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Journal articles on the topic 'Iranian Actor'
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1
Sharifzadeh, Maryam, Gholam Zamani, Ezatollah Hossein Karami, Davar Khalili, and Arthur Tatnall. "The Iranian Wheat Growers’ Climate Information Use." International Journal of Actor-Network Theory and Technological Innovation 4, no. 4 (October 2012): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jantti.2012100101.
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This research project employed an interdisciplinary attempt to study agricultural climate information use, linking sociology of translation (actor-network theory) and actor analysis premises in a qualitative research design. The research method used case study approaches and purposively selected a sample consisting of wheat growers of the Fars province of Iran, who are known as contact farmers. Concepts from actor-network theory (ANT) have been found to provide a useful perspective on the description and analysis of the cases. The data were analyzed using a combination of an actor-network theory (ANT) framework and the dynamic actor-network analysis (DANA) model. The findings revealed socio political (farmers’ awareness, motivation, and trust), and information processing factors (accuracy of information, access to information, and correspondence of information to farmers’ condition) as the key elements in facilitating climate information use in farming practices.
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Salami, Ali, and Amir Ghajarieh. "The gendered discourse of ‘equal opportunities for men and women’ in Iranian EFL textbooks." Gender in Management: An International Journal 31, no. 2 (April 11, 2016): 114–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/gm-04-2015-0036.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the representations of male and female social actors within the subversive gendered discourse of “equal opportunities for men and women” in Iranian English as a foreign language (EFL) textbooks. Design/methodology/approach From the methodological perspective, this study fused van Leeuwen’s (2003) “Social Actor Network Model” and Sunderland’s (2004) “Gendered Discourses Model”. Findings Data obtained from this study showed the subversive gendered discourse of “equal opportunities” was supported through such representations within a narrow perspective in line with dominant gender ideologies in Iran. The findings suggest the resistance against such subversive gendered discourse in Iranian EFL textbooks underpins gender norms and religious ideologies existing in Iran. Originality/value Such representations of male and female social actors in school textbooks show inclusive education and the discourse of “equal opportunities” have yet to be realised in education system of many countries, including Iran.
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Kobialka, Michal. "Tadeusz Kantor and Hamed Taheri: Of Political Theatre/Performance." TDR/The Drama Review 53, no. 4 (November 2009): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2009.53.4.78.
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Is political performance still viable? Kobialka shows how Iranian theatre director Hamed Taheri—influenced by Polish avantgarde artist Tadeusz Kantor—develops a new kind of radical theatre/performance using actor-immigrants from African nations, Chile, Afghanistan, and Iran.
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Aquino, Rowena Santos. "Necessary Fictions: From Cinéma vérité to Ciné, ma vérité(s)." CINEJ Cinema Journal 1, no. 2 (April 20, 2012): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cinej.2012.42.
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Despite critical reconceptualisations of reenactment in theory and practice beginning in the 1980s, such scholarship has confined reenactment to a process that rests solely on substitution, actors, and actor reenactment. This article examines reenactment in which actual persons reenact their own pasts and memories in the context of contemporary Iranian cinema to bring about an embodied historiography. This collaboration between social actors and filmmakers shifts the focus from questions of substitution to questions of presence and proximity in representations of the past and personal memory. This article explores these questions of presence, proximity, and reenactment as a distinct mode of audiovisual autobiography through a reading of Mohsen Makhmalbaf’s film Bread and Flower (1996) as a case study.
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Khalid, Muhammad Munib, Uzma Naz, and Sajida Begum. "‘EMPOWERED IRAN’ IN A COMPLEX REGION (MIDDLE EAST): TEHRAN’S FOREIGN POLICY CHALLENGES AND DIMENSIONS IN THE 21ST CENTURY." Global Political Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 234–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).26.
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Foreign policy is a serious module in the lives, behaviour, of all nation-states. Recently foreign policy study has acquired new dimensions as a result of a paradigm shift in Iranian foreign policy. Iran has moved away from began camp follower of the United States to an independent political actor with its independent foreign policy. Tehran, from a loyal U.S. collaborator, turned out to be a stalwart opponent. In this backdrop, the study investigates the geo-strategic importance of Iran in the Middle East and Asia as a whole. In fact, because of Tehran’s natural resources like natural gas and oil, etc., this region has always been the centre of attraction for major actors. But since Iran has changed her foreign policy roles, from western to Islamic, the region has confronted numerous security issues because of its strong Islamic history. Besides, the data for the study has incorporated from primary source taken from the official website of the foreign office of Iran, and Overall, the study examines why this alteration of the conceptual, political framework in Iran, from nationalism to Islam, has led to assume Iranian foreign policy conferring to Islamic vision.
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Melamed-Visbal, Janiel David, César Niño, and María Eugenia Gómez-Arias. "Hezbollah as an Iranian proxy and its progressive expansion in Latin America." Revista Científica General José María Córdova 22, no. 45 (March 30, 2024): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21830/19006586.1277.
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Este artículo analiza el papel de Hezbolá como actor proxy en la guerra hibrida iraní y sus implicaciones para la seguridad en América Latina, a partir de antecedentes históricos relevantes. Primero se explica el vínculo entre Irán y Hezbolá desde sus orígenes en la Guerra Civil libanesa, para luego abordar la presencia de esta organización en América Latina. Aunque esta región no es un área de operaciones armadas para Hezbolá, sí se revela como un escenario clave para su financiación, expansión y proyección estratégica. Ha habido presencia en la Triple Frontera entre Argentina, Brasil y Paraguay desde tiempo atrás, que ha influido en ataques terroristas dirigidos a objetivos judíos e israelíes. Ahora ha ganado importancia estratégica la triple frontera entre Colombia, Panamá y Venezuela, por la asociación y cooperación criminal con diversas estructuras armadas locales.
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Ali, Othman, and Zhirwan A. Ismail. "Impacts of Syrian Crisis on Turkish-Iranian Relations: (Rojava Factor)." Journal of University of Human Development 3, no. 3 (August 31, 2017): 570. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v3n3y2017.pp570-577.
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The Syrian crisis in general and the Northern Syria (Rojava) cantons have a profound impact on Turkish-Iranian relations. We have a paradox here where the Kurdish factor seems to have initially driven Iran and Turkey a part and complicated the bilateral relations between the two countries. However, the Rojava factor has recently forced the two countries to some form of regional cooperation and in the future the desire of Turkey and Iran to prevent the emergence of a Kurdish entity in Northern Syria will be a strengthening factor for the bilateral relations. It is anticipated that Syrian and Iraqi regimes which share the same concern will join Turkey and Iran in this regional effort to contain or even destroy the Rojava experience. Nevertheless, the success of this regional effort will be dependent on the future of Russian and American stand towards Rojava.
In this paper, the factor of non-state actors in the current situation of the Middle East has been explained. The reasons of changing the traditional political map of the Middle East have been mentioned. Then specifically while talking about the Syrian crisis, Turkey and Iran have been focused on while they have been working for implementing their own political agendas in Syria. The impact of Syrian crisis in general on Turkish-Iranian relations has been explained. We then have particularly mentioned the rise of Rojava (the North Western part of Syria) as the main reason that affected the regional policies of Turkey and Iran. In the rise of Rojava, we have answered questions like who is supporting Rojava and why? Then we have proceed to explain and analyze the different views with which Iran and Turkey initially had about the emergence of Rojava Regime. Here in this stage, we have tried to give four main groups that have an effective role in the crisis. When we understand the nature of these groups, their antagonists and their supporters, we will almost understand the goals and interests of each main actor that supporting them including Iran and Turkey. Finally, we will reflect upon the Iranian ambitions and strategic goals in the region, taking Syria as an example, and why Turkey is trying to limit the hegemony of Ira
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Rafatpanah, Houshang, Masoud Amin, Mohsen Ghasemshirazi, Mohammad Kazemiarababadi, Hossein Khorramdelazad, Hamid Abousaidi, Ziba Shabani, Ahmadreza Sayadi, Gholamhossein Hassanshahi, and Jamile Samadi. "The SDF-1α3′A Genetic Variation Is Correlated with Susceptibility of Asthma in Iranian Patients." BioMed Research International 2013 (2013): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/759361.
