O’Neill, Ciaran. "“Harvard Scientist Seeks Typical Irishman”." Radical History Review 2022, no. 143 (May 1, 2022): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9566118.

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Abstract In 1870, the Belgian Adolphe Quetelet wrote in his seminal scientific work Anthropometrié that “the average man characterises the nation to which he belongs.” An obsession with the “national” characterized the field of anthropometry, which scientists such as Quetelet pioneered in the Francophone world; their techniques were quickly adopted and adapted elsewhere—by Francis Galton in London and by Aleš Hrdlička, Earnest Hooton, and Franz Boas in the United States. Ireland played a surprisingly central role in this burgeoning new field of international scientific enquiry, which quickly became focused on connecting racial and criminal “degeneracy” under the guise of a scientific search for the “normal,” “average,” or “typical” example of any given ethnic or social group. This article connects two major Irish research projects, the Dublin Anthropometric Lab at Trinity College Dublin (1888–99) and the physical anthropology strand of the Harvard Irish Study (1934–36), to show that Ireland was an important node in the network of scientists and researchers who constructed the discourses of global racial science.
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Bocaz, J. A., P. Barja, J. Bonnar, L. Daly, A. Carrol, E. Coutinho, M. Goncalves, et al. "Differences in Coagulation and Haemostatic Parameters in Normal Women of Childbearing Age from Different Ethnic Groups and Geographical Locations." Thrombosis and Haemostasis 55, no. 03 (1986): 390–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1661571.

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SummaryA comparative study of coagulation and fibrinolytic laboratory parameters was undertaken in four countries (Salvador, Brazil; Singapore; Santiago, Chile and Dublin, Ireland) among apparently healthy women of reproductive age. A continuous external quality control scheme of the laboratory measurements was employed to permit comparison among centres. Significant and consistent differences were found between the four centres. In Dublin, the prothrombin time and activated partial thromboplastin time (APTT) were accelerated, and the specific factor assays showed more activity, whereas the antiprotease levels were higher than in the other centres. In Salvador, a contrasting tendency was found with longer prothrombin times and APTT and lower Factor VII and antiprotease levels. The results from the other two centres were approximately midway between these two extremes. The study has revealed important differences in the coagulation and haemostatic tests between women from widely diverse geographical areas. It is not certain whether these are due to ethnic, nutritional or economic factors but they may be related to the apparent varying incidence of thrombosis in these ethnic groups.
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CAMPBELL, FERGUS. "WHO RULED IRELAND? THE IRISH ADMINISTRATION, 1879–1914." Historical Journal 50, no. 3 (August 28, 2007): 623–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006280.

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ABSTRACTIn an influential monograph, The greening of Dublin Castle (1991), Lawrence McBride argued that the Irish administration was in a rapid state of transformation between 1892 and 1922. Broadly speaking, he argued that the Protestant and unionist senior administrators were gradually replaced by Catholic and nationalist civil servants during this period. However, a significant body of evidence suggests that McBride may have overstated the changes taking place in the Irish civil service. Using a prosopographical study of the senior civil servants in Ireland in 1891 and 1911, this article suggests that there was significantly less ‘greening’ than McBride claimed. The British state appears to have regarded Irish-born Catholics as potentially disloyal, and to have implemented a subtle system of ethnic discrimination at the upper levels of the Irish civil service. It is argued that the existence of this glass ceiling provided young educated Catholic professionals with a powerful motive for participation in the Irish revolution (1916–23).
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Sanders, Andrew. "Landing Rights in Dublin: Relations between Ireland and the United States 1945–72." Irish Studies in International Affairs 28, no. 1 (2017): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2017.0015.

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Andrew Sanders. "Landing Rights in Dublin: Relations between Ireland and the United States 1945–72." Irish Studies in International Affairs 28 (2017): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2017.28.11.

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Barnard, T. C. "Reforming Irish manners: the religious societies in Dublin during the 1690s." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 805–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026170.

