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Journal articles on the topic 'Iran'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Ahmad Zainal Mustofa and Nurus Syarifah. "POLITIK OFENSIF AMERIKA SERIKAT TERHADAP SIKAP DEFENSIF IRAN: DARI PERANG PROKSI HINGGA DOMINASI." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 2 (July 27, 2021): 118–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v5i2.203.

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ABSTRACT This article describes the conflict between the United States and Iran in the form of a proxy war taking place in Syria and Yemen. The conflict culminated in the attack from US against Iran on January 3, 2020 in Iraq. The proxy war that took place between US and Iran, the plan of the US when cornered by Iran, and Iran’s response to the actions of the US will be explain in this paper. This study uses Offense-Defense theory as a means of analyzing the two countries. The method used in this research is descriptive analytical. The research concludes that the US and Iran are involved in proxy wars in Syria and Yemen. In Syria, the US stands as a supporter of government groups. Meanwhile, Iran stands as a group supporting the government. In Yemen, the US stands as a supporter of the government. Meanwhile, Iran stands as a supporter of supporters. The series of proxy wars led to an escalation due to the conflict suffered by the US. The White House then killed Mayor General Qassem Soleimani, who is an influential general in Iran, for being the actor behind the failure of their plan. Iran then responded with attacks on US military bases in Iraq. The reply is also an important concern for the US to increase security in its region. Keywords: conflict culminated; proxy war; offense-defense; Qassem Soleimani. ABSTRAK Artikel ini menjelaskan tentang konflik antara Amerika Serikat dan Iran dalam bentuk perang proksi yang terjadi di Suriah dan Yaman. Kulminasi konflik tersebut berupa serangan dari AS terhadap Iran pada tanggal 3 Januari 2020 di Irak. Perang proksi yang terjadi antara AS-Iran, rencana AS ketika tersudutkan oleh Iran, dan respons Iran terhadap tindakan AS akan dipaparkan dalam tulisan ini. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori ofensif-defensif sebagai sarana untuk menganalisis konflik kedua negara. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif analitis. Adapun hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa AS dan Iran terlibat perang proksi di Suriah dan Yaman. Di Suriah, AS berdiri sebagai pendukung kelompok oposisi pemerintah. Sedangkan Iran berdiri sebagai kelompok pendukung pemerintah. Di Yaman, AS berdiri sebagai pendukung pemerintah. Sedangkan Iran berdiri sebagai pendukung oposisi. Serangkaian perang proksi tersebut menimbulkan eskalasi konflik akibat kekalahan yang diderita oleh AS. Pihak Gedung Putih kemudian membunuh Mayor Jenderal Qassem Soleimani yang merupakan jenderal berpengaruh di Iran karena dianggap sebagai aktor di balik kegagalan rencana mereka. Iran kemudian merespons dengan serangan ke basis militer AS di Irak. Balasan tersebut sekaligus menjadi atensi penting bagi AS untuk meningkatkan keamanan di wilayahnya. Kata kunci: kulminasi konflik; perang proksi; teori ofensif-defensif; Qassem Soleimani.
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2

Kiianytsia, V. "THE EVOLUTION OF IRAN-IRAQ RELATIONS IN THE SADDAM AND POST-SADDAM ERA." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. International relations, no. 1 (55) (2022): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2022/1-55/46-53.

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The evolution of relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Iraq from the end of the Iran-Iraq War (1988) to the Iraqi political crisis (2021-2022) is considered. The key stages of Iraq's political transformation and the impact of such changes on the state of Iran-Iraq relations are examined. The position of the Republic of Iraq in the Iran's regional policy is determined. The character of Iran-Iraq relations at the current stage is established, the challenges and prospects for its further development are formulated.
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3

Çakı, Caner. "İran-Irak Savaşı’nda Kullanılan İran Propaganda Posterlerinin Göstergebilimsel Analizi." İran Çalışmaları Dergisi 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 11–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33201/iranian.452762.

