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Journal articles on the topic 'Iraq'
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1
Kiianytsia, V. "THE EVOLUTION OF IRAN-IRAQ RELATIONS IN THE SADDAM AND POST-SADDAM ERA." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. International relations, no. 1 (55) (2022): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2022/1-55/46-53.
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The evolution of relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Iraq from the end of the Iran-Iraq War (1988) to the Iraqi political crisis (2021-2022) is considered. The key stages of Iraq's political transformation and the impact of such changes on the state of Iran-Iraq relations are examined. The position of the Republic of Iraq in the Iran's regional policy is determined. The character of Iran-Iraq relations at the current stage is established, the challenges and prospects for its further development are formulated.
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Ahmad, Mumtaz. "IRAQ." American Journal of Islam and Society 2, no. 2 (December 1, 1985): 313–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v2i2.2774.
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At the end of 1979 when the fall of the Shah of Iran was imminent, all eyeswere set on Iraq. Iraq was then seen as the new giant of the Gulf. It had remainedcompletely aloof from all the major inter-Arab disputes and contnwersiesfor almost a decade and had exclusively focused its attention on its ownsocio-economic development. Its development performance during the 1970shad been phenomenal. Iraqi economic planning was rated by internationaldevelopment experts as the most prudent, rational and well-implemented inthe entire Middle East. Notwithstanding-or perhaps because of- its oppressivepolitical apparatus, the Ba'thist state had imposed a code of strict, puritanicalfinancial ethics on its international economic transactions. Iraqi developmentexperience was thus regarded as unique in the Third World in that it was theleast hog-tied by malpractices, pay-offs and personal empire-building by theleadership.Iraq in 1979 was thus a nation with great promise. The size of its oil reservesand potential oil revenues, its capacity for sustained economic developmentbased on a non-oil economy, and its vast water resources that offered thepossibility of an expanded economic base in both agriculture and industry,were some of the major advantages Iraq enjoyed over other Arab oil-producingstates. Its geographical position bordering Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Syria, Jordan,Turkey, and Iran placed it in an area of great geostrategic concern forboth regional and global ewers. Its pivotal position between Israel to thewest and the Gulf to the east, where it forms what Christine Moss Helmshas called "the eastern flank of the Arab World" was regarded as unique inthe Middle East.But then, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein took the greatest gamble of hislife-and lost. He misjudged the vulnerability of the newly installed IslamicRepublic of Iran under the leadership of Ayatullah Khomeini and, believingin his own rhetoric about the invincibility of the Iraqi armed forces, decidedto invade Iran on some filmsy pretexts. Five and a half years after the war ...
3
Bardan, Falah Mubarak. "The Iranian Impact on Iraqi-Jordanian Relations after 2003." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 50, no. 6 (December 30, 2023): 276–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v50i6.7082.
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Objectives: The study aims to examine the possibilities and challenges associated with repairing ties between Jordan and Iraq. Additionally, it explores how Iraq's foreign policy priorities towards other nations are influenced, in part, by Iran.
Methods: The historical evolution of relations between Iraq and Jordan is tracked using the historical technique described in the first section of the article. The second section employs an analytical and descriptive technique to investigate the impact of the Iranian variable on the Iraq-Jordan relationship.
Results: Iranian influence on Iraqi political decision-making has significantly shaped Iraq's political, economic, and security orientations concerning other Arab nations. Iran assesses Iraq's international relations through the zero-sum game theory, viewing alliances between Iraq and its Arab neighbours or nations close to the United States as detrimental to its interests.
Conclusion: Since 2003, Iran has actively interfered in Iraq, directly impacting its foreign policy. The constraints on Iraqi political decision-makers limit their ability to advance Iraq's national interests. Consequently, the post-2003 relationship between Iraq and Jordan serves as a model illustrating the impact of the Iranian component in Iraq, leading to minimal changes in Iraq's foreign policy concerning the Arab regional environment.
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Sassoon, Joseph. "The East German Ministry for State Security and Iraq, 1968–1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2014): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00429.
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Despite the close relationship between the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and Iraq from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s, new evidence from documents of the former East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) and the Iraqi Ba'th Party archives, combined with interviews of senior East German diplomats who served in the Arab world, indicates that the Stasi changed its policy in the second half of the 1970s and persisted with that policy in the 1980s after the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War. This article gives an overview of relations between the Stasi and Iraq following the rise of the Ba'th to power in 1968 under Saddam Hussein (who later became president of Iraq in 1979) and examines Iraq's efforts to obtain assistance from the Stasi. The Iraqi regime's persecution of Communists within Iraq and its targeting of Iraqi Communists in Eastern Europe were important in discouraging the Stasi from establishing close cooperation with Iraq.
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Al-Sheikhly, Omar F., Heimo Mikkola, and Seyd B. Mousavi. "PHARAOH EAGLE-OWL BUBO ASCALAPHUS (SAVIGNY, 1809) (STRIGIFORMES, STRIGIDAE), THE “SHROUDED IN MYSTERY” OWL OF IRAQ AND IRAN." Bulletin of the Iraq Natural History Museum 16, no. 2 (December 21, 2020): 219–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26842/binhm.7.2020.16.2.0219.
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The easternmost extent of the Pharaoh Eagle-Owl Bubo ascalaphus (Savigny, 1809) distribution has remained enigmatic due to identification problems and lack of owl research. In Iraq, B. ascalaphus has been reported from only few localities in western Iraqi deserts; while its occurrence in Iran has not been reported before this study. In 2017–2020, several new records of B. ascalaphus in western through southeastern Iraq were made and a new distribution range in western Iran was confirmed. Furthermore, field identification, interspecific relationships and conservation status of B. ascalaphus in Iraq and Iran were comprehensively discussed.
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Mohsen Al-Gimavi, Sadegh, Mahmoud Bakhshi, Akram Ghanbari Moghaddam, Vahid Ghavami, and Hasanain Al-Khalidi. "A Comparative Study of Healthy Lifestyle of Iranian and Iraqi Elderly and Its Predictors." Salmand 18, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32598/sija.2022.3420.1.
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Objectives Lifestyle is influenced by differences in societies and changes in culture, social and environmental conditions, hence this study was conducted to determine and compare healthy lifestyle and its predictors in the elderly living in Iran and Iraq. Methods & Materials This descriptive-analytical study was performed on 800 elderly people over 60 years old who were referred to health centers in Najaf City, Iraq, and Mashhad City, Iran in 2021. The research units were selected by cluster probability sampling. Data were collected by demographic characteristic form, healthy lifestyle questionnaire for the elderly, and questionnaire of predictors of a healthy lifestyle at the time of the presence of the elderly in the health center. Data were analyzed using SPSS software, version 23 with descriptive statistics, and the Chi-Square, Mann Whitney U, independent t test, and regression. Results The Mean±SD age of the elderly in Iran and Iraq was 66.89±6.68 and 66.42±5.23 years, respectively. About 75% of the Iranian elderly and 59% of the Iraqi elderly had a moderate lifestyle. The mean and standard deviation of total lifestyle scores in Iran and Iraq were 145.75±14.97 and 152.29±13.46, respectively, and the independent t test showed a significant difference (P<0.001). Multiple linear regression tests showed that variables of age, self-assessment of health, drug abuse, income and job satisfaction, and marital status and companions had a significant relationship with a healthy lifestyle in the Iranian elderly, while in the Iraqi elderly, variables of age, sex, self-assessment of health, smoking, income, and job satisfaction, and companions had a significant relationship with a healthy lifestyle (P<0.05). Predictor factors predicted 25% of healthy lifestyle scores in Iran and 37% in Iraq. Conclusion It is recommended to improve the lifestyle of the elderly in both Iran and Iraq from the current situation to the desired level. For this purpose, health officials must pay more attention to the most effective factors for a healthy lifestyle, especially drug abuse and income satisfaction in Iran and Iraq, respectively.
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Al-Khafaji, Murtadha, Noorh Sajit, Shabnam Bazmi, and Mehrzad Kiani. "Patient’s Rights in Iran and Iraq." International Journal of Medical Toxicology and Forensic Medicine 11, no. 4 (January 8, 2022): 34653. http://dx.doi.org/10.32598/ijmtfm.v11i4.34653.