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AbstractThis article considers how and why the campaign to reform manners spread from England to Ireland in the 1690s. Together with the links and resemblances between the English and Irish campaigns, the distinctive aspects of the latter are discussed. Important to the Irish activity were the shock of the catholic revanche of 1685–90; the powerful tradition of providential explanation for the recurrent crises; the tense and increasingly competitive relations between the Church of Ireland and the Presbyterians; the rapid growth of Dublin (the main centre for reforming activity) and its attendant social and economic difficulties; and the sense of cultural difference between protestants and catholics. The campaign included an assault on heterodox ideas, notably those of Toland and Molesworth, and paralleled the retributive measures taken against the Irish catholics in the same period.
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Brewer, John D., and Ronald Weitzer. "Policing under Fire: Ethnic Conflict and Police-Community Relations in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Sociology 47, no. 3 (September 1996): 571. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591384.

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de Lint, Willem. "Policing Under Fire: Ethnic Conflict and Police-Community Relations in Northern Ireland." Canadian Journal of Criminology 38, no. 4 (October 1996): 492–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjcrim.38.4.492.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ireland – Dublin – Ethnic relations"

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Ellis, Caitlin. "The identity and international relations of Orkney and Dublin in the long eleventh century." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/275327.

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This thesis investigates the concept of ‘diaspora’ as it applies to the Scandinavian settlements of Orkney and Dublin in the eleventh century. Comparative analysis identifies how key differences in the settlements’ location and make-up affected their dynamic, and even opportunistic, set of relationships with their Scandinavian ‘homelands’ and with their Insular neighbours. Drawing on archaeological and written evidence, and adopting an interdisciplinary approach, produces a more sophisticated and holistic examination of Orkney and Dublin’s political, ecclesiastical, economic, and cultural connections, while helping to reveal when our source information is concentrated in a particular area, or lacking in another. As regards politics in Chapter One, Norwegian kings were only occasionally able to exert control over Orkney, but Scandinavia had even less direct political influence on Dublin. In the ecclesiastical sphere, explored in Chapter Two, it is shown that Dublin was the site of various cults but often looked to England for episcopal matters, while Orkney was influenced by both Scandinavia and northern Britain. Turning to economics in Chapter Three, little evidence of direct trade between the international commercial hub of Dublin and Scandinavia can be found, whereas Orkney’s very location guaranteed economic interaction with Norway. When it comes to cultural matters in Chapter Four, it is argued that a hybrid urban identity may have been more significant and more prevalent than a Scandinavian one in Dublin. Unlike Dublin, Orkney remained, in many respects, on a cultural axis that stretched from Norway to Iceland. The definitions of ‘diaspora’ set out by Lesley Abrams and Judith Jesch in relation to Scandinavian settlements abroad are used as a point of reference. The findings of this thesis suggest that ‘diaspora’ is not a one-size-fits-all label, as diasporic features were not always transmitted directly in a straightforward fashion. Some Scandinavian features may have reached Dublin via England, with which it had strong connections. Even if Orcadians and Dubliners were aware of their shared Scandinavian heritage, this does not seem to have played a particularly important part in their foreign policy and decision-making. Being part of a diaspora does not necessarily mean that this was their primary affiliation.
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Rees, R. "The Northern Ireland problem : A study of the Northern Ireland government in the context of its relations with Dublin and Westminster, 1945-1951." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235275.

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King, John T. "A difficult dialogue : educating citizens in a divided society /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7859.

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HADJ-ABDOU, Leila. "Governing urban diversity : immigrant integration policies and discourses in Dublin and Vienna." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29623.

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Defence date: 16 September 2013
Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor) Professor Donatella Della Porta, European University Institute (Co-Supervisor) Professor Bryan Fanning, University College Dublin Professor Andrew Geddes, University of Sheffield.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis explores how city governments respond to the presence of immigrants and the increasing ethno-cultural difference that comes with it, seeking to explain these responses. The thesis analyses discourses about immigrants and immigration by relevant policy-makers as well as types of immigrant integration policy. The thesis is based upon a comparison (longitudinal and across-cities) of the capital of Ireland - a city of recent immigration - and the capital of Austria, a city with a long history of immigration. These contrasting cases, which at the same time exhibit similar positions within their two nation states and within the global setting, allow an examination of the processes of convergence, as well as a scrutiny of the particularities of European cities in the domain of immigrant integration. The thesis argues that an analysis of both discourses and policies contributes to a more accurate understanding of the dynamics of immigrant integration in the urban space. The majority of research on immigrant integration in cities focuses solely on policies. This research tends to depict cities as an inclusive and liberal arena in contrast to the nation state. Cities, indeed, differ from nation states. The nation state and national citizenship are institutions that are based on principles of social closure and the notion of the imagined community. Rights and resources are widely accessible to its members, while this is not necessarily the case for others. Cities, in contrast, are potentially more predisposed to welcoming strangers. One becomes a member of the city by the fact of residence, and loses membership automatically by giving up residence. To a certain degree, the research findings of the thesis challenge this idea of the open city. It is shown that cities are clearly embedded in the national categorisations of boundary-making and are constrained by institutional mechanisms located at the nation-state level. Local governments are not only pragmatic actors which have to deal with the problems of integration on the ground. This thesis demonstrates that urban immigrant integration policies are led by cost and benefit considerations of policy actors confronted with global economic competition. Moreover, the policies of the cities as well as the discourses about immigrants are led by ideas such as the collective memory of a city and cross-city travelling concepts of immigrant integration. Urban responses to immigrants are also driven by institutional factors such as the make-up of the welfare regime and the electoral and party systems. Political party competition in particular is a relevant factor, substantially shaping both discourses and policies.
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Books on the topic "Ireland – Dublin – Ethnic relations"