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4

Balta, Paul. "Le conflit Irak-Iran." Maghreb - Machrek N° 113, no. 3 (January 3, 1986): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/machr1.113.0047.

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5

Mahdi, Akbar. "Revolution: Iraq & Iran." Teaching Sociology 19, no. 2 (April 1991): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1317878.

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6

Byrne, Malcolm. "The Iran–Iraq War." Iranian Studies 46, no. 4 (July 2013): 669–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2013.784533.

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7

Arnett, Eric. "Iran is not Iraq." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 54, no. 1 (January 1998): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.1998.11456800.

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8

Rundle, Christopher. "The Iran/Iraq conflict." Asian Affairs 17, no. 2 (June 1986): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068378608730220.

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9

Ribau, Patrick. "Le conflit Irak-Iran." Recherches Internationales 19, no. 1 (1986): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rint.1986.3064.

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10

Bibi, Fozia, and Lubna Abid Ali. "Linkage Between US invasion of Iraq, Arab Spring and Emergence of Daesh: Beginning of New Era for Iran." Global International Relations Review V, no. II (June 30, 2022): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-ii).08.

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The role of Iran is essential to analyze the politics of the Middle East. Post 9/11 few events such as the USA invasion of Iraq, the Arab spring and the emergence of Daesh has altered the traditional power structure of the region and also enhanced the role of Iran in the politics of the region. This study analyzes the role of domestic and structural factors in the shaping of the foreign policy behavior of Iran. Iraq remained a strong power under Saddam till the US invasion of Iraq in March 2003. Though, the US invasion ended a dictatorship but failed to provide stability, peace and a unified government in Iraq. The empowerment of the Shiia government in Iraq is also a victory of Iran on the ideological front as the US invasion has enabled Iran to achieve its targets without confronting directly with Saddam. . Since 2000 few events such as the US invasion of Iraq, Arab Spring and rise of Daesh transformed the traditional balance of power in favor of Iran. All these events helped Iran to enhance its ideological influence throughout the Middle East
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11

Milani, Mohsen M. "Iran, the Status Quo Power." Current History 104, no. 678 (January 1, 2005): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2005.104.678.30.

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Iran appears ready to discuss the future of Iraq as well as other security issues with the United States. It remains uncertain for Tehran whether a ‘tactical consensus’ on Iraq could … lead to a marked improvement in US-Iran relations.
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12

Fatima Raza. "US-Iran Tensions and Instability in Iraq: Role of the Popular Mobilisation Units." Strategic Studies 41, no. 2 (August 10, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.02.0053.

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Popular Mobilisation Units (PMU) is the largest umbrella organisation in Iraq encompassing more than 40 of these paramilitary forces with many of them having deep ties with Iran. Recent killing of the PMU leader Abu Mahdi al Muhandis along with his ally, the Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in a US drone strike concurred a huge loss for Iran and the PMU who had long enjoyed cooperation and influence within Iraq. The PMU, in the absence of its trusted leadership; is predicted to fall apart from within causing instability in Iraq which has been brought about by reckless war-mongering between the US and Iran. This research explores the strategic culture, structure and the role of PMU in bringing about stability in Iraq in the backdrop of continuous deteriorating Iran-US relations. This research argues that in order to make the PMU effective in cultivating peace in Iraq; it would be wise for important stakeholders like Iran and the US to understand its strategic culture and formulate their respective Iraq policies accordingly.
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13

Bobkin, Nikolay. "The Iranian-American competition in Iraq: the political defeat of the United States." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760015847-8.