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Background: The aim of this study was to compare, review, and evaluate the studies on patients right in Iran and Iraq. Methods: This is a review study conducted by searching the Iranian and Iraqi databanks, such as Scientific Information Database (SID), Iranian Research Institute for Information Science and Technology, Iran Medex, Iraqi Academic scientific journals, and Google Scholar for both Iranian and Iraqi articles from 2002 to 2017 using the keywords, such as “Patient Rights”, “Patient Rights Charter”, “Patient Rights Observance”, “Iraq”, “Iran”, and “Patient Awareness and Rights”. Results: Of a total of 32 Iranian and Iraqi articles, only 25 articles met the aim of our study. Conclusion: The growing number of articles published indicates that from 1999 forwards, this topic began to attract the attention of Iranian researchers in a gradual manner, as for the Iraqi researchers, their attention has been attracted from 2013 onwards. Also, despite the poor knowledge of physicians about the patients’ rights in Iran, they have shown acceptable awareness and attitude regarding some patients’ rights. The same is true for Iraqi doctors and health care providers, but they have shown unsatisfactory consequences for some of the rights of Iraqi patients. Patient education through media and careful observation of the patient rights charter, and educating healthcare professionals, and developing professional training on patients’ legal rights by engaging them in educational sessions and lectures on patient rights is necessary. Adequate monitoring of practice according to the patient charter is strongly suggested.
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Hairi, Nur Atika. "The Justifications for Saddam Invading Kuwait and the World Reaction." Sains Insani 8, no. 1 (May 31, 2023): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/sainsinsani.vol8no1.408.
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Abstract: This study examines the justification of Saddam in the Gulf War I. After settling the war with Iran, Saddam continues his action with the invasion of Kuwait by Iraqi forces. These actions got many reactions and responses, especially from Arab states, Iran, the Libyan Revolutionary Command Council (RCC), the United States (US), and United Nations (UN). This paper also tends to analyze the reaction towards the violence afflicted Kuwait, the UN’s role to overcome this conflict, as well as the reasons why Saddam invaded Kuwait. The impacts of this war will be highlighted in terms of domestic and global aspects. The highlighted chronology of this war assists the researcher to evaluate and justify the situation of the war as well as the impact on Iraq’s economy, rebellions of ethnics, politics in the Middle East, international economics, and the relationship between Iraq and Iran. This research uses the qualitative method of content analysis. Analysis indicated that the factors behind the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait are closely related to the economic problems after the eight-year war with Iran. Therefore, by invading Kuwait, Saddam Hussein hopes to take a shortcut to immediately recover the poor economic situation in Iraq. However, this step taken by Saddam Hussein was a disaster for Iraq. At the same time, the very slow action of United Nations (UN) to put pressure on this war and insisting Iraq to stop the war, have made things become worse. Abstrak: Kajian ini mengkaji kewajaran Saddam dalam Perang Teluk I. Selepas menyelesaikan perang dengan Iran, Saddam meneruskan tindakannya dengan pencerobohan tentera Iraq ke Kuwait. Tindakan ini mendapat banyak reaksi dan tindak balas terutama daripada negara Arab, Iran, Majlis Perintah Revolusi Libya (RCC), Amerika Syarikat (AS), dan Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB). Kajian ini turut menganalisis reaksi terhadap keganasan yang menimpa Kuwait, peranan PBB untuk mengatasi konflik ini dan sebab-sebab Saddam menceroboh Kuwait. Kesan perang ini akan diketengahkan dari segi domestik dan global. Kronologi perang yang ditonjolkan ini membantu penyelidik menilai dan mewajarkan situasi perang serta kesan terhadap ekonomi Iraq, pemberontakan etnik, politik di Timur Tengah, ekonomi antarabangsa, dan hubungan antara Iraq dan Iran. Penyelidikan ini menggunakan kaedah kualitatif analisis kandungan. Analisis menunjukkan bahawa faktor di sebalik pencerobohan Iraq ke atas Kuwait berkait rapat dengan masalah ekonomi selepas perang lapan tahun dengan Iran. Oleh itu, dengan menceroboh Kuwait, Saddam Hussein berharap dapat mengambil jalan pintas untuk segera memulihkan keadaan ekonomi yang lemah di Iraq. Namun, langkah yang diambil oleh Saddam Hussein ini sebenarnya merupakan satu malapetaka bagi Iraq. Manakala, tindakan yang sangat perlahan Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB) untuk memberi tekanan kepada perang ini dan mendesak Iraq menghentikan semua ini telah memburukkan lagi keadaan.
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Yaseen Rasool, Omeed, and Mohammad Abdullah Kakasor. "Arab states' attitude towards the Algiers agreement 1975." Journal of University of Raparin 11, no. 3 (July 9, 2024): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(11).no(3).paper7.
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After the resumption of war between the Iraqi government and the Kurds in 1974, the Iraqi government sought about another plat to overcome the Kurdish revolution: it was approaching Iran, because Iranian government supported the Kurds in every way, including the military backing. The Iraqi government entered into negotiations with Iran by assistance of the Arab countries with strong ties. The Arab states did not remain silent about the events in Iraq, intensified their efforts to help both countries closer to each other and end the long-standing conflict between them, Finally, they successfully managed to sign the Algiers Agreement, Iraq and Iran were reconciliated. As the result of the agreement, the Kurds were the biggest losers because the September Revolution ended for fourteen years continued. This paper consists of an introduction, two basic topics and conclusions. The first topic discusses the role of Arab states in bringing Iraq and Iran closer together, and the second topic focuses on the Algiers agreement and the reaction of Arab states to the agreement. At the end of the study, the most important results of this study are presented in several points.
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Zavada, Ya, and O. Tsebenko. "IRAN-IRAQ RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF REGIONAL SECURITY." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(53) (July 8, 2022): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.1(53).261111.
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The article analyzes Iran-Iraq relations in the context of regional security. It has been studied that the eight-year Iran-Iraq war became the most bloody and destructive armed conflict of the second half of the XX century. It is worth noting that the beginning of the war caused rivalry: ethnic and religious, political and economic, ideological and personal. Also, the struggle for leadership in the region played a special role. It is established that the USA intervention in Iraq in 2003 changed the geopolitical conditions not only in this country, but in the region as a whole. Although the IRI did not support the USA military operation and condemned it, the invasion of Iraq was in Iran’s interests. After all, the overthrow of Hussein’s regime eliminated one of the main threats to Iran’s national security and, as a result, contributed to the development of bilateral relations. Iran has close relations with the Shiite government in Iraq. Tehran’s foreign policy strategy in the neighboring state is to unite Iraqi Shiite parties to strengthen Shiite rule in Baghdad. It was found that the Iraqi authorities have not formed a unified position on the development of Iran’s nuclear program, because society is divided into supporters of Iran and its opponents. Typically, Shiites who actively support Tehran want to cooperate with it and, accordingly, support the development of Iran’s nuclear program, the signing of the JCPOA, and thus criticize the change in USА policy toward Tehran and the withdrawal from the nuclear deal. At the present stage, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Iraq are actively developing bilateral cooperation and cooperating in many areas, primarily security, economic and political.
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Raič, David. "The Gulf Crisis and the United Nations." Leiden Journal of International Law 4, no. 1 (April 1991): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500001862.
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1. INTRODUCTIONAs a result of the Iraq-Iran war, Iraq's economy has been exhausted. It had a foreign debt of nearly 80 billion dollars. Iraq apparently failed in its attempts to borrow in foreign capital markets the amounts for investment-in particular for the reparation and expansion of oil production capacity-which it needed to restore its economy. In June 1990, Iraq stated that Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates had undermined the Iraqi economy by persistently producing more than their OPEC quotas. On July 18, 1990, the Iraqi Minister of Foreign Affairs Tariq Aziz stated in the Arab League that Kuwait had stolen Iraqi oil worth 2.4 billion dollars from the Rumaila Oilfield and that Kuwait had built military installations on Iraqi territory. The President of Egypt, Mubarak, then stated that Iraq and Kuwait would negotiate in Jeddah about the Iraqi claim. At the OPEC conference in Geneva on July 26, the minimum reference price was raised to $21.0/b. This despite Iraq's pressure to raise it to $25.0/b. Iraq then warned Kuwait that it had legitimate and historical rights in respect of the Rumaila Oilfield and two islands in the Persian Gulf. On August 1 it turned out that the negotiations in Jeddah had failed. Kuwait stated that it had refused to cede territory. On August 2 Iraqi troops invaded Kuwait. Because of the small capacity of the Kuwaiti army to offer resistance, Kuwait was occupied by Iraq in a very short time.
