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Journal articles on the topic 'Iraq War'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Hairi, Nur Atika. "The Justifications for Saddam Invading Kuwait and the World Reaction." Sains Insani 8, no. 1 (May 31, 2023): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/sainsinsani.vol8no1.408.

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Abstract: This study examines the justification of Saddam in the Gulf War I. After settling the war with Iran, Saddam continues his action with the invasion of Kuwait by Iraqi forces. These actions got many reactions and responses, especially from Arab states, Iran, the Libyan Revolutionary Command Council (RCC), the United States (US), and United Nations (UN). This paper also tends to analyze the reaction towards the violence afflicted Kuwait, the UN’s role to overcome this conflict, as well as the reasons why Saddam invaded Kuwait. The impacts of this war will be highlighted in terms of domestic and global aspects. The highlighted chronology of this war assists the researcher to evaluate and justify the situation of the war as well as the impact on Iraq’s economy, rebellions of ethnics, politics in the Middle East, international economics, and the relationship between Iraq and Iran. This research uses the qualitative method of content analysis. Analysis indicated that the factors behind the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait are closely related to the economic problems after the eight-year war with Iran. Therefore, by invading Kuwait, Saddam Hussein hopes to take a shortcut to immediately recover the poor economic situation in Iraq. However, this step taken by Saddam Hussein was a disaster for Iraq. At the same time, the very slow action of United Nations (UN) to put pressure on this war and insisting Iraq to stop the war, have made things become worse. Abstrak: Kajian ini mengkaji kewajaran Saddam dalam Perang Teluk I. Selepas menyelesaikan perang dengan Iran, Saddam meneruskan tindakannya dengan pencerobohan tentera Iraq ke Kuwait. Tindakan ini mendapat banyak reaksi dan tindak balas terutama daripada negara Arab, Iran, Majlis Perintah Revolusi Libya (RCC), Amerika Syarikat (AS), dan Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB). Kajian ini turut menganalisis reaksi terhadap keganasan yang menimpa Kuwait, peranan PBB untuk mengatasi konflik ini dan sebab-sebab Saddam menceroboh Kuwait. Kesan perang ini akan diketengahkan dari segi domestik dan global. Kronologi perang yang ditonjolkan ini membantu penyelidik menilai dan mewajarkan situasi perang serta kesan terhadap ekonomi Iraq, pemberontakan etnik, politik di Timur Tengah, ekonomi antarabangsa, dan hubungan antara Iraq dan Iran. Penyelidikan ini menggunakan kaedah kualitatif analisis kandungan. Analisis menunjukkan bahawa faktor di sebalik pencerobohan Iraq ke atas Kuwait berkait rapat dengan masalah ekonomi selepas perang lapan tahun dengan Iran. Oleh itu, dengan menceroboh Kuwait, Saddam Hussein berharap dapat mengambil jalan pintas untuk segera memulihkan keadaan ekonomi yang lemah di Iraq. Namun, langkah yang diambil oleh Saddam Hussein ini sebenarnya merupakan satu malapetaka bagi Iraq. Manakala, tindakan yang sangat perlahan Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB) untuk memberi tekanan kepada perang ini dan mendesak Iraq menghentikan semua ini telah memburukkan lagi keadaan.
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2

Byrne, Malcolm. "The Iran–Iraq War." Iranian Studies 46, no. 4 (July 2013): 669–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2013.784533.

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3

Kiianytsia, V. "THE EVOLUTION OF IRAN-IRAQ RELATIONS IN THE SADDAM AND POST-SADDAM ERA." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. International relations, no. 1 (55) (2022): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2022/1-55/46-53.

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The evolution of relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Iraq from the end of the Iran-Iraq War (1988) to the Iraqi political crisis (2021-2022) is considered. The key stages of Iraq's political transformation and the impact of such changes on the state of Iran-Iraq relations are examined. The position of the Republic of Iraq in the Iran's regional policy is determined. The character of Iran-Iraq relations at the current stage is established, the challenges and prospects for its further development are formulated.
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4

Kovtun V.A., Supotnitskiy M. V. "Chemical Weapons in the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988). 2. Combat Use of Chemical Weapons." Journal of NBC Protection Corps 3, no. 2 (2019): 150–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35825/2587-5728-2019-3-2-150-174.