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The article gives an assessment of Iran's policy in neighboring Iraq during the years of the American occupation. The author's scientific hypothesis is that after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran, and not America, became the real beneficiary of the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. The Iranian leadership, interested in changing the Baathist regime in Baghdad, having received such a strategic gift, did everything to use the US military presence to its advantage. The purpose of this study is to analyze the strategy of expanding Iran's influence in Iraq and its impact on US policy. The article shows that the nature of Iran's influence in Iraq included all the elements of state power: diplomatic, informational, military and economic. It is concluded that Tehran managed to take advantage of the democratic reforms in Iraq, which were carried out under the control of Washington. Iran used its Shiite henchmen, which gave it a political advantage over the United States, which did not have such influential allied forces in Iraq. Despite the disparate balance of military forces with America, Iran managed to avoid the risk of war with the United States and move on to achieving its long-term goals in Iraq. In the future, Tehran plans to achieve the rejection of Baghdad from constructive relations with Washington.
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14

Szalontai, Balázs, and Yoo Jinil. "Maneuvering between Baghdad and Tehran: North Korea's Relations with Iraq and Iran during the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 2 (2023): 179–247. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01119.

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Abstract This article explores how North Korean leaders tried to maneuver between Iran and Iraq to gain greater leverage in the Cold War. Both of these Middle Eastern countries seemed potentially attractive partners for Pyongyang, but they were often on hostile terms with each other. The article considers how the Iraq-Iran rivalry and domestic changes in Iraq and Iran affected North Korean policy. Even when Pyongyang's cooperation with one or the other of the two states reached a high level, the North Koreans also reached out to the other country, regardless of the position of either state and of external actors such as the Soviet Union and China. The North Koreans generally avoided taking a public stand on the Iraq-Iran dispute, but on occasion they became more deeply involved. Mainly, the North Korean government sought to maximize the number of its partners, rather than to make a stable commitment to just one state. In turn, both Iraq and Iran eventually came to perceive North Korea as a state that was mostly out to benefit itself rather than helping either of them.
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15

Yakubovich, Azimov Habibullo. "HISTORY AND CURRENT STATE OF IRAQ- IRAN RELATIONS." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 6, no. 5 (May 1, 2024): 46–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume06issue05-09.

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From the 1968 Baath Party coup to the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, relations between Baghdad and Tehran have never been good-neighborly or normal. Therefore, the overthrow of Saddam Hussein can be considered as one of the turning points in Iran-Iraq relations. This article elaborates on the Iraq-Iran relationship and the ethnic, religious, sectarian and external forces that influence it.
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16

Robins, Philip. "Iran and Iraq at war." International Affairs 65, no. 1 (1988): 171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621055.

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17

Ehteshami, Anoushiravan. "Iran‐Iraq relations after Saddam." Washington Quarterly 26, no. 4 (September 2003): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016366003322387145.

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18

Hassan-Yari, Houchang. "Iran and Iraq - GCC Rapprochement." Middle East Policy 25, no. 4 (December 2018): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12377.

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19

SADEGHI, Hossein Mir Mohammad. "Iran / Iran." Revue internationale de droit pénal 74, no. 1 (2003): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ridp.741.0325.

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20

Prudnikov, V. V. "SECOND INTERNATIONAL SELJUK HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL SYMPOSIUM: IRAN (II. ULUSLARARASI SELÇUKLU TARIHI COĞRAFYASI İRAN SEMPOZYUMU), October 13–15, 2022." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 2 (24) (2023): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2023-2-131-135.

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The review is devoted to the «Second International Seljuk Historical and Geographical Symposium Iran (II. Uluslararası Selçuklu Tarihi Coğrafyası İran Sempozyumu)», which was held on October 13–15, 2022 in Konya (Republic of Turkey) on the basis of the Center for Research on Seljuk Culture and Civilization of the University of Nacmettin Erbakan (Selçuklu Kültür Ve Medeniyeti Uygulama Ve Araştırma Merkezi Necmettin Erbakan Üniversitesi) with the support of the Turkish Historical Society (Türk Tarih Kurumu) and the Seljuk Municipality of Konya (Selçuklu Belediyesi, Konya). This event is held regularly, traditionally receives wide coverage in the Turkish media and every time causes a great public outcry. The previous Symposium (Uluslararası Selçuklu Tarihi Coğrafyası Suriye-Filistin–Irak Sempozyumu) was held on October 25–27, 2019 and was devoted to the study of topical issues in the history of the Seljuks in the regions of Iraq, Syria and Palestine.
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21

Hamad, Mudhafar Ahmed, and Azadeh Falsafian. "Modeling Asymmetric Effects of Exchange Rate Fluctuations on Agricultural Trade Balance: Evidence from Iran and Iraq." Agris on-line Papers in Economics and Informatics 16, no. 2 (June 30, 2024): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7160/aol.2024.160204.