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Lepkov, A. V. "Saddam Hussein's Chemical Weapons: on the Issue of United States Awareness in the 1980s." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (206) (July 6, 2020): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-2-62-70.
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The article examines the level of awareness of US officials regarding the Iraqi program for the production of chemical weapons as well as its use before 1988. Both in Russian and foreign historiography, the issue of Iraq's chemical weapons and the United States relationship with the government of Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq war is either considered superficially or becomes only an aspect of more general and extensive research topics. The period of 1980-1988 was marked by active USA-Iraqi cooperation in order to exert pressure on Iran. It is proved that during this period, Washington was fully aware of the development and use of chemical weapons by Iraq from the first incidents, even before the issue was brought to the level of the UN Security Council. It was not profitable for the United States to promote the dissemination of information discrediting an ally in the fight against Iran. World`s attention to the use of chemical weapons was drawn only after the end of the Iran-Iraq war.
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Abdulqadir, Aras Hasan, Shakhawan Khdir Rasul, and Himdad Majeed Ali. "The impact of the Algiers Agreement on the Kurdish liberation movement." Journal of University of Raparin 7, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 223–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(1).paper14.
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The 1975 Algiers Agreement is a political and legal agreement signed between Iraq and Iran to end the chronic border problems between them after the abolition of the Saadabad Agreement of 1937 from the Iranian side unilaterally on 19/4/1969 and the demarcation of the border between the two neighboring countries. In the waters of the Shatt al-Arab in favor of Iran in return for non-support of the Tehran government of the Kurdish liberation movement in Iraq, has already collapsed this movement as a result of a mysterious international and regional deal, Moreover, this agreement has met the historical demands of Shahnashah Iran to extend its sovereignty over the Gulf And the region, in addition to strengthening the American influence of this region to counter the influence of the Soviet Union, as the signing of this agreement as a result of manipulation of the paper by the American and Iranian interests and joint scheme in the Gulf, the Algiers agreement is a mysterious political and legal deal at the expense of Iraqi territory and at the expense of Kurdish liberation movement in Iraq to end The long-standing problems between Iraq and Iran, and therefore be replaced by this illegal agreement is not in place and the Iraqi and Iranian borders have become clear and final. The United States and Iran Israel has used the movement Kurdish liberation as a bargaining policy against the Soviet Union for the Gulf region, and vice versa Kurdish liberation movement has benefited these financial aid and internal and international Tazizmkantha.
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Qasim Alwan saeed, Muhammad Ali Hammoud, and Muammar Khaled Abdel Hamid. "Iraq's regional strategic performance under the Iranian-Saudi agreement." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, pic4 (September 30, 2023): 102–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/tjfps.v3ipic4.230.
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Iraq has sought to play a role in mediating the Saudi-Iranian talks for several rounds, and Iraqi Prime Minister Muhammad Shia al-Sudani received a phone call from the Secretary of the Iranian Supreme National Security Council (Ali Shamkhani), through which he expressed his “thanks to Iraq for its role in the negotiations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the Iraqi efforts made to bring views closer between the two countries, which contributed to reaching a new agreement between them in Beijing.
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Mohammed, Chenar Babaker, and Salih Omar Issa. "The Impact of the Trump Doctrine on U.S. foreign policy toward Iraq." Twejer 3, no. 3 (December 2020): 1117–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.30.
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Under the Trump administration, U.S. foreign policy has focused on curbing Iran's influence and the role and maintaining counter-terrorism operations in Iraq. President Trump's focus in Iraq has been through smart power, an approach that stresses the need for a robust military presence and invests in political relationships to expand influence and establish its legitimacy. Trump's focus is pursuing U.S. interests in Iraq while curbing Iran, which, in the Trump administration's perspective, is counter to the previous administration's actions of engagement by the Bush administration and disengagement by the Obama administration that deteriorated U.S. interests in Iraq at the expense of the United States. At its core, Trump's policies can be defined as Transactional Realism. Therefore, it can be argued that, despite focusing on U.S. troop withdrawal, Trump will maintain U.S. involvement in Iraq and contain and deter threats to U.S. interests in Iraq. Keywords; Trump Doctrine, Iraqi crisis, War on Terror, Iranian intervention,
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İPEK, FATİH OĞUZHAN. "From the Invasion to the October Protests: Iraq’s Search for Stability Caught in U.S.-Iran Crossfire." Insight Turkey 26, Spring 2024 (June 30, 2024): 321–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2024262.17.
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Iraq was a significant regional power during the Saddam Hussein regime, especially in his first years of reign. However, the Gulf Wars and the end of the Cold War almost wiped-out Iraq’s military and political capabilities in the region. Beginning with Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990, the country was smothered under harsh UN sanctions and invasive weapons inspections. Ironically, the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq gave a huge room for Iranian influence on Iraqi politics, which harbored a U.S.-Iranian battle for influence. The U.S.-Iran competence and successive Iraqi governments’ failure to deliver services to Iraqi people met with a heavy backlash as massive anti-government protests that began in 2015 forced the Iraqi governments to introduce reform programs. In particular, the October Protests of 2018 challenged the Iraqi elite’s political influence on Iraqi politics and prompted them to lead technocrat governments. In the years since, Iraq’s politicians have been trying their utmost to convert Iraq from a conflict-torn and oil-dependent nation to one that is a significant player in the Middle East.
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Saramifar, Younes. "Collective (Non-)Memory of the Iran-Iraq War and Sectarian Thinking among Veterans-Turned-Shi'i Militia Fighters." Middle East Journal 77, no. 3 (June 1, 2024): 290–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/77.34.12.
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This article redefines sectarianism as sectarian thinking via an ethnography of Shi'i militia fighters in Iraq and their relationships with the past. I explain this redefinition by tracing memories and histories that motivated Iraqi Shi'i veterans of the IranIraq War to join the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). Accordingly, I argue that everyday sectarian thinking in Iraq is less ideologically grounded than commonly presumed and rather feeds on memories, histories, and socialization in violence. I highlight how acts of non-remembrance and a lack of engagement with memories of the Iran-Iraq War fuel sectarian thinking and justify sectarian inhumanities.
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Kovtun V.A., Supotnitskiy M. V. "Chemical Weapons in the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988). 2. Combat Use of Chemical Weapons." Journal of NBC Protection Corps 3, no. 2 (2019): 150–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35825/2587-5728-2019-3-2-150-174.
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The Iran-Iraq war (1980–1988) was the result of the geopolitical situation in the Middle East after the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979. Certain longstanding territorial disputes and the absence of mutually recognized state border between the rivalry countries were among the direct pretexts of the war. At the same time neither Iraq, nor Iran were ready to serious war, both did not want it in such scales, and they did not possess chemical weapons (CW). During the war, Iraq enjoyed broad international support. At the same time, revolutionary Iran turned into a pariah state. By 1983, Iraq began to suffer a defeat from Iran, which possessed considerable human resources. Because of that certain Western countries helped Iraq (on the paid basis) to start its own CW program and the industrial production of chemical agents and munitions. Gradually CW became an integral part of the offensive and defensive operations, planned by the Iraqi command. Due to the technologies, equipment and chemicals, supplied by certain foreign, mainly Western firms, Iraq was able to start the industrial production of mustard gas, tabun and sarin/cyclosarin, as well as to start the synthesis of VX. During the war, CW turned from purely defensive into offensive means of warfare. The war ended as chemical. In 1988 all the operations, which led to the end of the war, were carried out by Iraq with the use of CW. At the same time, the war revealed certain weaknesses of chemical protection means, possessed by both sides. Thus, it appeared to be impossible to sort effectively the wounded and affected by CW during the medical evacuation phase. The existing decontamination means turned out to be ineffective in case of mass arrival of the affected into hospitals. Because of that, the secondary contamination of medical stuff took place even in Western hospitals. The protective equipment against blister agents, used by NATO countries, turned out to be insufficient in case of use of «dry yperite» by the Iraqis. The accepted schemes of treatment of the affected by tabun also showed their inefficiency. As we find out, the experience of the Iran-Iraq chemical war is studied actively in the West up to now
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Al qazaawi, Mazen, Naser Izadinia, and Gholamhossein Kiani. "The effect of forensic accounting expertise on independent audit quality in Iraq and Iran: A comparative study." Heritage and Sustainable Development 5, no. 2 (December 5, 2023): 351–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.37868/hsd.v5i2.295.