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1963-, Gray Jane, and Peillon Michel, eds. Suburban affiliations: Social relations in the greater Dublin area. Syracuse, N.Y: Syracuse University Press, 2010.

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Jewish Dublin: Portraits of life by the Liffey. Dublin: A. & A. Farmar Ltd., 2007.

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Paul, Connolly. Sectarianism, children and community relations in Northern Ireland. [Coleraine]: University of Ulster, Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1999.

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Ronit, Lenṭin, and McVeigh Robbie, eds. Racism and anti-racism in Ireland. Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 2002.

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Owen, Shannon Michael, ed. Encounters: How racism came to Ireland. Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 2002.

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Hughes, Joanne. Social attitudes to community relations in Northern Ireland. Jordanstown, Co. Antrim: School of Public Policy, Economics and Law, University of Ulster, 1998.

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Dr, McCarthy Andrew, ed. Limerick Boycott 1904: Anti-Semitism in Ireland. Douglas Village, Cork: Mercier Press, 2005.

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1950-, Hainsworth Paul, ed. Divided society: Ethnic minorities and racism in Northern Ireland. London: Pluto Press, 1998.

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Shalom Ireland: A social history of Jews in modern Ireland. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2003.

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Interface: [flashpoints in Northern Ireland]. Belfast: Lagan Books, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Ireland – Dublin – Ethnic relations"

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Nolan, Paul. "Learning and Unlearning on the Road to Peace: Adult Education And Community Relations in Northern Ireland." In Addressing Ethnic Conflict through Peace Education, 201–12. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603585_15.

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Norton, Christopher. "Deteriorating relations with Dublin, 1950–55." In The politics of constitutional nationalism in Northern Ireland, 1932-1970, 96–120. Manchester University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719059032.003.0006.

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Norton, Christopher. "Deteriorating relations with Dublin, 1950–55." In The politics of constitutional nationalism in Northern Ireland, 1932–70. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526112156.00010.

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Mulqueen, John. "The KGB and Ireland." In 'An Alien Ideology', 107–38. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.003.0005.

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A potential espionage threat to Britain from Dublin-based Soviet agents arose as the establishment of Irish-Soviet relations became a probability. This chapter examines perceptions of the communist-influenced Official republican movement as the Troubles escalated in 1971-2, with officials expressing fears for the stability of the Dublin government – the ‘Irish Cuba’. British and American officials used a Cold War prism here. The Russians could be expected to exploit the northern crisis, the American ambassador warned, using the Official movement as their ‘natural vehicle’. Following Bloody Sunday, when British paratroopers killed thirteen unarmed civilians, the British prime minister, Ted Heath, warned Dublin that the Soviets would cause as much trouble as they could, using the Official IRA as a proxy. The Irish revolutionary left too used a Cold War lens when opposing Ireland’s membership of the European Economic Community (EEC): it would lock Ireland into a NATO-dominated bloc.
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McGee, Owen. "“God Save Ireland”: Manchester-Martyr Demonstrations in Dublin, 1867–1916." In Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations since 1800: Critical Essays, 197–224. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351155328-11.

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D’Arcy, Fergus A. "The Decline and Fall of Donnybrook Fair: Moral Reform and Social Control in Nineteenth Century Dublin." In Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations since 1800: Critical Essays, 335–49. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351155328-18.