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The exchange rate plays a crucial role in foreign trade and has asymmetric effects. This study examines the asymmetric effects of exchange rate volatility on the trade balance in the agricultural sector between Iran and Iraq, using the non-linear ARDL model from 1998 to 2020. The results show that Iraq's GDP and oil price fluctuations positively affect the trade balance. In contrast, Iran's GDP and the U.S. economic sanctions against Iran have negative and significant effects on the trade balance of Iran with Iraq in the agriculture sector. The results do not confirm the existence of the J-curve effect in the trade relations between Iran and Iraq, because an increase in the bilateral exchange rate, in both the long-run and short-run, improves the trade balance of Iran with Iraq in the agriculture sector. Furthermore, the positive and negative fluctuations of the bilateral exchange rate have different effects on the trade balance. While the devaluation of the national currency does not cause a downward trend in the short run, the exchange rate policy can improve the trade balance from the beginning.
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22

Al-Sheikhly, Omar F., Heimo Mikkola, and Seyd B. Mousavi. "PHARAOH EAGLE-OWL BUBO ASCALAPHUS (SAVIGNY, 1809) (STRIGIFORMES, STRIGIDAE), THE “SHROUDED IN MYSTERY” OWL OF IRAQ AND IRAN." Bulletin of the Iraq Natural History Museum 16, no. 2 (December 21, 2020): 219–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26842/binhm.7.2020.16.2.0219.

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The easternmost extent of the Pharaoh Eagle-Owl Bubo ascalaphus (Savigny, 1809) distribution has remained enigmatic due to identification problems and lack of owl research. In Iraq, B. ascalaphus has been reported from only few localities in western Iraqi deserts; while its occurrence in Iran has not been reported before this study. In 2017–2020, several new records of B. ascalaphus in western through southeastern Iraq were made and a new distribution range in western Iran was confirmed. Furthermore, field identification, interspecific relationships and conservation status of B. ascalaphus in Iraq and Iran were comprehensively discussed.
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23

Mohsen Al-Gimavi, Sadegh, Mahmoud Bakhshi, Akram Ghanbari Moghaddam, Vahid Ghavami, and Hasanain Al-Khalidi. "A Comparative Study of Healthy Lifestyle of Iranian and Iraqi Elderly and Its Predictors." Salmand 18, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32598/sija.2022.3420.1.

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Objectives Lifestyle is influenced by differences in societies and changes in culture, social and environmental conditions, hence this study was conducted to determine and compare healthy lifestyle and its predictors in the elderly living in Iran and Iraq. Methods & Materials This descriptive-analytical study was performed on 800 elderly people over 60 years old who were referred to health centers in Najaf City, Iraq, and Mashhad City, Iran in 2021. The research units were selected by cluster probability sampling. Data were collected by demographic characteristic form, healthy lifestyle questionnaire for the elderly, and questionnaire of predictors of a healthy lifestyle at the time of the presence of the elderly in the health center. Data were analyzed using SPSS software, version 23 with descriptive statistics, and the Chi-Square, Mann Whitney U, independent t test, and regression. Results The Mean±SD age of the elderly in Iran and Iraq was 66.89±6.68 and 66.42±5.23 years, respectively. About 75% of the Iranian elderly and 59% of the Iraqi elderly had a moderate lifestyle. The mean and standard deviation of total lifestyle scores in Iran and Iraq were 145.75±14.97 and 152.29±13.46, respectively, and the independent t test showed a significant difference (P<0.001). Multiple linear regression tests showed that variables of age, self-assessment of health, drug abuse, income and job satisfaction, and marital status and companions had a significant relationship with a healthy lifestyle in the Iranian elderly, while in the Iraqi elderly, variables of age, sex, self-assessment of health, smoking, income, and job satisfaction, and companions had a significant relationship with a healthy lifestyle (P<0.05). Predictor factors predicted 25% of healthy lifestyle scores in Iran and 37% in Iraq. Conclusion It is recommended to improve the lifestyle of the elderly in both Iran and Iraq from the current situation to the desired level. For this purpose, health officials must pay more attention to the most effective factors for a healthy lifestyle, especially drug abuse and income satisfaction in Iran and Iraq, respectively.
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24