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Skill, experience, and expertise are three factors that might influence the quality of an audit; forensic accountants can conduct higher-quality audits since they have completed a specialized fraud course. Thus, the purpose of this article is to examine how forensic accounting methods affect the caliber of audits. All of the businesses that are listed on the stock exchanges in Tehran and Iraq make up the statistical population. To determine the sample, 35 enterprises from 2013 to 2020 in Iraq and 100 companies from 2014 to 202 in Iran were chosen using the systematic elimination approach. The study hypotheses were tested using the multi-variate regression model that was based on the combined data. The findings indicated that the quality of audits in Iran and Iraq is positively impacted by forensic accounting techniques. Additionally, the findings demonstrated that the number of independent audit report paragraphs in Iran and Iraq is not significantly impacted by the forensic accounting technique. The importance and application of accounting and forensic auditing are felt more than before due to the lack of professional activities related to forensic accounting in the Iraqi economic environment, the rise in cases of financial embezzlement and corruption, the need for financial discipline along with economic development, and the preservation of public trust in the accuracy of financial information. Thus, doing this research can help enhance the corporate climate in Iran and Iraq by determining the significance and requirement of implementing forensic auditing.
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Hennerbichler, Ferdinand. "Zukunfts-Optionen von Kurden in Eurasien." europa ethnica 75, no. 1-2 (2018): 2–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/0014-2492-2018-12-2.
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The Iraqi Kurdistan Independence Referendum of September 25th, 2017, initiated by the longstanding President of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (elected in office from 13 June 2005 to 19 August 2015) did not serve as basis for the declaration of an independent Kurdish state in Northern Iraq in the foreseeable future. It was, rather, intended to strengthen his own domestic political position of power as well as that one of other leading politicians of the Barzani family and of the currently governing Kurdistan Democratic Party Iraq. The Referendum aggravated the persisting constitutional crisis in Iraq since 2005 in to date unresolved crucial questions, above all regarding the status of Kirkuk and other „disputed territories“, enabled the Islamic Republic of Iran to further extend its influence on Iraq and beyond via pro-Iranian Shia-Proxy-Militias and last but not least also intensified various crises in the Middle East and Eurasia substantially.
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Wood, Thomas J., Halgurd R. Ismael, Daniele Baiocchi, Mudhafar I. Hamad, Tahseen T. Bapir, and Marco Selis. "A first revision of the Andrena of Iraq (Hymenoptera, Andrenidae), with the description of two new species from Iraqi Kurdistan and additional records from surrounding countries." ZooKeys 1205 (July 1, 2024): 267–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/zookeys.1205.120033.
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Iraq is a large country in the Middle East region that borders both Turkey and Iran, countries known to host two of the largest bee faunas globally, as expected for a group of insects that favour dry to Mediterranean climates. Despite this huge regional species richness, the bee fauna of Iraq is chronically understudied and poorly known, both in relative and absolute terms. This is true for the hyper-speciose bee genus Andrena, for which only 17 species have been previously published for Iraq. This work is the first modern contribution to the revision of the Andrena fauna of Iraq. Based on new specimen collections in Duhok Governorate (Iraqi Kurdistan) during 2023, a revised total of 59 Andrena species for Iraq (42 species recorded for the first time) is presented, including the description of two new species: Andrena (Aciandrena) duhokensis Wood, sp. nov. and Andrena (Notandrena) baiocchii Wood, sp. nov. The unknown males of A. (Micrandrena) elam Wood, 2022, A. (Micrandrena) obsidiana Wood, 2022, and A. (Notandrena) ayna Wood, 2023 are described. Andrena bakrajoensis Amin & Mawlood, 2019, syn. nov. is synonymised with A. (Holandrena) variabilis Smith, 1853. Additional records are presented from nearby Middle Eastern countries, particularly Lebanon. These results highlight the fundamentally understudied nature of the Iraqi Andrena fauna.
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Al-Hadidy, Aboosh, Adnan Mahdi, Doaa Fadhil, and Mustafa Theyab. "The Lower Silurian (Hot Shale) Source Rocks of Western Iraq: Depositional Model and Stratigraphic Distribution." Iraqi Geological Journal 56, no. 1A (January 31, 2023): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46717/igj.56.1a.3ms-2023-1-15.
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The Hoseiba Member, an Early Silurian basal mature hot shale of the Akkas Formation (Silurian) consists of about 80% of the Paleozoic hydrocarbon potential system, it is organic-rich with total organic carbon up to 16% as the main source for the Paleozoic gas resources in Iraq. The hot shale is the main source of rocks that are penetrated in deep wells in the western Iraqi desert such as Akkas-1, Qaim-1, and Khleisia -1, which are distributed due to paleo uplift in the restricted regional basin in the west, south, and northwest Iraqi desert and wedged to north thrust zone in Ora area of extreme northern Iraq, Ora subbasin to Aljezira NW and in the west where the approved source rocks of ‘Hot shale” Akkas -Widyian subbasin (Rephrase). The Hoseiba Member, basal hot shale in the Akkas Formation in Iraq and their correlative units are extended within neighboring countries Jordan, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Oman, and south Turkey. Qualitative and quantity of Hot Shales source rocks Silurian are Excellent in Akkas well -1 (0.95-16.62%) TOC in Akk-1 Akkas sub-basin west Iraq and an average thickness (30 m.) with 1-9.94% TOC in Kh-1 Al-Jezira sub-basin NW Iraq. The hot shale distribution was controlled by the Caledonian uplift that created paleo-high in northern Iraq and moderately deep to the northwest, and deep depression deposition in west and south desert Iraq. The hot shale expulsion and migration of hydrocarbon are controlled by the underlying main reservoir of the Khabour Formation K1 sandstone ember by block faulting
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Kleyhons, Ferdinand. "Les Affreux en Irak. Die Teilprivatisierung des professionellen Blutvergießens in der heutigen Kriegsführung anhand des Beispiels des Irakkriegs." historia.scribere, no. 13 (June 22, 2021): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.13.637.
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Les Affreux en Irak. The partial privatisation of professional bloodshed in modern warfare exemplified by the Iraq WarAfter the launch of "Operation Iraqi Freedom", the United States of America were engaged in war for the next eight years, in which they heavily relied on the assistance of private companies, known as Private Military Companies (PMC). The following paper uses the Iraq War respectively the following occupation of Iraq as a case study to examine the role of PMCs in modern warfare. It analyses the military branches in which PMCs provided support to the USA, including logistics, training, security, and even intelligence services. It also discusses the advantages as well as disadvantages of PMCs in current combat operations.
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Al-Ameedee, Saif Mahdi Muslim, and Mahdi Moradi. "The Effect of Ethics in Business on Happiness, Aggressiveness and Inconsistency of Efforts and Rewards." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 16, no. 3 (March 13, 2023): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm16030195.
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The present study investigates the effect of business ethics on happiness, aggression and inconsistency of effort and reward of auditors in Iran and Iraq. The statistical population of the present study includes all partners, managers and auditors working in audit institutions in Iran and partners of the audit institutions, assistant auditors, auditors, individual second rank and individual first rank, with a total of 365 questionnaires completed by Iranian respondents out of 450 questionnaires and 250 questionnaires completed by Iraqi respondents out of 350 questionnaires, a total of 615 questionnaires from the two countries in 2022. Also, the methods of variance analysis and ordinary least squares regression and Smart PLS 3 and Stata 15 software were used to analyze the data and test the hypotheses. The results from testing this research’s hypotheses indicate a negative and significant relationship between business ethics and aggression, effort-reward mismatch and a positive and significant relationship between business ethics and happiness. Since the current research was conducted in the emerging financial markets of Iran and Iraq, which are highly competitive, along with having special economic conditions, and since the occupation of the ISIS terrorist group, the civil wars in Iraq, severe world economic sanctions against Iran and the global crisis of Covid-19 in Iran and Iraq have led to special conditions, the current research can bring helpful information to readers and help the development of science and knowledge in this field.