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The Iran-Iraq war (1980–1988) was the result of the geopolitical situation in the Middle East after the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979. Certain longstanding territorial disputes and the absence of mutually recognized state border between the rivalry countries were among the direct pretexts of the war. At the same time neither Iraq, nor Iran were ready to serious war, both did not want it in such scales, and they did not possess chemical weapons (CW). During the war, Iraq enjoyed broad international support. At the same time, revolutionary Iran turned into a pariah state. By 1983, Iraq began to suffer a defeat from Iran, which possessed considerable human resources. Because of that certain Western countries helped Iraq (on the paid basis) to start its own CW program and the industrial production of chemical agents and munitions. Gradually CW became an integral part of the offensive and defensive operations, planned by the Iraqi command. Due to the technologies, equipment and chemicals, supplied by certain foreign, mainly Western firms, Iraq was able to start the industrial production of mustard gas, tabun and sarin/cyclosarin, as well as to start the synthesis of VX. During the war, CW turned from purely defensive into offensive means of warfare. The war ended as chemical. In 1988 all the operations, which led to the end of the war, were carried out by Iraq with the use of CW. At the same time, the war revealed certain weaknesses of chemical protection means, possessed by both sides. Thus, it appeared to be impossible to sort effectively the wounded and affected by CW during the medical evacuation phase. The existing decontamination means turned out to be ineffective in case of mass arrival of the affected into hospitals. Because of that, the secondary contamination of medical stuff took place even in Western hospitals. The protective equipment against blister agents, used by NATO countries, turned out to be insufficient in case of use of «dry yperite» by the Iraqis. The accepted schemes of treatment of the affected by tabun also showed their inefficiency. As we find out, the experience of the Iran-Iraq chemical war is studied actively in the West up to now
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5

Mcknight, Sean. "The forgotten war: The Iraqi army and the Iran‐Iraq war." Small Wars & Insurgencies 2, no. 1 (April 1991): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592319108422972.

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6

Saramifar, Younes. "Collective (Non-)Memory of the Iran-Iraq War and Sectarian Thinking among Veterans-Turned-Shi'i Militia Fighters." Middle East Journal 77, no. 3 (June 1, 2024): 290–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/77.34.12.

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This article redefines sectarianism as sectarian thinking via an ethnography of Shi'i militia fighters in Iraq and their relationships with the past. I explain this redefinition by tracing memories and histories that motivated Iraqi Shi'i veterans of the IranIraq War to join the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). Accordingly, I argue that everyday sectarian thinking in Iraq is less ideologically grounded than commonly presumed and rather feeds on memories, histories, and socialization in violence. I highlight how acts of non-remembrance and a lack of engagement with memories of the Iran-Iraq War fuel sectarian thinking and justify sectarian inhumanities.
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7

Robins, Philip. "Iran and Iraq at war." International Affairs 65, no. 1 (1988): 171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621055.

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8

Lepkov, A. V. "Saddam Hussein's Chemical Weapons: on the Issue of United States Awareness in the 1980s." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (206) (July 6, 2020): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-2-62-70.

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The article examines the level of awareness of US officials regarding the Iraqi program for the production of chemical weapons as well as its use before 1988. Both in Russian and foreign historiography, the issue of Iraq's chemical weapons and the United States relationship with the government of Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq war is either considered superficially or becomes only an aspect of more general and extensive research topics. The period of 1980-1988 was marked by active USA-Iraqi cooperation in order to exert pressure on Iran. It is proved that during this period, Washington was fully aware of the development and use of chemical weapons by Iraq from the first incidents, even before the issue was brought to the level of the UN Security Council. It was not profitable for the United States to promote the dissemination of information discrediting an ally in the fight against Iran. World`s attention to the use of chemical weapons was drawn only after the end of the Iran-Iraq war.
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9

Sadda, R. S. "Maxillofacial war injuries during the Iraq–Iran War." International Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery 32, no. 2 (April 2003): 209–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1054/ijom.2002.0285.

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10

Farhadi, Ramin. "Wartime Propaganda and Gender in Ahmad Mahmoud’s The Scorched Earth: A Dissident Reading." Text Matters, no. 10 (November 24, 2020): 460–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2083-2931.10.26.