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Background and Aim.Chemokine/receptor axis is a predominant actor of clinical disorders. They are key factors of pathogenesis of almost all clinical situations including asthma. Correspondingly, CXCL12 is involved in the immune responses. Therefore, this study was designed to explore the association between gene polymorphism at position +801 of CXCL12, known asSDF-1α3′A, and susceptibility to asthma in Iranian patients.Material and Methods.In this experimental study, samples were taken from 162 asthma patients and 189 healthy controls on EDTA. DNA was extracted and analyzed for CXCL12 polymorphisms using PCR-RLFP. The demographic information was also collected in parallel with the experimental part of the study by a questionnaire which was designed specifically for this study.Findings.Our results indicated a significant difference (P<0.0001) between theA/A,A/G, andG/Ggenotypes andAandGalleles of polymorphisms at position +801 of CXCL12. We also showed an elevated level of CXCL12 circulating level in Iranian asthma patients.Conclusion.Our findings suggest thatSDF-1α3′A(CXCL12) polymorphism plays a role in pathogenesis of asthma. It can also be concluded that circulatory level of CXCL12 presumably can be used as one of the pivotal biological markers in diagnosis of asthma.
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Rakel, Eva. "IX. Paradigms of Iranian Policy in Central Eurasia and Beyond." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 549–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986398.
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AbstractIran and CEA have historically close links going back as far as the sixth century BC when the Persian Achaemenid Empire conquered the region. For a long time, Persian was the main language of the elite in CEA. Since the disintegration of the USSR, Iran has been determined to re-strengthen its position in CEA, particularly in economic and security terms. Iran is an active player in the Economic Co-operation Organization (ECO). It also promotes the construction of southern pipelines from CEA to export the region's oil and gas resources as it hopes to profit from it for its own oil and gas export. However, it has to be noted that Iran in no way is a dominant player in the region. The rivalry between the various political factions of the Iranian political elite - the Conservative Traditional Right (Rast-e Sonati), Traditionalist left (Chap-e Sonati), Revolutionary or New Left or Hizbollah, Conservative Modern Right Rast-e Modern - leads to incoherence in Iran's foreign policy and makes Iran an unreliable actor to cooperate with not only the countries of CEA but also for other countries interested in the region (i.e., the United States, European Union, Turkey, Russia, China, Saudi Arabia). Additionally, the great national economic problems in Iran are an obstacle for Iran to become more active economically in CEA.
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Volkov, Denis. "Peculiarities of the USSR’s Foreign Policy Decision Making towards the Islamic Republic of Iran." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2022): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017099-5.
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This paper examines the earliest stage of the formation of Soviet foreign policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran. The study offers a critical analysis of the state of the international scholarly field on the Islamic Re-public of Iran in its initial form, allowing for the diversity of expert perspec-tives that emerged in the early years after the Islamic Revolution, and trac-ing their reflection in the practical domain. The paper also examines the decision-making mechanism on Iran in the period 1979–1983 and the in-fluence of the views of different groups of Soviet experts on the process. In the context of realpolitik, the USSR tried its best to preserve the unexpected gift of fortune in the form of the new Islamic regime's rabid anti-Americanism, but at the same time it concentrated its efforts on trying to implant local leftist forces into Iranian power structures, following ideolog-ical dogma and being confident in the imminent leftist transformation of the Iranian revolution. The debacle of the Iranian Tudeh Party in 1983 forced the USSR to largely reconsider its policy towards the Islamic Republic and to definitively change its ideological approaches to purely practical ones. This paper draws on English-, French- and Russian-language studies car-ried out in recent decades, as well as ego-documents authored by partici-pants in the events from the main actor countries: diplomats, intelligence officers and scholars of Iran. The author situates the analysis of these ego-documents in the context of a thematically broader critical synthesis of con-temporary work from different countries.
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Ahmadi, Sidiq, and Jasmine Armantyas Safannah Bumi. "Normalisasi Hubungan Diplomatik Uni Emirat Arab – Israel: Analisis Rasionalitas Kebijakan Politik Luar Negeri Uni Emirat Arab." POLITEA 5, no. 2 (December 17, 2022): 258. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v5i2.17203.
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<p><em>The foreign policy of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to normalize relations with Israel in 2020 has caused controversy and sparked widespread criticism, especially from Muslim countries, because it is considered to have violated the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative agreement and betrayed a commitment to support Palestine. This article is aimed to analyze the rationality of the UAE's decision mentioned above. This is qualitative research with library research methods. The analysis was carried out using the Rational Actor Model from Graham T Allison. This research found that the decision of the United Arab Emirates to normalize relations with Israel is rational. This option is calculatedly the most beneficial for achieving the United Arab Emirates' national interests, namely, increasing its defense and security sector from Iranian threats, maintaining economic stability, and strengthening its position in the international system.</em></p>
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KÜNTAY, Burak. "NATO’s Missile Defense Shield: Turkey’s Western Preferences." AJIT-e: Online Academic Journal of Information Technology 4, no. 13 (November 1, 2013): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5824/1309-1581.2013.4.002.x.
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As a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO , Turkey agreed to deploy a missile defense radar system in its southern region of Malatya in 2011. In the context of geopolitical developments before and after this pivotal year -namely, Turkey’s reorientation towards the Middle East, the Arab Awakening, and most recently, the Iranian nuclear deal of 2013- Turkey’s decision had far-reaching regional effects. To offer policy implications surrounding this decision, this paper analyzes the interaction between such political developments and the existence of this shield system within Turkey’s borders. Turkey’s decision to allow installation of the NATO defense shield came amid Western suspicions of Iran’s growing military might, nuclear program, and missile technology. Since Turkish foreign policy ever since the turn of the 21st century has shifted increasingly towards its neighbors in the Middle East, the installation and its hostile reception in Iran seemed out of sync with its foreign policy shift. Subsequently, examining the Turkish decision in light of recent regional developments provides insight about Turkey’s increasingly proactive role as not only a regional, but a global actor. Such examination includes an analysis of Turkey’s global environment through a foreign policy lens both before and after its decision to host the NATO defense shield. Paired with the technical reasons why Iran feels threatened by the missile deployment, such analysis shows that despite the growing polarity in Turkey’s neighborhood, Turkey’s NATO membership and nuanced view of international affairs makes it an important mediator moving forward in Iranian rapprochement with the West.
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BenLevi, Raphael. "From supporting actor to ‘whipping the P5 + 1’: Assessing material and ideational influences on Israeli Policy toward the Iranian nuclear program (1996–2015)." Comparative Strategy 40, no. 6 (November 2, 2021): 563–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2021.1962201.
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Lohmann, Sascha. "European Strategic Autonomy: The Test Case of Iran." European Review of International Studies 8, no. 3 (December 13, 2021): 443–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-08030009.
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Abstract The ideal of the European Union (EU) as a global peace and security actor is increasingly clashing with the reality of a multipolar world defined by militarised conflict, and a loosening of the formerly close trans-Atlantic relationship with the United States. European policy-makers have identified strategic autonomy as a possible remedy in the face of a growing number of internal and external security threats. This paper adds to the conceptualisation of strategic autonomy by contextualising its current usage and political genealogy. Empirically, European strategic autonomy is examined concerning the efforts to preserve the Iranian nuclear deal after the Trump administration had ceased US participation in May 2018. In particular, the paper assesses the European response to counter the re-imposed unilateral United States (US) sanctions against European individuals and entities by updating the so-called blocking regulation, and setting up a special purpose vehicle (spv) for facilitating trade with Iran. The results show that the European struggle toward achieving strategic autonomy has largely failed, but that it holds valuable lessons to approximate this ideal in the future.