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Ruaa R. Muneam and Ali Abid Abojassim. "Heavy Chromium metal determination concentration in cheese." International Journal of Scholarly Research in Chemistry and Pharmacy 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2022): 039–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.56781/ijsrcp.2022.1.1.0047.
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The concentration of the heavy element Chromium in cheese samples was investigated using an atomic absorption spectrophotometer. 72 random samples from six country groups (Iran, Iraq, Egypt, Turkey, Hungary, and Saudi Arabia) available in Iraqi markets were collected. Cr concentration rates in cheese samples were discovered. The non- carcinogenic risk parameters for health from the accumulation of Cr, such as daily Cr metal intake ( ), the Cr target hazard quotient ( ), and the Cr carcinogenic risk ( ) were revealed. The highest average Cr metal level in the samples was found in Saudi Arabia cheese, while the lowest was in Iraqi once. The descending Cr order of the countries was Saudi Arabia> Hungary> Egypt> Iran> Turkey> Iraq, according to the T-test confirmation. The carcinogenic and non-carcinogenic health risk parameters values were less than the permissible and risk values. Eventually, the health risk parameters revealed that there are no pose risks from those cheeses to Iraqi consumers.
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Khosravi, Jamal, Jalal Kalhori, and Loghman Hamehmorad. "The Presence of Israel in Iraqi Kurdistan and its Security Challenges for Iran’s National Security." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 7 (August 30, 2016): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n7p169.
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<p>This study investigates Israeli presence in Iraqi Kurdistan and its challenges for the Iran’s national security. Although the informal presence of Israel in Iraqi Kurdistan dates back to the 1960s and 1970s, its presence has been more conspicuous, in the recent years, due to the changes in the international political equations, informal collapse and attenuation of social, geographical, and political Iraqi borders, the opportunities arising from 2003 invasion of Iraq, and the weakening of the central power in Iraq. This has exposed the security of the neighboring countries of Iraqi Kurdistan, especially Iran to unprecedented challenges. With this in mind, this paper is conducted to analyze these challenges using the library and archival research methods and following an analytical approach. Based on the findings, it can be said that the Israeli government, mostly driven by its political isolation amid the regional countries, has been trying to create security and political divergences, undermine the regional powers, and support the Iraqi Kurdish independence and secession of the country, which in turn could influence the Iranian Kurds who may be under the effect of federalism in the Iraqi Kurdistan, and enhance the ethnicity movements in Iran, which can also pose a potential security threat for Iran.</p>
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Yakubovich, Azimov Habibullo. "HISTORY AND CURRENT STATE OF IRAQ- IRAN RELATIONS." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 6, no. 5 (May 1, 2024): 46–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume06issue05-09.
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From the 1968 Baath Party coup to the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, relations between Baghdad and Tehran have never been good-neighborly or normal. Therefore, the overthrow of Saddam Hussein can be considered as one of the turning points in Iran-Iraq relations. This article elaborates on the Iraq-Iran relationship and the ethnic, religious, sectarian and external forces that influence it.
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Logan, Darren. "Thoughts on Iraqi Kurdistan: Present Realities, Future Hope." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 1 (2009): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/160984909x12476379008205.
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AbstractThe collapse of Saddam Hussein's regime in April 2003 ushered Iraq into an era of unprecedented opportunity. The Kurds of Northern Iraq were given an opportunity to control their destiny in such a way not before encountered in their turbulent history. However, this moment has not been free of significant concern. Against the witness of history one can reasonably inquire as to whether or not the dominant Kurdish majority in Northern Iraq is able to seize this opportunity and make the most of it. Will they be able to break the historic cycle of internal dissension and unite to ensure the stability, prosperity, and security of their territory in Northern Iraq? Additionally, does Iraqi Kurdistan have the ability to adequately balance the often mutually exclusive demands it faces from powerful external actors? Clearly, the people of Iraqi Kurdistan must make their own choice in the matter. Nonetheless, outside forces must also help in the process by engaging with Kurdistan in Iraq in a positive and constructive manner. This will also go a long way toward securing and sustaining stability in this strategic area of the Near East. The article includes some thoughts about the current reality facing Iraqi Kurdistan, primarily as they relate to the KRG, together with some observations concerning the future hope for the region and its people. Some markers of Iraqi Kurdistan's progress are discussed not least of which is the status of its political development and freedom; economic health and growth; its fight against corruption; security within the KRG; its relations with Baghdad; and its external security situation, especially as it relates to Turkey, Syria, and Iran. These suggestions are based upon several recent trips by the author to Iraqi Kurdistan and from openly available source materials. However, these contemporary issues should be considered within their historical context. Therefore, the author gives also a summary review of some major historical events in the modern era leading up to the current situation in Northern Iraq.
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Mstafa, Aras Abdulrahman. "Iraq's Economic Situation Between 1988-1991 in Southern Kurdistan." Journal of University of Raparin 9, no. 1 (March 20, 2022): 34–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(9).no(1).paper2.
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The economic situation in Iraq between 1988 and 1991 affected the March 1991 uprising in southern Kurdistan، including research that included several important aspects، discussing the economic impact of both the First and Second Gulf Wars، which has caused a major disaster for Iraq's economic infrastructure and the disintegration of Iraq's financial، administrative، military and service institutions، Including the economic crisis، the spread of hunger، poverty، disease، corruption، bribery
and many bad subjects that the Iraqi state has suffered from major disasters، all of which have led to the importance of the uprising، this study consists of three parts. In the first part، the impact of the Iraq-Iran war on Iraq's economy is discussed، and in the second part، the war on the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq and its consequences is explained. The third part is the effect of decision 661 that the security council imposed on Iraq as an economic blockade that completely destroyed the economic and social life of The people of Iraq and Kurdistan.
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Wang, Bo. "The Iraq War and the New Iran-Iraq Relations." Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (in Asia) 1, no. 1 (March 2007): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2007.12023104.
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Thabit, Amer Hassan. "Iraq's alternatives in light of the challenges surrounding the security of the Arabian Gulf: the challenges of security of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 19 (May 24, 2020): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i19.218.
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The Arab Gulf region in particular, and with it the entire Arab region in general, is witnessing multiple challenges and conflicts, escalating, in a way that reflects the presence of overlapping in the dimensions: internal, regional and international, which imposes important effects on Iraq.
Iraq is part of the Arab Gulf region, and it interferes with it: historically, geographically, ethnically, and politically. It cannot be overlooked that Iraq was in historical stages that was considered the dominant force in this region, especially in the stage of the civilization’s dominance before the role of Iraq and its place in civilization declines.
Today, the region is witnessing multiple challenges, which began with the escalation of regional sectarian political events associated with the event of the occupation of Iraq, with a tendency to disturb the regional balance due to the dismantling of the capabilities of Iraq, and the matter came to the loosening of regional conflicts due to what the region is going through, and the perspective of the active forces in it, which has overcome the perspective The struggle for cooperation.
The entry or presence of the international worker in the regional conflicts in the Arab Gulf region caused the intensity of the conflicts to multiply instead of settling them, and Iran has presented on more than one occasion that it has the capabilities to implement the option of closing the Strait of Hormuz or impeding the freedom and safety of maritime navigation in international waters in the Arabian Gulf, And the matter was not related to the US sanctions regime on Iran in the year 2018 and beyond, but it is before it.
The Iranian threat to close the Strait of Hormuz at the very least, or any development in the regional conflict in the region, can damage the interests of Iraq and its security, for two reasons: First, most of Iraq’s trade passes through the waters of the Persian Gulf, and the second is that there is an overlap between Iraq and peoples and countries The region, and just as sectarianism moved from Iraq to the region after 2003, the Gulf conflict and tension can move into Iraq or affect Iraq’s policy.