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The Iran-Iraq War (1980–88) has been the subject of many aesthetic productions in contemporary Persian literature. The Iranian mass media during the war with Iraq described the armed conflict as holy and masculine, and propagated the replacement of the word “war” with “sacred defense” to urge authors to write within this established framework and reflect the ideals of the State. Opposed to such an ideological view of the war, the prominent Iranian novelist Ahmad Mahmoud began to express dissent in his works of fiction such as The Scorched Earth (1982). This study, therefore, analyzes Mahmoud’s scope of dissidence toward wartime propaganda and gender in the above mentioned novel to articulate how Mahmoud raises important questions regarding the State’s view of war and the established gender norms in Iran at war. It uses cultural materialist dissident reading and textual analysis to study Mahmoud’s contempt for wartime propaganda through the text’s portrayal of desperate people in Khorramshahr in the southwest of Iran caught between Iraqi airstrikes and artillery fires, and domestic problems including inflation, looting and mismanagement.
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11

Fathima, Anisa. "Iraqi Woman Speaks: An Alternative Narrative of War in Riverbend’s Baghdad Burning." Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Research & Review 04, no. 01 (2023): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.55662/ajmrr.2023.4102.

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The US-led invasion into Iraq in 2003 triggered an endless war that unleashed new cycles of violence and left the region devastated. Following the 9/11 attacks on the US soil, the West conjured up an image of Iraq as a nerve centre of terrorism. In the months preceding the invasion, the dominant narrative that revolved around the War on Terror sought to project Iraq as a nation that needed to be “liberated” and “civilised” by the West. Iraqi women were particularly (mis)represented as oppressed victims of an abusive patriarchal system, devoid of agency and freedom. Voices emerging from Iraq in the subsequent years have countered this portrayal of their country. This paper explores the myriad ways in which Baghdad Burning by Iraqi blogger Riverbend challenges the dominant narrative of the US-led invasion and in the process, constructs an alternative narrative as a civilian who witnessed and suffered the impact of war from close quarters. As an Iraqi, Muslim woman who speaks her mind, she subverts the gendered liberation discourse of the war and argues that women’s freedom in fact plummeted with the radicalisation of the public space enforced by Iran-inspired Shia political parties in the new US-backed post-war regime. Her account of the invasion goes beyond the usual rhetoric of statistics and policies, and offers an insight into what the occupation and the ensuing violence meant to ordinary Iraqis. In doing so, she shatters the myth of Iraq and gives an insider’s perspective of the country whose modern establishments and secular ethos were destroyed by the invasion.
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12

Adhraa AbdulHussein Naser, Dr. "Iraq Wars: From A literary text to Social Context." لارك 3, no. 46 (June 30, 2022): 45–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol3.iss46.2548.

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This article investigates Iraq wars presentation in literature and media. The first section investigates the case of the returnees from the war and their experience, their trauma and final presentation of that experience. The article also investigates how trauma and fear is depicted to create an optimized image and state of fear that could in turn show Iraqi society as a traumatized society. Critics such as Suzie Grogan believes that the concept of trauma could expand to influence societies rather than one individual after exposure to trauma of being involved in wars and different major conflicts. This is reflected in Iraq as a country that was subjected to six comprehensive conflicts in its recent history, i.e. less than half a century; these are the Iraq-Iran war, the first Gulf war, the economic sanctions, the second Gulf war 2003, the civil war, and the wars of liberation against ISIS. The second section investigates Franco Moretti's theory of the Dialectic of Fear and the implication of this hypothesis of stereotyping on the Iraq war and its transformation from an anomaly expressed issue in the media and creative texts to a social reality that is measured by presenting what is not acceptable as an acceptable pattern in the case of war and shock between Iraq and the wars that took place in the west, and the extent of its impact on the protraction of the state of social trauma suffered by Iraqis, who are still suffering under the effects of prolonged political conflicts even after the end of military field conflicts. The research sheds the light on studies such as the Dialectic of Fear by Franco Moretti, Risk Society by Ulrich Beck and Oh My God: Diaries of American Soldiers in Mesopotamia edited and translated by Buthaina Al-Nasiri. Key words: Iraqi war, trauma, risk society, social context, stereotyping.
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13

Kovtun V.A., Supotnitskiy M. V. "Chemical Weapons in the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988). 1. Iraq Preparing for Chemical War." Journal of NBC Protection Corps 3, no. 1 (2019): 40–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.35825/2587-5728-2019-3-1-40-64.