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Tannam, Etain. "The Future of British–Irish Relations after Brexit." In The Law & Politics of Brexit: Volume II, 254–73. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848356.003.0012.

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This chapter assesses the impact of UK withdrawal from the EU on British–Irish relations. It examines yet another possible disintegrative effect of Brexit on the UK system, namely the re-unification of Ireland. The 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, bringing to a close decades of sectarian violence in Northern Ireland, had created an excellent working relations between Dublin and London. However, Brexit has threated this equilibrium, and has unexpectedly brought back on the agenda a possible border poll. The chapter then looks at the unfolding of the Brexit negotiations from June of 2016 to March of 2020 from the perspectives of British–Irish relations. It also studies the importance of the British–Irish relationship and the EU in the peace process in Northern Ireland, and considers potential methods of managing the relationship after Brexit.
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Power, Maria. "‘A serious moral question to be properly understood’:1 Catholic human rights discourse in Northern Ireland in the 1980s." In Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784995287.003.0008.

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Liberal scholars have historically stressed the role of NGOs, including churches, in world politics. Recently, scholars have also stressed the normative influence of religious actors as agents in international relations. The seventh chapter examines the role of the Catholic Church in the Northern Ireland peace process by analysing the theological basis of Catholic attitudes and beliefs regarding peace and the manifestations of these teachings as applied by bishops in Northern Ireland. The chapter demonstrates that faith creates action and explains how an important religious tradition in Northern Ireland promoted peace by recognizing and responding to the new kind of wars and political conflicts that have emerged in recent decades. As the nature of conflict changed from a state-centred model into one which saw civil wars and ethnic-conflict becoming the norm, so too did Catholic responses; national Churches began to realise that protest and non-violent action was no longer enough to create a more peaceful world. Consequently, the Catholic hierarchy in Northern Ireland sought to achieve peace by working for justice, especially for political prisoners and those who suffered discrimination.
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Bourke, Richard. "The Blackwater, Ballitore, Trinity and the Reformer." In Empire and Revolution. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691175652.003.0002.

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Burke spent the first twenty years of his life in Ireland, dividing his time between Cork, Kildare, and Dublin. These different locations corresponded to distinct cultural environments: his Catholic relations, his Quaker school, and his Church of Ireland upbringing. As a youth he believed that custom could be educated by reason, enabling individuals to transcend their cultural confinement. It was only later, in the 1750s, that he came to contend that our rational faculties could productively be constrained by habit. This chapter discusses the formation of Burke's early prejudices and charts his commitment to the idea that their cruder manifestations could be improved by a process of rational inquiry. By the late 1740s, while editing The Reformer after graduating from Trinity College Dublin, he was campaigning to accelerate that process by contributing to the refinement of national taste.
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Kennedy, Róisín. "Promotion." In Art and the Nation State, 125–64. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789622355.003.0004.

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This chapter focuses on two major art controversies of the 1950s – the rejection by the Dublin Municipal Gallery of Modern Art of the painting, A Family, by the young London based artist, Louis le Brocquy and of Reclining Figure II, by the renowned British sculptor, Henry Moore. These disputes were central to the wider debate about the relevance of modern art to Ireland amid the post-war emphasis on the promotion of eminent modern artists or ‘art stars’. After the establishment of the Republic in 1949, the setting up of the Cultural Relations Committee (1948) and the Arts Council of Ireland (1951) saw increasing official involvement in visual art. Modernism was favoured in Ireland’s participation at international exhibitions, most notably the Venice Biennale, while academic realist art was marginalised. The new elite, reacting against the isolationism of the pre-war era now associated with academic realism, promoted a cosmopolitan image of Irish culture internationally. Ultimately the censorious attitude taken towards the work of Moore and le Brocquy in Dublin reflected wider concerns about control of the art field in Ireland.
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Conference papers on the topic "Ireland – Dublin – Ethnic relations"

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Vandeneede, J., B. Van de Ven, P. Vlerick, and E. Clays. "578 Independent relations of physical demands and psychosocial job resources with musculoskeletal complaints: a longitudinal study." In 32nd Triennial Congress of the International Commission on Occupational Health (ICOH), Dublin, Ireland, 29th April to 4th May 2018. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/oemed-2018-icohabstracts.1663.

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