Iraq should search for political alternatives that help it in dealing with the developments of the conflict in the Arab Gulf region. Perhaps this research presents some of the options and alternatives that can help the Iraqi decision-maker, if there is an important development in the Gulf-Western conflict with Iran
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Ashwarya, Sujata. "Post-2003 Iran–Iraq Cooperation in the Oil and Gas Sector: Initiatives, Challenges, and Future Scenarios." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 1 (March 2017): 84–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798916681349.
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Iran–Iraq cooperation in the oil and gas sector took shape after the 2003 war as relations between the two countries improved with the assumption of power by a Shia-led government in Baghdad. The two Persian Gulf neighbors recognize the importance of joint or unitized development of cross-border oil fields and have taken preliminary initiatives to that end. Inter-state pipelines for energy export and import are binding them into a tight economic embrace, and combined backing for high oil prices as well as mutual support for raising production quota in the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) speak of their similar imperatives for high revenue. However, Iran and Iraq continue to face challenges to their collaborative ventures, which stem from their historical rivalry over oil production and sales, persisting Iraqi suspicion of Iranian domination, absence of a hydrocarbon law in Iraq, and Iraq’s energy agreements with Iran that add to regional tensions with Baghdad’s Sunni neighbors. The road ahead is likely to see dynamic cooperation in areas that are less contentious, such as building of oil and gas pipelines, whereas the prickly issue of unitization of shared fields would take a backseat.
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Alsamarai, Abdulghani Mohamed. "Association of Human Cytomegalovirus and Epstein-Barr Virus with Breast Cancer." International Journal of Medical Sciences 1, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.32441/ijms.v1i2.65.
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Breast cancer forms the most common cancer in women worldwide [1,2] and in Arab countries [3]. Breast cancer accounts for about 1/3 of the registered female cancer in Iraq [4] and with incidence rate of 31.1/ 100 000 in Iraqi women , while it was 18.4 for Iran, 22.4 for Saudi Arabia, 23.0 for Syria, 28.3 for Turkey, 47.0 for Jordan, and 47.7 for Kuwait [5,6]. Recent study in Iraq reported a trend for breast cancer to affect younger age group [7]. This study shows that the highest frequency of breast cancer (32.4%) was in women with age of 21-30 years. Unfortunately, 79.7% of breast cancer cases were in women with age of ≤ 40 years. In addition, 14.9% of breast cancer cases were in women with age of 16-18 years and 52.7% were in those with age of ≤ 30 years. This age shift pattern of breast cancer in Iraqi women was not consistent with previous studies in Iraq [6-12], Arab countries and globally [13,14]. The peak frequency of our study was 21-30 years, while previous studies in Iraq [15-21] indicated that breast cancer frequency peak was in fifth decade of life, in Asian countries in 40-50 years and it was 60-70 years in Western countries [22].
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Mahdi, Akbar. "Revolution: Iraq & Iran." Teaching Sociology 19, no. 2 (April 1991): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1317878.
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Byrne, Malcolm. "The Iran–Iraq War." Iranian Studies 46, no. 4 (July 2013): 669–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2013.784533.
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Arnett, Eric. "Iran is not Iraq." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 54, no. 1 (January 1998): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.1998.11456800.
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Rundle, Christopher. "The Iran/Iraq conflict." Asian Affairs 17, no. 2 (June 1986): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068378608730220.
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Bibi, Fozia, and Lubna Abid Ali. "Linkage Between US invasion of Iraq, Arab Spring and Emergence of Daesh: Beginning of New Era for Iran." Global International Relations Review V, no. II (June 30, 2022): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-ii).08.
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The role of Iran is essential to analyze the politics of the Middle East. Post 9/11 few events such as the USA invasion of Iraq, the Arab spring and the emergence of Daesh has altered the traditional power structure of the region and also enhanced the role of Iran in the politics of the region. This study analyzes the role of domestic and structural factors in the shaping of the foreign policy behavior of Iran. Iraq remained a strong power under Saddam till the US invasion of Iraq in March 2003. Though, the US invasion ended a dictatorship but failed to provide stability, peace and a unified government in Iraq. The empowerment of the Shiia government in Iraq is also a victory of Iran on the ideological front as the US invasion has enabled Iran to achieve its targets without confronting directly with Saddam. . Since 2000 few events such as the US invasion of Iraq, Arab Spring and rise of Daesh transformed the traditional balance of power in favor of Iran. All these events helped Iran to enhance its ideological influence throughout the Middle East
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Fathima, Anisa. "Iraqi Woman Speaks: An Alternative Narrative of War in Riverbend’s Baghdad Burning." Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Research & Review 04, no. 01 (2023): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.55662/ajmrr.2023.4102.
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The US-led invasion into Iraq in 2003 triggered an endless war that unleashed new cycles of violence and left the region devastated. Following the 9/11 attacks on the US soil, the West conjured up an image of Iraq as a nerve centre of terrorism. In the months preceding the invasion, the dominant narrative that revolved around the War on Terror sought to project Iraq as a nation that needed to be “liberated” and “civilised” by the West. Iraqi women were particularly (mis)represented as oppressed victims of an abusive patriarchal system, devoid of agency and freedom. Voices emerging from Iraq in the subsequent years have countered this portrayal of their country. This paper explores the myriad ways in which Baghdad Burning by Iraqi blogger Riverbend challenges the dominant narrative of the US-led invasion and in the process, constructs an alternative narrative as a civilian who witnessed and suffered the impact of war from close quarters. As an Iraqi, Muslim woman who speaks her mind, she subverts the gendered liberation discourse of the war and argues that women’s freedom in fact plummeted with the radicalisation of the public space enforced by Iran-inspired Shia political parties in the new US-backed post-war regime. Her account of the invasion goes beyond the usual rhetoric of statistics and policies, and offers an insight into what the occupation and the ensuing violence meant to ordinary Iraqis. In doing so, she shatters the myth of Iraq and gives an insider’s perspective of the country whose modern establishments and secular ethos were destroyed by the invasion.
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Fatima Raza. "US-Iran Tensions and Instability in Iraq: Role of the Popular Mobilisation Units." Strategic Studies 41, no. 2 (August 10, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.02.0053.
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Popular Mobilisation Units (PMU) is the largest umbrella organisation in Iraq encompassing more than 40 of these paramilitary forces with many of them having deep ties with Iran. Recent killing of the PMU leader Abu Mahdi al Muhandis along with his ally, the Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in a US drone strike concurred a huge loss for Iran and the PMU who had long enjoyed cooperation and influence within Iraq. The PMU, in the absence of its trusted leadership; is predicted to fall apart from within causing instability in Iraq which has been brought about by reckless war-mongering between the US and Iran. This research explores the strategic culture, structure and the role of PMU in bringing about stability in Iraq in the backdrop of continuous deteriorating Iran-US relations. This research argues that in order to make the PMU effective in cultivating peace in Iraq; it would be wise for important stakeholders like Iran and the US to understand its strategic culture and formulate their respective Iraq policies accordingly.
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Bobkin, Nikolay. "The Iranian-American competition in Iraq: the political defeat of the United States." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760015847-8.
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The article gives an assessment of Iran's policy in neighboring Iraq during the years of the American occupation. The author's scientific hypothesis is that after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran, and not America, became the real beneficiary of the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. The Iranian leadership, interested in changing the Baathist regime in Baghdad, having received such a strategic gift, did everything to use the US military presence to its advantage. The purpose of this study is to analyze the strategy of expanding Iran's influence in Iraq and its impact on US policy. The article shows that the nature of Iran's influence in Iraq included all the elements of state power: diplomatic, informational, military and economic. It is concluded that Tehran managed to take advantage of the democratic reforms in Iraq, which were carried out under the control of Washington. Iran used its Shiite henchmen, which gave it a political advantage over the United States, which did not have such influential allied forces in Iraq. Despite the disparate balance of military forces with America, Iran managed to avoid the risk of war with the United States and move on to achieving its long-term goals in Iraq. In the future, Tehran plans to achieve the rejection of Baghdad from constructive relations with Washington.
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& et al., Zangana. "ANALYTICAL STUDY OF RATE VOLUME LIQUID WATER CONTENT IN LOW CLOUDS OVER IRAQ." IRAQI JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL SCIENCES 52, no. 4 (August 22, 2021): 783–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.36103/ijas.v52i4.1387.