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The Iraqis became the first nation to use chemical weapons on the modern battlefield during the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988). There are no general reviews and research available on this issue in Russian. It also puts the Russian researchers in an unequal position in comparison with their Western and Middle Eastern colleagues, who have such information from a wide range of sources. This lack of knowledge limits our ability to understand the secret mechanisms that trigger modern chemical wars in the Middle East. The analysis in the present study is based on different Western sources, UN and CIA materials. The article shows that Iraq – a third world country with the population of 16,3 million people in 1980-ies and relatively low educational level – could start its chemical weapons program only due to the Western aid and assistance (supplies of the precursors, technologies and technical documentation, education of specialists, diplomatic support ect). Only due to this assistance the Iraqi`s chemical weapons program could become successful. The industrial production of chemical agents and chemical munitions of various tactical purposes was established by the Iraqis in less than 10 years. By the end of the 1980-ies, the Iraqi chemists laid the foundations of the future research in the sphere of toxic chemicals. The industrial base for the production of CW have also been established. For Russia, the success of the Iraq`s chemical weapons program is a warning. It means that technically backward, but oil rich quasi-state can acquire chemical weapons in a few years with the clandestine support of the same «sponsors», and use it both for provocations and for conducting combat operations in the regions, vital for Russia`s interests.
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14

Belousova, K. A. "US Policy in the Persian Gulf in the 1980s." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 2/2 (March 30, 2023): 266–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2023-2-266-274.

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The article deals with the U.S. policy in the Persian Gulf region in the 1980s. During this period, the neoconservatives came to power in the U.S., which was the reason for the tightening of foreign policy. The administrations of J. Carter and R. Reagan began an unprecedented build-up of forces in the region, which was justified, in particular, by the Iran-Iraq war. The fall of the Shah’s regime in Iran after the 1979 revolution forced the U.S. to change allies. The author proves that during the Iran-Iraq war, the U.S. played a double game by supplying weapons to both warring countries. This policy caused a prolongation of the war. Weakening the two most important countries in the region was in line with the U.S. geopolitical objective: during the war, it played the role of “balancer” or “rejoicing third”. However, Washington’s official support for Baghdad led Iraqi leaders to believe that the U.S. would support them in the next aggression
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15

Kleyhons, Ferdinand. "Les Affreux en Irak. Die Teilprivatisierung des professionellen Blutvergießens in der heutigen Kriegsführung anhand des Beispiels des Irakkriegs." historia.scribere, no. 13 (June 22, 2021): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.13.637.

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Les Affreux en Irak. The partial privatisation of professional bloodshed in modern warfare exemplified by the Iraq WarAfter the launch of "Operation Iraqi Freedom", the United States of America were engaged in war for the next eight years, in which they heavily relied on the assistance of private companies, known as Private Military Companies (PMC). The following paper uses the Iraq War respectively the following occupation of Iraq as a case study to examine the role of PMCs in modern warfare. It analyses the military branches in which PMCs provided support to the USA, including logistics, training, security, and even intelligence services. It also discusses the advantages as well as disadvantages of PMCs in current combat operations.
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16

Wang, Bo. "The Iraq War and the New Iran-Iraq Relations." Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (in Asia) 1, no. 1 (March 2007): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2007.12023104.

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17

Ghorishi, Seyed Rasoul, Sabber Niavarani, and Seyed Ghasem Zamani. "Non-applicability of Prescription to War Crimes during Iraq’s War against Iran." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 5 (June 29, 2016): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n5p65.

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<p>International responsibility of Iraq regarding imposed war against Iran and compensating all harms has been an issue attracted public attention in Iran; in a way that sometimes it has been discussed. Nevertheless, it should not be ignored that this war happened long time ago, thus it involves the issue of Prescription or Statutory Limitations. Since the Statutory Limitation often is the main obstacle facing the culture of non-punishment, the main question is that whether Iraqi’s war crimes is supposed to prescription?</p>It should be noted that prominent values of humanity entail the condemning of severe international crimes and non-applicability of principle of prescription. Therefore, International Criminal Law through codification of regional and international documents including the Supreme Iraqi Criminal Tribunal has predicted a period of 35 years for investigation of Iraqi high-ranking officials’ crimes: Accordingly, it seems that the theory of non-applicability of prescription over Iraqi’s war crimes during war against Iran has been substantiated.
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18

Sassoon, Joseph. "The East German Ministry for State Security and Iraq, 1968–1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2014): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00429.