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Penkovtsev, Roman Vladimirovich, Timur Vasilevich Gafurov, and Natalia Aleksandrovna Shibanova. "The Nature of the Political Interaction between Israel and Saudi Arabia in the 21st Century." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 5 (August 31, 2019): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n5p53.
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This paper considers the issue of interaction between two states, which are largely political antagonists: Israel and Saudi Arabia. The nature of the interaction between these states on the world political arena is of serious scientific and practical interest. Contrary to popular stereotypes, Israel maintains relations with many countries of the Arab world, and Saudi Arabia is no exception. It should be noted that a certain rapprochement of positions between these states occurred due to the activation on the geopolitical map of the Middle East of such an actor as Iran, which in the 21st century energetically implements its nuclear program, accelerates economic development programs, and is generally focused on strengthening its role and places in the international arena. The US position represented by the administrations of B. Obama and D. Trump influenced to a large extent the process of intensifying interaction between Israel and Saudi Arabia, which stimulated the rapprochement of the positions of these two states on the “Syrian” and “Iranian” problems. In addition, it is worth paying attention to the establishment of similar positions between Israel and Saudi Arabia on the "Palestinian issue. "
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Sujati, Budi. "Peran Ayatullah Khomeini dalam Revolusi Islam di Iran 1979." Rihlah: Jurnal Sejarah dan Kebudayaan 7, no. 1 (April 2, 2019): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/rihlah.v7i1.7756.
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Khomeini was a great scholar and leader of the Iranian Islamic Revolution. Khomeini's role in the Revolution was a struggle that never ceased to overthrow Shah Reza Pahlevi. The fall of the monarchy to the Islamic Republic of Iran system made Khomeini the most influential actor in the eruption of the Islamic revolution in Iran. This certainly has an impact on Iran's development until now. This paper outlines the role of ulama in the occurrence of a revolution. His role was to invite the public to oppose Shah's policies through political lectures both on the pulpit and on tapes. His influence in mobilizing the community to make opposition to the Shah Pahlevi supported by intellectuals and ulama made Khomeini's influence on the revolution so great. The research uses the library research approach (Library Resereach) with historical study methods.Khomeini merupakan seorang ulama dan pemimpin besar Revolusi Islam Iran. Peran Khomeini dalam Revolusi adalah perjuangan yang tidak pernah berhenti untuk menumbangkan Shah Reza Pahlevi. Jatuhnya sistem monarki ke sistem Republik Islam Iran menjadikan Khomeini menjadi aktor yang paling berpengaruh terhadap meletusnya revolusi Islam Iran. Hal ini tentunya memberi dampak bagi pekembangan Iran hingga sekarang. Tulisan ini menguraikan peran ulama dalam terjadinya sebuah revolusi. Perannya adalah mengajak masyarakat untuk menentang kebijakan Shah melalui ceramah politik baik itu di mimbar maupun di kaset. Pengaruhnya dalam menggerakan masyarakat untuk melakukan oposisi terhadap Shah Pahlevi dengan ditopang kaum intelektual dan ulama menjadikan pengaruh Khomeini terhadap revolusi sangat begitu besar. Adapun penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan penelitian kepustakaan (Library Resereach) dengan metode studi historis.
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Abasheva, Marina P., and Kristina S. Spirina. "The Conflict in Ivan Vyrypaev’s Dramaturgy." Вестник Пермского университета. Российская и зарубежная филология 14, no. 2 (2022): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2073-6681-2022-2-83-91.
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The article deals with the specific features of the dramatic conflict in the plays of the modern playwright, director, actor Ivan Vyrypaev (born in 1974), who works in Russia and Poland. We explore the nature of the conflict in his plays written in the 2010s (Iranian Conference (2017), Disquiet (2018) and others). In that period, new tendencies in the development of the dramatic conflict appeared in Vyrypaev’s works, with the conflict being based on the clash not between characters, as before, but between discourses: currently relevant ideas, statements, the rules and attitudes behind them determined by public moods. This strategy clearly reflects the author’s position: the playwright understands his text as an opportunity to represent discourse, as he has often mentioned in his interviews. The material of the study determined the research methodology: the discursive nature of Vyrypaev’s drama is analyzed using the ideas and methods of discourse analysis developed by Michel Foucault, Teun van Dijk, etc. In the course of research, we analyzed Vyrypaev's play Closed Study. New Constructive Ethics (2021) in detail. The analysis has shown that the conflict in the play develops consistently: from the representation of currently relevant discourses to their dramatic collision. Further, the very reliability of discourses, of their boundaries is problematized through the construction of double communication: communication is built not only between the characters on stage but also between the author and the audience. In Closed Research. New Constructive Ethics, currently relevant discourses of the ‘new ethics’ are deconstructed. The audience sees on stage a conflict imperceptible to the characters, formed both by the contradiction between discourses and by the viewer’s knowledge of the characters’ off-stage life circumstances. Understanding the discursive nature of the conflict in Vyrypaev’s plays expands the existing understanding of the Russian ‘new drama’ as a whole.
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Myedvyedyeva, Marina Borisovna, and Elena Borisovna Starodubtsyeva. "Republic of Iran: embedding in global trends in development of world economy." Vestnik of Astrakhan State Technical University. Series: Economics 2022, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24143/2073-5537-2022-1-62-69.
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The Islamic Republic of Iran, as an actor in the world economy, is developing in accordance with the emerging trends, however, the manifestation of these trends is quite individual. The place and role of Iran in the modern world are considered, the features of its development and expansion of cooperation, primarily, trade in the conditions of imposed sanctions are analyzed. It was stated that Iran also pursues a protectionist policy towards a number of countries. It is proved that Iran is quite seriously implemented in the world economy, which allows us to talk about the manifestation of the main trends in the Iranian economy, in particular, development and regionalization, within the framework of which Iran’s cooperation and promising relations with the EAEU within the framework of a member of this organization, cooperation with China and India within the framework of the Silk Road Economic Belt initiative and the Transcontinental Transport Corridor “North-South”, the Organization for Economic Cooperation. It is said that Iran does not remain aloof from the development of the digitalization and from the circulation of cryptocurrencies, the introduction of digital money, the development of its own payment system, its own Internet. There are considered the means of regulating this area, in particular, of mining and of developing digital money. The impact of the pandemic on the development of the considered trends is proved. The factors determining the future development of Iran are identified. It has been inferred that global trends will continue to manifest themselves in six main scenarios: from the great economic decline (least likely) to the economic prosperity. It is found that further economic transformations carried out under the influence of these trends will contribute to the development of the country.
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Yashlavskii, A. "Extremist Groups in the Syrian Civil War: New Actors & New Threats." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2014): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-10-93-104.