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Iraq suffers a severe declining catastrophic in water resources; due to disagreement Share water to the neighboring countries Turkey, Syria and Iran. As well as the water policy in Iraq is unclear, the management of Iraq water have no strategic plan to treat the severe decrease in water sources. In this study, adopted eight climatic stations, are available at Iraqi general meteorological organization. The low clouds data 24 observations per day had been taken, from 1975 to 2005. For this purpose, the researchers determined the distribution of the stations and water amount at the Iraq using (GIS) Technique. It has found the annual average liquid water content calculated from the Low cloud only is 2585742648 m3, and the annual average Rainfall from the low cloud is 2563537 m3. In addition, the net LWC is 2583179111 m3, so there are great opportunities to Enhancement rain from Low Clouds. To get the greatest benefit from the main low – level clouds in supplying liquid water for cloud seeding, must be given a serious attention to observing four clouds type (Sc5, Cb9, Sc8 and Cu2).
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Dulz, Irene. "The displacement of the Yezidis after the rise of ISIS in Northern Iraq." Kurdish Studies 4, no. 2 (October 8, 2016): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v4i2.425.
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In the summer of 2014 the expansion of “The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant” (ISIL/ISIS) from Syria into Iraqi territory triggered the displacement of two to three hundred thousand members of the Yezidi community in Northern Iraq. Displaced from Sinjar and other districts in the Nineveh governorate, the majority of Yezidis are hosted in the Dohuk governorate and are living there as internally displaced persons. The article explores the impact of the displacement from different angles and investigates the impact on the Yezidi community as well as the impact on ethnic and religious aspects of social life in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.Abstract in KurmanjiKoçberbûna Êzdiyan piştî peydabûna DAIŞê li Bakurê IraqêHavîna 2014an, belavbûna “Dewleta Îslamî ya Iraq û Şamê” (DAIŞ) ji Surî bo nav axa Iraqê, bû sebebê jicihbûn û koçberiya dused-sêsed hezar endamên civaka êzdî li Bakurê Iraqê. Piraniya êzdiyên ji Şingalê û navçeyên din ên wîlayeta Mûsilê penaber bûyî, li wilayeta Duhokê dihewin an jî wek penaberên navxweyî li wir dijîn. Ev gotar berê xwe dide vekolîna tesîra jicihbûn an koçberbûnê ji nêrînên cuda û tesîra wê li ser civaka êzdî ligel tesîra wê ya li ser aliyên qewmî û dînî yên jiyana civakî li Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê. Abstract in Sorani
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Kokiz AL-SARRAJ, Shukria. "THE PRESS TREATMENT OF THE VISIT OF "POPE FRANCIS" AND ITS REPERCUSSIONS ON COMMUNITY PEACE IN IRAQ... A SURVEY STUDY..." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 6 (November 1, 2022): 389–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.20.24.
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The importance of the research from a practical point of view lies in the fact that it presents a set of statistics and data that give a clear picture of how the Iraqi newspapers (the subject of the study) deal with the visit of "Pope Francis" to Iraq ، and what are the most prominent indicators and manifestations of that visit in promoting societal peace among the Iraqi public. From a scientific point of view، the research provides another scientific addition to the media library، especially with regard to journalistic treatments and methods of framing the Arab international press for the subject of the visit، which could be a starting point for other researchers to complete qualitative research in this field. The research problem is how the Iraqi newspapers (the subject of the study) deal with Pope Francis' visit to Iraq، identifying the questions it raised to the reader، and the extent of the media material's contribution to the newspaper and its analyzes، to reveal and highlight the issues of interest. A main question for the research problem can be formulated as follows: How did the Iraqi press handle Pope Francis' visit to Iraq? Branching from this main question are sub-questions that can be identified as follows: 1- What are the most important journalistic arts that dealt with the visit of "Pope Francis" to Iraq? 2- What kind of information sources did the Iraqi press use in dealing with Pope Francis' visit to Iraq? 3- What is the location of publishing the topics of Pope Francis' visit to Iraq in the two newspapers Al-Ainah? 4- What are the most prominent internal and external actors that the Iraqi press dealt with while addressing the visit of "Pope Francis" to Iraq? 5- What are the directions of content presentation of the press treatment of Pope Francis' visit to Iraq? 6- What are the most prominent types of journalistic treatments used in Pope Francis' visit to Iraq? 7- What is the impact of Pope Francis' visit on societal peace in Iraq? 8- Did the visit have positive or negative repercussions on societal peace in Iraq? 9- Was the media of its various types effective in handling and covering the visit? 10- Which active forces were the most influential during the visit? 11- What are the most influential dimensions of this visit in the societal peace in Iraq? 12- How important is the role of Iraqi women in this visit? Within the framework of the methodology، methods and research tools available to it، the researcher seeks to achieve a number of scientific objectives related to the subject of the research، including the following at the level of the analytical study: 1. Getting to know how the Iraqi press handled the visit of "Pope Francis" to Iraq. 2. Knowing the most important journalistic arts that dealt with the visit of "Pope Francis" to Iraq 3. To identify the type of information sources adopted by the Iraqi press for the visit of "Pope Francis" to Iraq. 4. Knowing the location of publishing the topics of Pope Francis’ visit to Iraq in Al-Ainah newspapers. 5. Determining the most prominent internal and external actors dealt with by the Iraqi press for the visit of "Pope Francis" to Iraq. 6. Statement of the direction of the press treatment of Pope Francis' visit to Iraq. 7. To identify the most prominent types of press treatments that were used in Pope Francis' visit to Iraq. As for the research objectives in the field study، they are as follows: 1- Knowing the impact of Pope Francis' visit on societal peace in Iraq. 2- Find out what the visit has achieved of positive or negative repercussions on societal peace in Iraq? 3- Recognizing the effectiveness of the various types of media in handling and covering the visit. 4- Exposing the most influential actors during the visit. 5- Knowing the most influential dimensions of this visit in the societal peace in Iraq. 6- Understand the importance of the role of Iraqi women in this visit. The research community is represented in the following areas: 1- The temporal domain: The researcher determined the temporal domain of her research by specifying the visit of "Pope Francis" to Iraq، as the time period for analyzing the content of the Iraqi press on the subject of the research was determined، as well as the units or categories of analysis related to media treatment. 2- Spatial domain: the researcher chose to analyze the content of the Iraqi press (Al-Sabah / Al-Zaman). 3- The human sphere: the human sphere is represented by a sample of the Iraqi elite، represented by a sample of Baghdad University professors. Among the most important results of the research are the following: 1. The category of spreading a culture of societal peace has preceded the main (7) categories of journalistic treatment of Pope Francis' visit to Iraq. 2. The art of press news in the two newspapers of the sample got the first rank among (6) journalistic arts used for the treatment under study. 3. The highest frequencies in the press sources used in the press treatment (the press representative) were collected in both newspapers. 4. The positive trend prevailed over the presentation of the topics of Pope Francis' visit to Iraq. 5. The internal pages have progressed from the first and last pages in publishing the topics of the visit. 6. The Iraqi government represented the internal and external actors in handling the two newspapers for the visit. 7. The explanatory treatment ranked first in the two newspapers of the sample in its journalistic treatment of the visit. 8. Pope Francis' visit had a great impact on societal peace in Iraq. 9. The visit achieved its positive repercussions by (89%) on the Iraqi society. 10. The sample confirmed that the timing of the visit was very appropriate for the stage in Iraq. 11. The sample confirmed that the Iraqi media of all kinds and trends were active during the visit. 12. The name of the pilgrimage to Ur was presented above the rest of the names given to Pope Francis' visit to Iraq. 13. The respondents indicated that the religious authority in Najaf Al-Ashraf was one of the effective forces for the success of the visit. 14. The sample confirmed that women have priority and an active role in Pope Francis' conversations during the visit. Keywords: Journalism.. Treatment.. Societal Peace
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Szalontai, Balázs, and Yoo Jinil. "Maneuvering between Baghdad and Tehran: North Korea's Relations with Iraq and Iran during the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 2 (2023): 179–247. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01119.