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Despite the close relationship between the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and Iraq from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s, new evidence from documents of the former East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) and the Iraqi Ba'th Party archives, combined with interviews of senior East German diplomats who served in the Arab world, indicates that the Stasi changed its policy in the second half of the 1970s and persisted with that policy in the 1980s after the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War. This article gives an overview of relations between the Stasi and Iraq following the rise of the Ba'th to power in 1968 under Saddam Hussein (who later became president of Iraq in 1979) and examines Iraq's efforts to obtain assistance from the Stasi. The Iraqi regime's persecution of Communists within Iraq and its targeting of Iraqi Communists in Eastern Europe were important in discouraging the Stasi from establishing close cooperation with Iraq.
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19

Axelgard, Frederick W. "Iraq and the War with Iran." Current History 86, no. 517 (February 1, 1987): 57–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1987.86.517.57.

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20

Takeyh, Ray. "The Iran-Iraq War: A Reassessment." Middle East Journal 64, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 365–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/64.3.12.

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21

Brzoska, Michael. "Profiteering on the Iran-Iraq war." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 43, no. 5 (June 1987): 42–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.1987.11459538.

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22

Adib-Moghaddam, Arshin. "Inventions of the Iran–Iraq War." Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2007): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10669920601148620.

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23

Sabin, Philip A. G., and Efraim Karsh. "Escalation in the Iran‐Iraq War." Survival 31, no. 3 (May 1989): 241–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338908442469.

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24

Zavada, Ya, and O. Tsebenko. "IRAN-IRAQ RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF REGIONAL SECURITY." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(53) (July 8, 2022): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.1(53).261111.

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The article analyzes Iran-Iraq relations in the context of regional security. It has been studied that the eight-year Iran-Iraq war became the most bloody and destructive armed conflict of the second half of the XX century. It is worth noting that the beginning of the war caused rivalry: ethnic and religious, political and economic, ideological and personal. Also, the struggle for leadership in the region played a special role. It is established that the USA intervention in Iraq in 2003 changed the geopolitical conditions not only in this country, but in the region as a whole. Although the IRI did not support the USA military operation and condemned it, the invasion of Iraq was in Iran’s interests. After all, the overthrow of Hussein’s regime eliminated one of the main threats to Iran’s national security and, as a result, contributed to the development of bilateral relations. Iran has close relations with the Shiite government in Iraq. Tehran’s foreign policy strategy in the neighboring state is to unite Iraqi Shiite parties to strengthen Shiite rule in Baghdad. It was found that the Iraqi authorities have not formed a unified position on the development of Iran’s nuclear program, because society is divided into supporters of Iran and its opponents. Typically, Shiites who actively support Tehran want to cooperate with it and, accordingly, support the development of Iran’s nuclear program, the signing of the JCPOA, and thus criticize the change in USА policy toward Tehran and the withdrawal from the nuclear deal. At the present stage, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Iraq are actively developing bilateral cooperation and cooperating in many areas, primarily security, economic and political.
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25

Nonneman, Gerd. "The Iran—Iraq War: impact and implications and The longest war: the Iran—Iraq military conflict." International Affairs 66, no. 2 (April 1990): 420–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621448.

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26

Al-Jadiri, Huda Sabah, Besmah M. Ali, and Jawad K. Al-Diwan. "Geopolitical factors affecting childhood nutrition: Iraqi case." Journal of the Faculty of Medicine Baghdad 63, no. 2 (July 13, 2021): 80–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32007/jfacmedbagdad.6321812.

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In Iraq, child’s health had been deteriorated over three turbulent decades starting from the huge and rapid degradation of the country infrastructure by Iraq –Iran war (1980-1988), Gulf War in 1991, and economic sanction.
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27

Mstafa, Aras Abdulrahman. "Iraq's Economic Situation Between 1988-1991 in Southern Kurdistan." Journal of University of Raparin 9, no. 1 (March 20, 2022): 34–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(9).no(1).paper2.