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Since 2012 one can speak about a real civil war in Syria with participation of different political forces. Extremist Islamist jihadist groups like “Front al-Nusra” and “Islamic State of Iraq and Levant” (ISIL) play very active role among them. Relations between ruling elites and Islamists have been very complex in Syria during the past decades. On the one hand, Syrian Alawite regime is secular and nationalist. On the other hand, official Damascus used to be one of the sponsors of the militant Islamist anti-Israeli and anti-Western groups in the Middle East. Besides, Syria is a close ally of Islamic Republic of Iran and Lebanese Shi'ite Hizbullah. From our point of view, the union between Assad's Syria and Islamist groups was rather tactical than strategic one. Syria always played very important role for Sunni Islam, e.g., “the Land of Sham” had a big importance in eschatological beliefs of Sunni Muslims as a place of the final battle between Believers and Dajjal (Anti-Christ). Many foreign Islamist militant involved in Syrian War are inspired by this belief. Additionally, although a big majority of Syrians are Sunni, a dominance of Alawite sect in the political and social and economic life of the country disaffects of many Syrians with an escalation of Syrian conflict. Islamization of “Syrian revolution” is connected with cruel oppression of opposition by Assad's forces and powerless position of the West. At the same time, islamisation is a common feature of the Arab Spring. Arab Spring extremist Islamists have appeared along with relatively moderate Islamist and secular pro-Western groups. Foreign militant Jihadists play an important role in radicalisation of Islamist factor in the conflict. While Shi'ite groups (like pro-Iranian Hizbullah) regards Syria as a crucial part of Shi'ite belt from Mediterranean to Iran, Sunni extremists are not going to lose ground in the face of Shiite 'heretics'. The involvement of Arab Wahhabi monarchies (Saudi Arabia and Qatar) in the current turbulence must be also noted. ISIL is now the key actor of Syrian civil war. It is active not only in Syria but also in Iraq, the homeland of the organization. Initially, this Sunni militant group was closely connected to Al Qaeda. Now the relationships between them are rather tense because of ISIL’s efforts to overmaster another Jihadist group, “Front al Nusra”. The strategic aim of the ISIL is an establishment of an Islamic State (in Iraq and later in Syria) and the restoration of Caliphate. The tactics of the ISIL include guerrilla warfare and cruel terrorist attacks against military and civil people. In Syria ISIL fights against Assad's forces as armed opposition (both secular and Islamist) for control over territories and power. “Front al Nusra” (Front of Support of the Land of Sham People, FN) is genetically connected to ISIL. In terms of ideology there are no divergences between two groups, but they are rivals when it concerns the issues of popular support and political influence. Some Syrian people consider FN as a local group in contrast to foreign militants dominated ISIL. Activities of Jihadist groups is a real danger not only for Syria, but for the whole region and even worldwide.
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Andreeva, Larisa. "Ibrahim az-Zakzaky and the Islamic Movement of Nigeria." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2023): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080027696-2.
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The article examines the history of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IDN), a Shiite religious organization founded by Ibrahim al-Zakzaki in Zaria in Northern Nigeria. IDM consider itself as an independent socio-political actor that does not recognize the legitimacy of the official government of the country. It is shown that the purpose of the IDN is to create a theocratic Islamic state in Nigeria. IDN is most active not only in the northern states of the country, but has also found supporters in neighboring countries – Niger, Cameroon, Chad, Burkina Faso, Ghana. The birth of the Movement and its rapid expansion coincided with the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the ideals of which were promoted by the leaders of the IDN. Over the more than 40-year history of its presence in Nigeria, this organization has been able to achieve a fairly broad support of the population, and the share of its members in the 2010’s was up to 17% of all Muslims in the country. Having originated in the university environment, IDN initially recruited representatives of the educated elite, dissatisfied with social injustice, government corruption and lack of ways of self-realization. Subsequently, by promoting the corresponding egalitarian ideals, IDM attracted broad segments of the population. This was facilitated by the experience of successful implementation of socially significant projects in rural areas. Financial and methodological support in the implementation of various IDN projects, including educational ones, was provided by Iran through various channels. The growing popularity of the Movement, coupled with its politicization, became the main reason for its ban by the Nigerian government. At the same time, the authorities, judging by such decisive steps, saw serious political risks in the existence of the IDM, perceived as an agent of foreign policy influence – in addition to the legal ban, it also used repressive tools to suppress this organization. Despite the efforts of the Nigerian authorities, the IDM continues its "underground" existence. The authors consider that the strategy chosen by the official authorities – control of the activities of foreign states in Nigeria and the repression of IDM members – turned out to be ineffective, and deradicalization and depoliticization of this organization is possible only through solving social problems.
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Vogel, A. "Russian–Iranian–Turkish trilateral relations in the Syrian civil war." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2023): 76–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2023-1-76-110.
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The Syrian uprisings in 2011 transformed into a fragmented, internationalized, and highly intensive civil war. The confrontation in Syria involved numerous local forces, regional stakeholders and outside powers. Among those various actors, Türkiye, Russia, and Iran played the key role in shaping the outcome of the conflict. Despite support by Russia/Iran and Turkey to the opposite sides in a civil war, the three powers successfully delineated their respective spheres of influence and established a modus vivendi to coexist and co-manage the conflict in Syria. The trio has worked as equals, checking and balancing each other in their actions in the Syrian Arab Republic. As the crisis in Ukraine escalated, a new geopolitical reality emerged, affecting the Syrian theater and the related balance between three leading external actors. Russia’s decreased focus on Syria led to an expanding Iran, disturbing the balance of power and pushing Israel to intervene more assertively. Erupting competition between Ankara and Tehran could also lead to escalation. This article attempts to provide a picture of the complex triangular interplay between the Islamic Republic of Iran, Russia, and Türkiye in Syria. It outlines the divergent and converging interests of the three as well as their actions and policies vis-à-vis Syria. The work explores whether antagonistic aspirations are bridged or not and investigates where the potential for escalation lies.
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Jalali Aliabadi, Farzaneh, Bita Mashayekhi, and Graham Gal. "Budget preparers’ perceptions and performance-based budgeting implementation." Journal of Public Budgeting, Accounting & Financial Management 31, no. 1 (March 4, 2019): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpbafm-04-2018-0037.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the reason for the failure of implementing performance-based budgeting (PBB) at Iranian public universities and research institutes (PURI). This examination focuses on the actors participating in the budget processes and their perceptions.Design/methodology/approachThe study uses grounded theory and employs deep semi-structured interviews of budget preparers at Iranian PURI.FindingsThe results indicate a loose coupling between perceived and regulated budgeting process. This leads to budgetary slack as a barrier for authentic information flow and indeed PBB implementation. In the analysis of the results, the authors suggest some ways to improve the current situation of the budgeting processes at Iranian PURI.Practical implicationsPublic organizations that desire to transform their budgeting system need to consider their actors’ perceptions regarding the budgeting process. By explicitly considering their perceptions the organization may be able to solve any loose coupling as a result of internal, external and behavioral conditions.Originality/valueThis research examines issues that arise in the transformation of organizational processes. The focus on budget processes is critical for organizations which receive most, if not all, of their operational funds from a central authority. This research highlights the role of budget actors’ perceptions in transforming the budgeting process. An important result of this analysis is documenting the existence of loose coupling in the current budgeting process at Iranian PURI. This loose coupling results in slack creation and restricts the implementation of a PBB system. Additionally, this loose coupling limits the flow of authentic information.
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Van Engeland, Anicée. "Iranian Women and Legal Pluralism: The Impact on Women’s Rights." Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law Online 17, no. 1 (January 31, 2013): 50–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004283688_003.
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This article analyzes how Iranian women have become legal actors and unofficial source of law in the Islamic republic of Iran, compelling the government to align on universal women’s rights standards. Iranian women have initiated and supported amendments, bills and reforms to enhance their rights and to work towards the implementation of universal women’s rights standards. The path they have opted for to reform Iranian law is original from many viewpoints: firstly, the reform of Iranian law takes place from the bottom to the top of the society as it is carried out by civil society; then women activists and groups support the reform of methods of interpretation of Islamic legal sources in order to see the emergence of more human rights-orientated interpretations of Islamic law: Eventually to reach their aim of conciliation between Iranian law, Islamic law and universal women’s rights, Iranian women have drawn their inspirations for a reformed Iranian law from many legal sources, giving a practical meaning to the notion of legal pluralism.
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Özdemir, Zelal. "Tracing the International Dimensions of Iranian Nationalism: The Era of Mohammad Reza Shah." Iran and the Caucasus 25, no. 1 (April 22, 2021): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20210106.