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Abstract This article explores how North Korean leaders tried to maneuver between Iran and Iraq to gain greater leverage in the Cold War. Both of these Middle Eastern countries seemed potentially attractive partners for Pyongyang, but they were often on hostile terms with each other. The article considers how the Iraq-Iran rivalry and domestic changes in Iraq and Iran affected North Korean policy. Even when Pyongyang's cooperation with one or the other of the two states reached a high level, the North Koreans also reached out to the other country, regardless of the position of either state and of external actors such as the Soviet Union and China. The North Koreans generally avoided taking a public stand on the Iraq-Iran dispute, but on occasion they became more deeply involved. Mainly, the North Korean government sought to maximize the number of its partners, rather than to make a stable commitment to just one state. In turn, both Iraq and Iran eventually came to perceive North Korea as a state that was mostly out to benefit itself rather than helping either of them.
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Khan, Geoffrey. "The Neo-Aramaic dialect spoken by Jews from the region of Arbel (Iraqi Kurdistan)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 62, no. 2 (June 1999): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00016682.
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Aramaic-speaking Jewish communities used to be found in various towns and villages throughout north-eastern Iraq, north-western Iran and southern Turkey before the mass exodus of Iraqi Jewry to the state of Israel in 1950–51. In Iraq, the Aramaic speakers were found in an area that may be denned as the land lying above a line drawn on a map across the country through the towns of Musil and Kirkuk. Aramaic was not the first language of all Jews of the area. In the large towns of Musil, Kirkuk, Aqra, as well as Arbel, Arabic was the Jewish vernacular. In some villages the Jews spoke Kurdish as their first language. In Iran, Aramaic-speaking Jewish communities were found as far south as Kerend. The northern limits of the Jewish Aramaic area were formed by communities in the region of lake Van in southern Turkey and those around lake Urmia in north-west Iran (Hopkins, 1993: 62–4).
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Belousova, K. A. "US Policy in the Persian Gulf in the 1980s." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 2/2 (March 30, 2023): 266–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2023-2-266-274.
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The article deals with the U.S. policy in the Persian Gulf region in the 1980s. During this period, the neoconservatives came to power in the U.S., which was the reason for the tightening of foreign policy. The administrations of J. Carter and R. Reagan began an unprecedented build-up of forces in the region, which was justified, in particular, by the Iran-Iraq war. The fall of the Shah’s regime in Iran after the 1979 revolution forced the U.S. to change allies. The author proves that during the Iran-Iraq war, the U.S. played a double game by supplying weapons to both warring countries. This policy caused a prolongation of the war. Weakening the two most important countries in the region was in line with the U.S. geopolitical objective: during the war, it played the role of “balancer” or “rejoicing third”. However, Washington’s official support for Baghdad led Iraqi leaders to believe that the U.S. would support them in the next aggression
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Faysal, Saad, Mahdi Salehi, and Mahdi Moradi. "The impact of ownership structure on the cost of equity in emerging markets." Management Research Review 43, no. 10 (April 18, 2020): 1221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mrr-11-2019-0475.
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Purpose The purpose of this study is to cover the ownership structure as (institutional ownership and managerial ownership) influencing the cost of equity in emerging markets. Design/methodology/approach The authors applied the regression model with the fixed-effect model in the data. Data collected from listed companies in the Iraq-Iran Stock Exchange during 2012-2017. Findings The authors found a significant positive associated between institutional ownership and the cost of equity in the Iranian and Iraqi contexts. The results also reveal a significant negative associated between managerial ownership with the cost of equity in the Iranian and Iraqi contexts. This means that when managerial ownership is increased, the cost of equity will be reduced. These results support the role of inside ownership to enhance fixed performance by reducing the cost of equity. So, managerial ownership can be a substitute for all shareholders. Moreover, the results indicate a similarity in the impact of the ownership structure on the cost of equity in the Iraqi and Iranian context, this means the similar elements among west Asian countries. Research limitations/implications Financial companies such as banks and investment companies were not listed due to the difference in the nature of their work with the other sectors in the Iranian and Iraqi stock exchanges. Moreover, the authors are heavily constrained as listed companies must continue during the study period to calculate the cost of equity. Therefore, the results are difficult to generalize widely. Practical implications This international study will enable investors in, as well as local and international investors to take the appropriate investment decision-making in the capital markets in these countries (Iraq and Iran). Moreover, it contributes significantly to helping corporate governance bloggers in Iraq and Iran understand the role of the ownership structure in corporate governance. Originality/value This is the first study of the interaction between institutional ownership, managerial ownership with the cost of equity in Iraq, the study will help complete the knowledge gap with developed markets. The results are important in future research because the authors believe that it is very important for the future to look at better for percentage levels of institutional and managerial ownership in the company ownership. Although the contribution is limited, it will provide a useful guide for more papers in other west Asian countries.
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Youssef, Sami. "Endemic Plant Species of Iraq: from Floristic Diversity to Critical Analysis Review." Journal Of Duhok University 23, no. 2 (December 14, 2020): 90–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.26682/ajuod.2020.23.2.12.
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The endemic flora is the heart of our understanding of the current biodiversity hotspots, and plays a critical role to conceive successful management strategies for global biodiversity conservation. In Iraq territory context, despite its high plant diversity value, the endemicity is still largely under-investigated and there is no updated database of the Iraqi endemic flora. Therefore, this study sets out to present an updated list of the endemic plant species in Iraq, including a quantitative analysis of their floristic analysis, biological life forms, and geographical distribution. This first Iraqi endemic list can be seen as the first step towards better understanding of the floristic diversity, and can play an important role for future conservation priorities. This endemic list was based initially on the classical flora of Iraq and it has been completed and refining according to the floras of the neighbouring countries. To establish an updated list, it has been added all the Iraqi endemic taxa newly described by retrieving it from the botanical papers and taxonomical websites. For each endemic taxa researcher has provided the following floristic baseline: scientific name, family, phytogeographical distribution, elevation range, biological life forms, and IUCN assessment. The results of this floristic investigation present for the first time an updated endemic list of Iraqi plant species which contains a total of 174 endemic taxa(153 species, 11 subspecies, 10 varieties) in 27 families and 75 genera. They represent an endemicity rate of 5.3% of the total estimated flora of Iraq, which constitutes a low level compared to those of neighboring Irano- Anatolian countries. The family Asteraceae, Papilionaceae, Boraginaceae and Apiaceae are the richest flowering families. The life biological forms indicate that a major part of endemic taxa are chamaephytes (44%) and perennial hemicryptophytes (32%) as an adaptation indicator to the dry-harsh environmental conditions of the Irano-Anatolian mountainous areas. These floristic quantitative analysis support the idea that the species richness and endemicity are not uniformly distributed within the altitudinal gradient and phytogeographical districts of Iraq. For instance, a significant part of the Iraqi endemic taxa concentrate on the Zagrosian foothills and the mountain range between 1000 and 1700. The most striking findings were that only one taxon on average per year was newly described for Iraq, over the last 20 years, compared to around 50 taxa for Iran and Turkey confirming its status of the floristic knowledge coldspot. The current findings add substantially to our understanding of the endemism diversity in Iraqi Zagrosian part, and can serve as a base for future floristic investigation and biodiversity conservation studies
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عبد, أ. م. د. ابتسام محمد. "Federal and problematic relationship between the center and the region in Iraq." مجلة العلوم السياسية, no. 51 (February 20, 2019): 149–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i51.104.
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The US invasion of Iraq in 2003 unleashed the repressed national aspirations of the Kurdish people. After the colonial powers, especially Britain, failed to establish a homeland of scattered Kurds in Iraq, Turkey, Syria and Iran, Iraq's Kurds managed to establish a semi-independent state in the north of the country Which lasted decades against the central authority in Baghdad in protest against what they call the forced integration of Kurds in the Iraqi state, and to obtain more rights and privileges as partners in this country. The federal region in the Kurdistan region of Iraq has become a reality, and it is eager not to strengthen its authority in return for the authority of the central government, but to annex other areas inhabited by a Kurdish majority, especially the oil-rich province of Kirkuk, to its control, considering that its wealth will form the most powerful financial base on which to rely. The Kurdish state that it hopes will be established in the future.