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The economic situation in Iraq between 1988 and 1991 affected the March 1991 uprising in southern Kurdistan، including research that included several important aspects، discussing the economic impact of both the First and Second Gulf Wars، which has caused a major disaster for Iraq's economic infrastructure and the disintegration of Iraq's financial، administrative، military and service institutions، Including the economic crisis، the spread of hunger، poverty، disease، corruption، bribery and many bad subjects that the Iraqi state has suffered from major disasters، all of which have led to the importance of the uprising، this study consists of three parts. In the first part، the impact of the Iraq-Iran war on Iraq's economy is discussed، and in the second part، the war on the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq and its consequences is explained. The third part is the effect of decision 661 that the security council imposed on Iraq as an economic blockade that completely destroyed the economic and social life of The people of Iraq and Kurdistan.
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28

Sjoberg, Laura. "War Families and the Iraq Wars." Hawwa 16, no. 1-3 (November 27, 2018): 236–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341333.

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AbstractIn this paper, I argue that it is not just that wars impact people’s lives—it is that people live wars and wars are constituted by people living them. It is appropriate to think of war as happening on battlefields and in bedrooms, in command centers and in kitchens, with fighter planes and with soup cans. Using this interpretation of war as everyday experience, this article looks at Iraqi war families—that is, families constituted by and constitutive of the Iraq war(s). It begins with five vignettes that tell some, by necessity, partial, stories of the complexity of families living the war(s). Drawing from those vignettes and aggregated data, the article explores changing demographic, nutritional, and health dynamics of Iraqi families over the successive years of war and conflict in Iraq. The article concludes with a contextualization of war families, and a look forward for families in Iraq’s near future.
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29

Zietlow, Nina. "The Politics of Monumentalizing Trauma: Visual Use of Martyrdom in the Memorialization of the Iraq-Iran War." Review of Middle East Studies 54, no. 1 (June 2020): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2020.11.

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This poster focuses on three mediums of commemoration: the monument, the memorial, and the museum as tools of state-sanctioned memory creation, and thereby spaces for politicized rituals of memory which further state-building projects. Specifically, during and after The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) the al-Shaheed Monument (1983), and the Victory Arch (1989) in Baghdad and the Martyrs’ Museum (1996) in Tehran functioned as politically strategic representations of collective trauma. Both the Ba'ath party in Iraq and the emerging Islamic Republic in Iran used these sites to render and politicize memories of violence and loss. Despite obvious differences, the projects in Baghdad and Tehran appealed to a need to address national trauma while bolstering idealized images of statehood. The Ba'athist party under Saddam Hussein capitalized on the collective trauma of the Iraq-Iran war to further a hegemonic Sunni identity, which was both religious and political. The use of immense scale, vulgar displays of power, and Islamic imagery in both the al-Shaheed Monument and Victory Arch linked Sunni and Ba'athist causes and allowed Hussein to characterize the Iran-Iraq War as a sacred project of national and religious vindication. Similarly, the Martyrs’ Museum in Tehran constructs a specific version of history using motifs of the Battle of Karbala, Imam Husayn, martyr and civilian deaths, and blood to tie Iranian national identity to ritualized Shia martyrdom. The Martyrs’ Museum parallels the religification of national identity as seen in Iraq, and configures death as a public, religiopolitical act. Despite Ba'athist Iraq's secular self-image, the strategic harnessing of trauma both Iraq and Iran demonstrates a constructed connection between political state hegemony, religious practice, and rituals of grief. In these ways, state propagated imagery through physical commemorations of the Iran-Iraq War furthered the political – and resulting religious – sectarian divide in the official positions of the two nations.
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30

Mansouri, Aylar. "The Impact of War on Emergence of Depression and Posttraumatic Stress Disorder on Iranian Veterans of Iran-Iraq War." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 11, no. 2 (June 10, 2017): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v11i2.p70-82.

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Iran has been involved in many wars throughout its ancient history, a vivid example is the Iran-Iraq war. This imposed war was ongoing during September 1980 – August 1988 (Mohsenian, 2008). ).The main goal of this study was to investigate differences depression and PTSD symptoms in veterans who participated in the Iran-Iraq compared to community sample. The objectives of this research were: 1.Comparing depression in soldiers who are PTSD patients and ordinary people. 2. Comparing PTSD symptoms in soldiers and ordinary people. The research hypotheses were formulated according to the defined objectives. The statistical population included the Iran-Iraq war veterans and the ordinary male individuals within the age range of 25-50 residing in Tehran. . The data analysis for present research was down descriptively. The Foundation of Martyrs and Veterans’ Affairs of the city of Tehran permitted the researcher to select the statistical samples through the families of martyrs and veterans in person. The related questionnaires were handed in to the testees in person. The research objectives and nondisclosure of information were explained to the testees prior to distribution of the questionnaire. The data was collected using a PTSD checklist by Weathers, Litz, Herman, Huska, Kean etal (1993) and the Beck depression inventory. The multivariate effect indicates a significant difference between the depression and PTSD in war veterans and ordinary individuals aged 25-50. Depression and PTSD in Iran-Iraq war veterans it was higher compared to ordinary individuals.
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31