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This study explores the reconstruction of Iranian national identity during the Mohammad Reza Shah era (1953 to 1979). Drawing on materials collected from the memoirs and statements of the Shah and the key actors of the era and using Historical Sociology in International Relations as its theoretical backbone, it aims to unravel the constitutive role of the international on the formation of Iranian state nationalism. It argues that in order to understand the meaning attached to being Iranian, we should look into the specifics of international- domestic interaction, as Iranian national identity has been framed and re-framed by the Shah alongside the changing dynamics born out of specific interaction between the domestic and international dynamics. The Shah’s interpretation of Iranian identity emerged and evolved at the intersection of his endeavours for gaining legitimacy against the legacy of Mosaddeq and his popular nationalism at the domestic level and for reclaiming the actorness of Iran during the Cold War at the international level. Playing inwards and outwards, the Shah sought to deconstruct the content of Iranian nationalism articulated by Mosaddeq and to give a new meaning to Iranian nationalism. Serving as the ideological glue of his state building, it was characterized by a strong belief in the rapid industrialization, emphasis on unity rather than diversity, uniqueness of Iranian identity vis-à-vis the East and the West, and presentation of the Shah as the real and moral representative of the Iranian people.
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Abasi, Ali R., and Nahal Akbari. "The discoursal construction of candidates in the tenth Iranian presidential elections." Journal of Language and Politics 12, no. 4 (December 31, 2013): 537–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.12.4.03aba.
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This qualitative case study investigates dissent in the news discourse of a major pro-reform newspaper covering the Iranian presidential election debates that took place in June 2009. Drawing on appraisal theory as its analytical lens, the article examines the evaluation of the three major candidates in the paper’s coverage of the debates. The article begins with the broader sociopolitical context situating the watershed debates and a description of the legal framework within which the Iranian press operate. The analysis next details the function of attitudinal resources in the discursive representation of the political actors. As central to an ideologically invested strategy, evaluative linguistic resources are found to sharply dichotomize the political actors along a range of positive and negative value positions that dissent from those advanced in the narratives of the dominant power.
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Sadeghian, Saghar. "Minorities and Foreigners in a Provincial Iranian City: Bahāʾis in the Russian Consulate of Isfahan in 1903." Journal of Persianate Studies 9, no. 1 (June 8, 2016): 107–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341297.
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This article is about the struggles of a persecuted confessional minority in Qajar Iran. It shows that the massacre of the Bahāʾis in Isfahan in 1903 was representative of the ongoing power struggles in the city. Previous scholarship that has briefly explored these events has relied primarily on a handful of British diplomatic sources. Drawing on unexplored documents in British and Iranian archives, this article provides crucial details about the social dynamics on the ground and stresses the role of key actors involved in this episode in Iranian history. In the process, the article puts together the socio-economic contexts of the events in Isfahan, explains why the Bahāʾis sought foreign protection, and analyzes the attitudes of powerful local actors such as Zell al-Soltān and Āqā Najafi.
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Bohdan, Siarhei. "Another Third Worldism?" Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 43, no. 3 (December 1, 2023): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-10892808.
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Abstract This article investigates Iranian–North Korean cooperation after the 1979 revolution in Iran as a case of sustained efforts effectively aimed at implementing Third Worldist ideas. Both Iranian revolutionaries and North Korean Communist officials referred to Third Worldism, although they held different views of it. Their alliance, however, did not rest on ideology alone: by analyzing respective links, the article shows how substate actors following their pragmatic interests have succeeded in bringing about a relatively stable alliance that was rationalized through Third Worldist discourse. In Iran, this relationship was driven by the radical factions of the Khomeinist regime, mostly the so-called Islamic Left. These factions, who controlled some government-affiliated organizations and agencies (e.g., the Revolutionary Guards), needed these foreign links to get the resources necessary to survive and prevail politically. The study is largely based on Iranian sources of the time and memoirs by Iranian officials and activists.
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Ameri, Saeed, and Masood Khoshsaligheh. "Exploring the Attitudes and Expectations of Iranian Audiences in Terms of Professional Dubbing into Persian." HERMES - Journal of Language and Communication in Business, no. 57 (June 11, 2018): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/hjlcb.v0i57.106206.
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For more than seven decades, dubbing has been the dominant professional modality for overcoming language barriers in foreign movies and TV series in Iran and has been revered as a national art. Although limited, some recent work has explored Persian dubbing reception and to continue this endeavor, this study attempts to offer further insights into how the Iranian viewers perceive dubbing, translation for dubbing and what they expect from dubbing. More precisely, the study aims at examining how the Iranian audiences view dubbing and particularly its agents and translation. To these ends, a questionnaire including open and closed items was designed. The overall results revealed that translation quality was considered considerably less important than the technical issues related to the dubbing production, such as voice-acting and synchronization. The findings also suggested that the performance of dubbing actors and dubbing directors was regarded more important than the contribution of translators. Overall, these findings seemed to indicate that the Iranian viewers’ appreciation of a dubbed program is mainly guided by non-translation issues including the performance of the dubbing actors and the accuracy of the relevant synchronizations.
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Ghajarieh, Amir, and Ali Salami. "Gendered Representations of Male and Female Social Actors in Iranian Educational Materials." Gender Issues 33, no. 3 (March 31, 2016): 258–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12147-016-9157-6.
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Ahmedov, Vladimir M. "The Hezbollah of Lebanon and the Syrian Crisis: Religious and Military Dimensions." Oriental Courier, no. 3 (2023): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310028315-4.
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The article studies the role of Hezbollah in the Syrian crisis and its interactions with Damascus and Tehran. The author analyzes historical preconditions for origin and genesis of Hezbollah in Lebanon, focusing on actual political, social, economic, ethnic, ideological, and regional role of the Organization in the Syrian crisis based on historical background. The author investigates rivalry between Damascus and Tehran for maintain control under Hezbollah in view of Iranian military intervention in the Syrian events. Main attention paid to Iranian politics regards Hezbollah in view of developments of the Syrian crisis. The article stresses a significant role of Tehran in the Syrian crisis and underlines Iranian efforts to penetrate in the key Syrian political institutions. Due to the developments of the Syrian military confrontation Hezbollah appeared under full Iranian control. In this regard, the author supposes and demonstrates that perspectives of Hezbollah depend on political will and the readiness for mutual compromises between key regional actors in the Syrian crisis.
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Masoudi, Heidarali. "Metaphorical incarnations of the “other” and Iranian International Relations discourses." European Journal of International Relations 25, no. 3 (February 18, 2019): 748–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119828184.
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Iranian International Relations academics have impacted both the official and public discourses on foreign policy issues, and vice versa. More specifically, how the “other” is constructed in Iranian International Relations discourses has an important role in determining how Iran acts in world politics. Assuming that International Relations discourses in Iran are inextricably intertwined with the construction of the “other,” this article aims to investigate how Iranian International Relations scholars use metaphors as linguistic tools for the representation of the “other.” Specifically, this article analyzes the metaphorical construction of the “other” in Iranian International Relations academic texts. Applying metaphor analysis, instances of the “other” have been selected and analyzed. The hypothesis was that there are two different categories of metaphors representing the “other”: first, there are context-oriented metaphorical incarnations that attempt to construct Iran’s “relationship” with others in foreign arenas, considering internal and external opportunities and limitations; and, second, there are essentialist metaphorical incarnations of particular actors, such as the US, Israel and Arab states as the “other.” The analysis shows that body and religion can be regarded as nodal points around which context-oriented and essentialist International Relations metaphorical discourses, respectively, have been articulated. The context-oriented discourse is inspired by realist insights into home-grown Iranian International Relations while the essentialist discourse is influenced by official foreign policy rhetoric and Iranian historical culturalism.
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Hassaniyan, Allan. "Non-Violent Resistance in Iranian Kurdistan After 1979." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 3 (December 18, 2019): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/266.
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This paper sheds light on the significance of the 1979 Iranian Revolution for the Iranian Kurdish movement, arguing that the Revolution provided Iranian Kurds with multifaceted opportunities as well as challenges. In the ensuing years, the Kurdish movement entered into a new phase of its rise. With the emergence of numerous civil society organizations and political parties, the Kurdish movement experienced a hitherto unprecedented growth and diversification of actors and organisations. Kurdish civil society flourished drastically, and a significant part of the Kurdish movement’s challenge to the newly-established government in Tehran was channelled through collective non-violent resistance. The creation of city councils (şoray şar) across Kurdistan constituted the first important challenge to the authority of the Provisional Revolutionary Government, whilst the mobilisation of collective non-violent resistance introduced new forms of resistance to the post-Revolutionary authoritarian state’s policies in Kurdistan.
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Leivestad, Hege Høyer, and Erik Olsson. "A 20 dollar note: ‘success stories’ of Swedish business actors with Iranian origin." Social Identities 26, no. 2 (January 7, 2020): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2019.1711049.
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Gergiieva, V., and D. Levinson. "STRATEGIC CULTURE FENOMENA IN IRAN-ISRAEL RELATIONS." International and Political Studies, no. 34 (October 21, 2021): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237714.
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The current confrontation between the State of Israel and the Islamic Republic of Iran is not an exceptionally new phenomenon; however, it is noticeable that escalation around the “Iran nuclear deal” makes this issue one of the most urgent on the current political agenda. This article focuses on countries’ strategic culture as both public and non-state actors see and respond to challenges and opportunities international system − which is the result of cultural perception. Iranian and Israeli strategic cultures have some similarities - consideration of which is necessary to understand the specifics of the relationship between the two states and Jerusalem's possible response to a potential nuclearization of Tehran. Cultural details are often overlooked when we are trying to analyze the policy of a particular state, however, this analysis can provide an understanding of a particular country's response to challenges and threats. Learning more about how and why actors use force in the system is an important topic to which strategic culture may provide some answers but the process of applying it is difficult. In this article, we overview historical preconditions of Iran-Israel relations, Israel's specific view of its ambitions in the region, and nowadays escalation between two countries. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action is still on the agenda between the two countries, while negotiations in Vienna continue, Iran increased its enrichment up to 60 percent – the highest level in Iranian history. Iranian nuclear program is a cornerstone in the US-Iran and Iran-Israel relations, but the strategic culture of Israel still cannot adopt improvement of relations between the US and Iran, as Iranian progress in its nuclear ambitions.
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Al-Qurtuby, Sumanto. "THE LUTHER OF SHI’I ISLAM." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 20, no. 1 (May 30, 2012): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.20.1.188.
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<p class="IIABSBARU">This paper examines socio-historical roots of the emergence of the idea of “Islamic Protestantism” within Iranian Shi’i tradition. The central focus of this study is to present thoughts and activities of so-called “Iranian Luthers” as the agents, actors, and prime movers of the birth of Islamic reformation in Iran. These actors whose ideas of Islamic reformation have had great influences and reached broader audiences beyond Iranian territory include Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Ali Shari’ati, Mehdi Bazargan, Hashem Aghajari, and Abdul Karim Soroush. There are a number of Iranian reformers deserve credits for their thoughtful, controversial ideas of Islamic reformations. These Iranian reformers are considered “the Luthers of Islam” for their deep admiration of Martin Luther’s Protestant Reformation, and their calls for Islamic reformation just like Luther did in the sixteenth century Europe. By the socio-historical and descriptive analysis, this paper is not intended to compare two religious reformations in Iran and Europe, but rather to study and analyze their notions with regard to Islamic reformation.</p><p class="IKa-ABSTRAK">***</p>Artikel ini membicarakan tentang akar sosio-historis munculnya gagasan “Protestanisme Islam” dalam tradisi Syi’ah Iran, dengan fokus kajian pemikiran dan gerakan yang disebut “Luther Iran” sebagai agen, aktor, dan penggerak utama lahirnya reformasi Islam di Iran. Ide-ide reformasi Islam memiliki pengaruh besar dan mencapai khalayak yang lebih luas di luar wilayah Iran termasuk Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Ali Shari’ati, Mehdi Bazargan, Hashem Aghajari, dan Abdul Karim Soroush. Sejumlah reformis Iran layak mendapatkan perhatian karena pemikiran, ide-ide kontroversial mereka dalam reformasi Islam. Para reformis Iran dianggap sebagai “Luther Islam” karena kekaguman mendalam mereka terhadap Martin Luther, dan mereka menghendaki reformasi Islam seperti yang terjadi pada masa Luther di Eropa abad keenam belas. Dengan analisis sosio-historis dan deskriptif, tulisan ini tidak dimaksudkan untuk membandingkan dua reformasi keagamaan di Iran dan Eropa, melainkan untuk mempelajari dan menganalisis gagasan-gagasan mereka mengenai reformasi Islam.
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Jalali Aliabadi, Farzaneh, Muhammad Bilal Farooq, Umesh Sharma, and Dessalegn Getie Mihret. "Institutional work and the interplay of stability and change in public budgeting reform: the case of public universities in Iran." Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 34, no. 4 (March 2, 2021): 786–818. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-11-2019-4261.
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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to understand the efforts of key social actors in influencing the reform of Iranian public universities budgeting system, from incremental to performance-based budgeting (PBB), the tensions that arose as competing efforts of institutional change were undertaken, and ultimately the impact of these efforts on the extent to which the Iranian government transitioned to a system of PBB in public universities.Design/methodology/approachData comprises of semi-structured interviews with managers and experts involved in the budget setting process and an analysis of budgetary policy documents, reports and archival material such as legislation. An institutional work lens is employed to interpret the findings.FindingsWhile actors advocating the change were engaged in institutional work directed at disrupting the old budgetary rules by disassociating the rules moral foundations and creating new budgetary rules (through new legislation), universities undertook subtle resistance by engaging in extended evaluation of the new proposed PBB rules thereby maintaining the old budgetary rules. The reforms undertaken to introduce PBB in Iranian universities achieved minimal success whereby incremental budgeting continued to constitute by far a larger percentage of the budget allocation formula for university budgets. This finding illustrates change and continuity in university budgetary systems resulting from institutional work of actors competing to control the basis of resource allocation under the proposed PBB system by proposing contradicting models.Practical implicationsThe findings highlight the importance of understanding the interplay of institutional work undertaken by competing social actors as they seek to advance their goals in shaping budgetary reforms in the public-sector. Such an understanding may inform policy makers who intend to introduce major reforms in public-sector budgeting approaches.Originality/valueUnlike prior studies that largely focused on how organization-level budgeting practices responded to changes in public budgeting rules (i.e. at the site of implementation of the rules), this paper highlights how strategies of change and resistance are played out at the site of setting budgetary norms.
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Garmaroudi Naef, Shirin. "The Iranian Embryo Donation Law and Surrogacy Regulations: The Intersection of Religion, Law and Ethics." Die Welt des Islams 55, no. 3-4 (November 26, 2015): 348–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05534p05.
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This article examines the Iranian approach to the regulation of reproductive technologies, through which medical, Islamic juridical and civil legal authorities come together in forming bioethical legislation and regulations in the national context. It focuses in particular on the legislation and regulations for embryo donation and surrogacy arrangements, both morally permissible according to the majority of Shiʿi religious authorities. It traces the development of these legislations and which institutions and actors were involved, and examines in particular the dynamics of religion, law, and medicine in the formation of these bioethical regulations. I argue that the Iranian approach towards bioethical issues involves all stakeholders – religious and secular, state and private – and reflects a combination of elements from both secular and religious principles. This approach (bottom-up rather than top-down), I conclude, reflects the efforts and ability of Iranian scholars to examine the impact and challenges of global modern biomedicine and thereby give internal answers within their own religious and cultural values and tradition.