Covey, CAPT Dana C. "Iraq War Injuries." Orthopedics 29, no. 10 (October 1, 2006): 884–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3928/01477447-20061001-08.

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32

Freedman, Lawrence D., and John Keegan. "The Iraq War." Foreign Affairs 83, no. 5 (2004): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034094.

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Prosser, Sue. "War in iraq." Mental Health Practice 6, no. 9 (June 1, 2003): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/mhp.6.9.30.s24.

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Keegan, John. "The Iraq War." International Journal 60, no. 3 (2005): 860. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40204070.

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35

Viorst, Milton. "Iraq at War." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 2 (1986): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042982.

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36

Martin, H. "Iraq War, 2004." Labor Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas 11, no. 3 (August 14, 2014): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-2687705.

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37

Ullman, Harlan. "War in Iraq." RUSI Journal 148, no. 3 (June 2003): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840308446882.

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38

Goldsworthy, Eleanor. "War in Iraq." RUSI Journal 148, no. 3 (June 2003): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840308446883.

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Mueen, Saqeb. "War in Iraq." RUSI Journal 148, no. 3 (June 2003): 26–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840308446885.

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40

Soroush, Mohammadreza, Zohreh Ganjparvar, and Batool Mousavi. "Human Casualties and War: Results of a National Epidemiologic Survey in Iran." Archives of Iranian Medicine 23, no. 4Suppl1 (April 1, 2020): S33—S37. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/aim.2020.s7.

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Background: Limited studies have reported epidemiologic data on the impact of Iran-Iraq war. This study examines the war casualties for both combatants and civilians on Iranians at national level. Methods: Databases of Veterans and Martyrs Affair Foundation (VMAF), Janbazan Medical and Engineering Research Center (JMERC) and Ministry of Health were used to collect the data. The prevalence of injuries for both civilians and combatants was presented. Casualties were studied based on conventional and unconventional weapons attacks (1980–2018), separately. Results: The Iran-Iraq war led to 183623 lost lives, 554990 injured and 40240 captured. The mean length of captivity was 45.7 months (1 month-19 years) and 2.7% (n = 575) died in captivity. There were 1439180 war related injuries recorded in databanks, mostly affecting men (98.4%). About 1439180 injuries were recorded, most of them related to conventional weapons (938928 [65.24%]). Remaining artillery and mortar fragmentation in the body (39.5%, n = 371236), psychological disorders (15.9%, n = 228944), and exposure to chemical weapons (11%, n = 158817) were the most prevalent war-related injuries. Conclusion: Human casualties of the Iran-Iraq war on the Iranian side and the health care system are huge even after more than three decades.
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41

Harper, Stephen. "‘Terrible things happen’: Peter Bowker's Occupation and the Representation of the Iraq War in British Television Drama." Journal of British Cinema and Television 10, no. 1 (January 2013): 206–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2013.0130.

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Peter Bowker and Laurie Borg's three-part television drama Occupation (2009) chronicles the experiences of three British soldiers involved in the 2003 invasion of Iraq. By means of an historically situated textual analysis, this article assesses how far the drama succeeds in presenting a progressive critique of the British military involvement in Iraq. It is argued that although Occupation devotes some narrative space to subaltern perspectives on Britain's military involvement in Iraq, the production – in contrast to some other British television dramas about the Iraq war – tends to privilege pro-war perspectives, elide Iraqi experiences of suffering, and, through the discursive strategy of ‘de-agentification’, obfuscate the extent of Western responsibility for the damage the war inflicted on Iraq and its population. Appearing six years after the beginning of a war whose prosecution provoked widespread public dissent, Occupation's political silences perhaps illustrate the BBC's difficulty in creating contestatory drama in what some have argued to be the conservative moment of post-Hutton public service broadcasting.
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Kuttab, Daoud. "The media and Iraq: a blood bath for and gross dehumanization of Iraqis." International Review of the Red Cross 89, no. 868 (December 2007): 879–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383108000106.

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AbstractThe war in Iraq has been accompanied by the highest ever number of casualties among members of the Iraqi and foreign press. While the end of the Saddam Hussein regime has reopened the way for vibrant media activity, the absence of security for members of the media has had a high human cost. The US-led war on Iraq, which was aimed at liberating its people from authoritarian rule, has not seen any serious attempt by the Western or even Arab media to focus on the human side of Iraq. Iraqi civilian death tolls are treated as nothing more than statistics.
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Yaseen Rasool, Omeed, and Mohammad Abdullah Kakasor. "Arab states' attitude towards the Algiers agreement 1975." Journal of University of Raparin 11, no. 3 (July 9, 2024): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(11).no(3).paper7.

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After the resumption of war between the Iraqi government and the Kurds in 1974, the Iraqi government sought about another plat to overcome the Kurdish revolution: it was approaching Iran, because Iranian government supported the Kurds in every way, including the military backing. The Iraqi government entered into negotiations with Iran by assistance of the Arab countries with strong ties. The Arab states did not remain silent about the events in Iraq, intensified their efforts to help both countries closer to each other and end the long-standing conflict between them, Finally, they successfully managed to sign the Algiers Agreement, Iraq and Iran were reconciliated. As the result of the agreement, the Kurds were the biggest losers because the September Revolution ended for fourteen years continued. This paper consists of an introduction, two basic topics and conclusions. The first topic discusses the role of Arab states in bringing Iraq and Iran closer together, and the second topic focuses on the Algiers agreement and the reaction of Arab states to the agreement. At the end of the study, the most important results of this study are presented in several points.
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Gawrych, George W., and Efraim Karsh. "The Iran-Iraq War: Impact and Implications." Journal of Military History 54, no. 4 (October 1990): 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986100.

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45

Brown, L. Carl, Lawrence G. Potter, and Gary G. Sick. "Iran, Iraq, and the Legacies of War." Foreign Affairs 84, no. 3 (2005): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034398.

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46

Segal, David. "The Iran-Iraq War: A Military Analysis." Foreign Affairs 66, no. 5 (1988): 946. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043572.

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47

Swearingen, Will D. "Geopolitical Origins of the Iran-Iraq War." Geographical Review 78, no. 4 (October 1988): 405. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/215091.

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Gormley, Louise, and David Armani. "Iran, Iraq, and the Legacies of War." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1641.

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With the noble aims of conflict resolution and peace building, Lawrence G.Potter and Gary G. Sick have compiled an excellent collection of essays on“the war without winners” (p. 2). This remarkable publication, Iran, Iraq,and the Legacies of War, adds to Potter and Sick’s series of co-edited bookson Middle Eastern issues, namely, The Persian Gulf at the Millennium:Essays in Politics, Economy, Security, and Religion (Palgrave Macmillan:1997) and Security in the Persian Gulf: Origins, Obstacles, and the Searchfor Consensus (Palgrave Macmillan: 2002). Potter and Sick are two prominentscholars of international affairs at Columbia University. During theCarter presidency, Sick served as the principal White House aide for Iran onthe National Security Council. (Sick is well-known for his exposé All FallDown: America’s Tragic Encounter with Iran [Random House: 1985]).This 224-page book was written in the cautiously hopeful belief thatthe time has come for reconciliation to begin. It contains nine chapters plusPotter and Sick’s helpful introduction, which contextualizes the futile warthat shook the world. The Iran-Iraq war was one of the longest and costliestconventional wars of the twentieth century. Although the number ofcasualties is still in dispute, an estimated 400,000 were killed and perhaps700,000 were wounded on both sides (p. 2). The Economist commentedthat “this was a war that should never have been fought … neither sidegained a thing, except the saving of its own regime. And neither regime wasworth the sacrifice” (p. 2) ...
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Tabaar, Mohammad Ayatollahi. "Factional politics in the Iran–Iraq war." Journal of Strategic Studies 42, no. 3-4 (August 9, 2017): 480–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2017.1347873.

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50

Alnasrawi, Abbas. "Economic consequences of the Iraq‐Iran war." Third World Quarterly 8, no. 3 (July 1986): 869–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436598608419929.

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