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AYAR, Başaran. "TURKISH-IRANIAN COMPETITION IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS AND CENTRAL ASIA." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.4.08.
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Turkey and Iran have maintained stable relations for decades and established cooperation by exploring their common interests despite many political disputes, ideological differences, or economic competition. But recently, many emerging disagreements of the two neighbors started to test the breaking point of this longtime balance. Today, Ankara and Tehran are trying to get a better hand against each other through diplomatic, military, and economic instruments. Starting by presenting an overview of Turkish-Iranian relations, this article focuses on the main points of friction between the two actors in the South Caucasus and Central Asia. The region is going through a critical juncture with crucial events such as the Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020 and the aftermaths of the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. So far, Turkey has increased its regional influence by strengthening its economic and diplomatic presence and establishing military cooperation. This target is pursued through the Turkic identity, which provides the ideological basis for Ankara’s regional strategy. The Islamic Republic of Iran, on the other hand, is trying to defend the regional status quo to resist the containment strategy and international isolation that it has been facing since the revolution. The “axis of resistance” idea that Iran pursues, especially in the Middle East, is almost nonexistent in the Central Asian and Caucasian region due to the Russian factor, lack of sympathy to such an approach on the part of the regional actors, and the Regime’s reluctance to change the status quo in its Northern and Eastern borders. In addition to Ankara and Tehran’s competing regional desires, several bilateral problems to solve in energy, trade, security, and migration management put the actors on the opposing sides. The study claims that the incompatibility between the actors’ regional strategies increases to the point that their rivalry in the Middle East will expand to Central Asia and the Caucasian region. But in contrast to this slow process, there are imminent common issues that can only be solved by a joint effort by Turkey and Iran, and this necessity will restrain the damages of this incompatibility on bilateral relations.
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Krylov, German L. "Shia paramilitary groups as an instrument of Iranian influence in Iraq." Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no. 1 (February 15, 2024): 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869049924010097.
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Characteristic features of the pro-Iranian Shiite armed groups, which act as influential non-state actors (NGA) in the main spheres of activity of the Iraqi state, are studied. Methodological developments obtained as a result of research on the NGA problem are used. V.V. Naumkin and V.A. Kuznetsov note the existence of a stable academic tradition of a state-centered approach to the problem of their typologization. This approach is based on the fact that an NGA defines and builds its actions, focusing to one degree or another on the state. Such formations have a political wing and a bureaucratic apparatus for participating in the life of the state not only as alternative to the army and police law enforcement agencies. They also play the role of parliamentary forces and economic actors, including those active in the shadow sector of the economy. Created at one time with the active participation of the Iranian special services, Shiite paramilitary groups have become an effective instrument of Iran’s influence in the country. The strengthening of their influence on the government of Iraq is noted. It is manifested in the transition from opposition to the pro-American Prime Minister M. al-Kazimi (2020–2022) to a kind of «symphony» of harmony and cooperation under his pro-Iranian successor M. al-Sudani. This factor affects not only the domestic political situation, but also the regional balance of power in the Middle East.
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Zarifian, Julien. "Iran and Its Two Neighbours Armenia and Azerbaijan: Resuming Relationships under America's Suspicious Eyes." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 2 (2009): 383–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12625876281541.
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AbstractImmediately after the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Iran sought to once again resume relationships with its two northern ex-Soviet neighbours, Armenia and Azerbaijan. In the context of the Karabakh conflict that pitted the two South Caucasian countries against one another, Iran, despite its Shi'a Muslim identity, decided to maintain a neutral stance. This was mostly due to the pro-Turkish and clearly anti-Iranian stance of the second Azeri president, A. Elchibey, and to the traditional close ties between Iran and Armenia. Since that time, Iranian-Armenian political, economic, and cultural relations have maintained themselves at a high level, while Iranian-Azerbaijani relations have improved, especially at the instigation of the Aliyev family in power in Baku. The difficulty for Yerevan and Baku is that they are both partners of the U.S., which, especially under G. W. Bush's presidency, has not been pleased by the good and fruitful relationships Azerbaijan and especially Armenia maintain with Tehran. The strained Iranian-American relationship puts Yerevan and Baku in an uneasy posture, and the U.S., particularly under G. W. Bush, applied relative pressure on both countries to make them ponder over their cooperation with Iran. The delicate task of Armenia and Azerbaijan is, therefore, to optimise their relationship with both the U.S. and Iran, two major actors, without hurting their respective feelings and, as much as possible, their respective interests.
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Barjasteh, Amir. "Domesticating the Global Discourse of Nationalism in Early Twentieth-Century Iran: A Sociological Institutionalist Account." Societies 13, no. 8 (August 4, 2023): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc13080182.
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This article explores how nationhood was discursively constructed in early twentieth-century Iran. While most studies concentrate on micro-national causes, this study complements this literature by drawing on domestication theory to show how globally diffused nationalist discourse was localized and tailored to the Iranian context at the turn of the twentieth century. It employs the methods of critical discourse analysis and critical metaphor analysis to investigate politics in the construction of nationhood in Iran. The data include all editorials and articles in three highly influential Iranian periodicals: Qanun, Tarbiyat, and Kaveh. By analyzing the shared premises in this data, the study highlights the transnational nature of the discourse to indicate how Iranian nationhood was embedded in world society yet adapted locally. The analysis then identifies three variations of Iranian nationhood, each woven into a particular national narrative at the time. These findings attest to the meso-level approach that addresses the discursive side of diffusion mechanisms and calls attention to the discursive politics in localization processes of nationhood. They point to new directions to understand contemporary Iran, not as an outlier or exception, but rather as discursively connected to world society. Given the discursive opportunities arising from these contentious notions of nationhood, the study calls for further critical investigations of identity-based appeals, often by authoritarian actors, in Iran’s modern politics.
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Wahrhaftig, Alexandre. "Atores em Kiarostami: do mundo iraniano para o palco italiano." Aniki : Revista Portuguesa da Imagem em Movimento 6, no. 2 (August 20, 2019): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14591/aniki.v6n2.503.
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This article investigates the particular work of the actors in the film Certified copy (Copie conforme, 2010), by Abbas Kiarostami. The film, shot in Italy, is very different from the Iranian filmograhy of the director, in which the cast was almost always formed by non professional actors, whose lives were, at times, mingled with the films' narratives. In Certified copy, however, the cast is formed by an international star (Juliette Binoche) and by an opera singer (William Shimell). Evidently, they both play parts that do not get mixed with their actual lives, but their characters' mobility of identities echo, in a way, the work of acting. We will investigate how Kiarostami worked with his actors in Iran and in Italy – trying to grasp the transformation that occurred in this passage –, and how these works differently shape the films.
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Sherry, Bennett G. "Cul-de-sac to the West: Human Rights and Hypocrisy between Turkey and Europe in the 1980s." Asian Review of World Histories 7, no. 1-2 (January 23, 2019): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340052.
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Abstract In the 1980s, over a million Iranian asylum seekers transited through Turkey on their way west, most moving through irregular migration channels. While much has been made of Turkey’s evolving role in more recent refugee crises, this literature neglects the importance of the 1980s Iranian refugee migrations in shaping the global refugee system. By connecting the story of the international human rights movement to the Ankara office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), this paper emphasizes the role of non-state actors. Based on research in the archives of the UNHCR, this paper argues that the UNHCR and Amnesty International used human rights as a tool to pressure Turkey to open its doors to Iranian refugees in the early 1980s, and that this tactic backfired when the West closed its own doors on refugees later in the decade. The result was the increased forcible return of refugees by Turkish authorities to Iran and newly restrictive asylum policies, which would shape refugee migrations through Turkey for decades. For millions of refugees, Turkey has served as transit hub on their journey west; in the 1980s, human rights hypocrisy made it a cul-de-sac.
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Ali Zaman Shah. "Geopolitical Significance of Balochistan: Interplay of Foreign Actors." Strategic Studies 37, no. 3 (October 16, 2017): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.037.03.00213.
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The geographical location of Balochistan makes it an important region. The province, being the best possible and the shortest route to the Arabian Sea, has attracted the key international and regional players, including China, India, the US, Iran, the Central Asian Republics (CARs) and Afghanistan. Each player wanted to utilise this region to pursue its geopolitical and geostrategic interests. The building of Gwadar port and the development of Balochistan under the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is going to be a game changer for Pakistan’s socio-economic development. A fully operational Gwadar port will enhance Pakistan’s commercial activities and its connectivity with oil-rich Gulf states, the CARs, Afghanistan, China and with the rest of the world. Therefore, CPEC, under the Chinese One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative, has enhanced the significance of the Balochistan province. However, it has also added to the concern of the adversaries of Pakistan and China, particularly India and the US. To counter the viability of Gwadar, India has started to invest considerably in the development of the Iranian Chabahar port. Since China’s rivalry with the US and India’s with Pakistan has been a recurring theme in the global and regional politics respectively. It is Iran’s strategic partnership with India, which has been stirring doubts in Pakistan. The episode of arrest of the Indian spy, Kulbhushan Jhadav, has confirmed the involvement of India’s intelligence agency — Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) — and endorsed all other reports on the foreign involvement in supporting the insurgency in Balochistan. In this milieu, this study is an effort to factor in the foreign elements in the current instability in the province.
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Mirmohammad Sadeghi, S. M., and R. Hajimineh. "The Role of Iran’s «Soft Power» in Confronting Iranophobia." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 216–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-216-238.
Full textAbstract:
«Soft power» is a set of activities designed by a government or regional and international actors aimed to influence external public opinion, promote external image or attract support for a particular policy, which is implemented through all the available tools and new technologies. The non-governmental actors also play an effective and important role in this diplomacy. Considering the public diplomacy and soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran as a deliberate and conscious approach can be of great importance in the country's grand strategies that will strengthen national interests in the domestic sphere and influence them at regional and global levels. The article analyzes the role of Iran’s soft power in confronting Iranophobia. The study is aimed at presenting a theoretical definition of public diplomacy and soft power in foreign policy and international system, and then examines its role in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran with an emphasis on confronting Iranophobia.The authors answer the research question: “What is the role of soft power in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in confronting Iranophobia?” The research method is descriptive-analytical based on historical evidence, documents, and analytical issues of theorists, authors, and media being expressed in the theoretical framework of soft power. The paper is based on a synthesis of Stephen Walt’s “balance of threat” theory with Alexander Wendt’s social constructivism to explain the Iranian “threat” in American foreign policy.The findings of this research show that without the use of force and disturbing the balance in the international relations, using a variety of tools and instruments the Iranian public diplomacy and soft power might be effective to reduce the global and regional atmosphere of Iranophobia and undermine anti-Iranian solidarity.
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Abar, Aydin. "Legacy of Teispian and Achaemenian Materiality." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 5 (May 24, 2021): 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v5i.414.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores the ways in which the materiality of the Achaemenian Empire was incorporated into the narratives of different polities and political groups on the Iranian Highlands. These approaches, which have continued into the present day, have marked these sites as objects of appropriation, imposition, resistance and negotiation by various actors in different discursive arenas. The current study further deals with the question of whether there was a biographical difference between distinct sites.
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Foltz, Richard. "From Zanzibar to Zaytun: Iranian Merchants across the Indian Ocean Basin." Iran and the Caucasus 22, no. 2 (June 22, 2018): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20180203.
Full textAbstract:
The role of Iranian merchants in the maritime trade of the Indian Ocean basin from antiquity up to the 16th century is often underestimated. From scholarly histories to popular culture the “Muslim sailor” is typically portrayed as being an Arab. In fact, from pre-Islamic times the principal actors in Indian Ocean trade were predominantly Persian, as attested by the archaeological data, local written records, and the names of places and individuals.
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Ahmadi, Hamid. "Political Elites and the Question of Ethnicity and Democracy in Iran: A Critical View." Iran and the Caucasus 17, no. 1 (2013): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130106.
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This article presents a critical view of the contemporary studies in the realm of ethnicity and nationality in Iran. Discussing the conceptual, methodological and theoretical pitfalls of such studies, the author claims that the lack of an approach based on the historical sociology and the failure to consider the historical specificities of the Iranian case have distorted the issue of ethnicity and national identity in Iran. Considering the relation between ethnicity and democracy, the author argues that the way ethnicity and ethnic factors have been instrumentally politicised by the regional and international actors, as well as the domestic political elites, has created serious obstacles for the rise and consolidation of democracy in Iran. Such an instrumental approach toward the question of ethnicity in itself stems from the fact that the reality of the ethnic and national issues in the Iranian society has been misunderstood.
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H. Casalunga, Fernando, Eduardo Munhoz Svartman, and Bruno Cardoso Reis. "Marco zero: as origens da guerra cibernética orquestrada pelos Estados Unidos para atingir a República Islâmica do Irã (2007-2010)." Relações Internacionais, no. 82 (June 2024): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2024.82a06.
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In this article, we conduct a single-case study of the conflict between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran (2007–10), from the perspective of the strategic returns obtained through the use of information technology to achieve criticism of infrastructure sectors. Our analysis highlights the conditions that allowed the North Americans to expand their power projection capabilities over their adversary, significant factors in explaining the origin and impact of cyber warfare today. By collecting evidence that reveals the functioning of the operational mechanism orchestrated by state and non-state actors to contain the Iranian nuclear program, we verify how cyberspace has become a key domain for achieving national strategic objectives. From this perspective, based on primary and secondary sources, we use qualitative analysis techniques to answer the following question: how did the United States use cyberspace to target the Iranian nuclear program?
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Schwartz, Kevin L. "“Citizen Martyrs”: The Afghan Fatemiyoun Brigade in Iran." Afghanistan 5, no. 1 (April 2022): 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afg.2022.0085.
Full textAbstract:
While much is made of the military capacity of the all-Afghan Fatemiyoun Brigade as an Iranian militia and proxy force in Syria, less attention has been devoted to how its fighters and their experiences have been integrated into Iranian society following deployment. As Afghans of the Fatemiyoun Brigade return to Iran – either as veterans or as bodies of martyrs – they have been incorporated into existing national frameworks of Shiʿi identity and martyrdom. Through the analysis of media reports, funeral processions, and visual iconography, this article demonstrates how state and non-state actors in Iran have used the example of Afghan “shrine defenders” as an occasion to re-invigorate the central importance of state narratives around Shiʿism and national sacrifice. Such practices have elicited new perceptions across government and media of Afghan contributions to the history of the Islamic Republic and have been accompanied by new mobilities and modalities for Afghans in Iranian society. While the experiences of Fatemiyoun fighters are not monolithic, and the reasons for enlisting varied, Afghans affiliated with the brigade are increasingly taking on citizenship characteristics, despite their non-citizenship status. In addition to fighting on behalf of the nation and Shiʿa community, Afghan members and veterans of the Fatemiyoun engage in civic acts of solidarity. Families of fallen fighters receive the financial benefits and cultural status accorded to “martyrs families.” Accordingly, the experience of the Fatemiyoun Brigade and its increased visibility in Iranian society raise questions about the future citizenship prospects of Afghans in Iran as well as notions of citizenship in the Islamic Republic more generally.