Zietlow, Nina. "The Politics of Monumentalizing Trauma: Visual Use of Martyrdom in the Memorialization of the Iraq-Iran War." Review of Middle East Studies 54, no. 1 (June 2020): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2020.11.

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This poster focuses on three mediums of commemoration: the monument, the memorial, and the museum as tools of state-sanctioned memory creation, and thereby spaces for politicized rituals of memory which further state-building projects. Specifically, during and after The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) the al-Shaheed Monument (1983), and the Victory Arch (1989) in Baghdad and the Martyrs’ Museum (1996) in Tehran functioned as politically strategic representations of collective trauma. Both the Ba'ath party in Iraq and the emerging Islamic Republic in Iran used these sites to render and politicize memories of violence and loss. Despite obvious differences, the projects in Baghdad and Tehran appealed to a need to address national trauma while bolstering idealized images of statehood. The Ba'athist party under Saddam Hussein capitalized on the collective trauma of the Iraq-Iran war to further a hegemonic Sunni identity, which was both religious and political. The use of immense scale, vulgar displays of power, and Islamic imagery in both the al-Shaheed Monument and Victory Arch linked Sunni and Ba'athist causes and allowed Hussein to characterize the Iran-Iraq War as a sacred project of national and religious vindication. Similarly, the Martyrs’ Museum in Tehran constructs a specific version of history using motifs of the Battle of Karbala, Imam Husayn, martyr and civilian deaths, and blood to tie Iranian national identity to ritualized Shia martyrdom. The Martyrs’ Museum parallels the religification of national identity as seen in Iraq, and configures death as a public, religiopolitical act. Despite Ba'athist Iraq's secular self-image, the strategic harnessing of trauma both Iraq and Iran demonstrates a constructed connection between political state hegemony, religious practice, and rituals of grief. In these ways, state propagated imagery through physical commemorations of the Iran-Iraq War furthered the political – and resulting religious – sectarian divide in the official positions of the two nations.
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25

Karamiani, Rasoul, Nasrullah Rastegar-Pouyani, and Eskandar Rastegar-Pouyani. "Phylogenetic relationships amongst the snake-eyed lizards of the genus Ablepharus Fitzinger, 1823 (Sauria, Scincidae) in the Iranian Plateau based on mtDNA sequences." Herpetozoa 34 (September 15, 2021): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/herpetozoa.34.e66338.

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We recovered molecular phylogenetic relationships amongst species of the genus Ablepharus in Iran and Iraq. Partial sequences of three mitochondrial genes (cytochrome C oxidase subunit I – COI, 12S rRNA and 16S rRNA) were analysed. In addition, phylogenetic relationships and taxonomic evaluation of Ablepharus species in Cyprus, India, Greece, Turkey and Syria were performed using partial sequences of the 16S rRNA gene. Phylogenetic trees and estimated genetic distances showed that the Ablepharus populations of Iran and Iraq clustered into three distinct clades. One is found in northwest Iran (A. bivittatus in Ardabil, East and West Azerbaijan and Hamedan Provinces). The second clade, formed by A. chernovi, is found only in Uromia. The third and most heterogeneous clade is divided into two subclades, the first includes two lineages of Ablepharus in Khorasan Razavi and Semnan Provinces (A. pannonicus) and in eastern and south-eastern Iran (A. grayanus); the second subclade is distributed in the eastern part of Iraq and west and south-western Iran (Ablepharus sp.). Our analyses indicated that splitting of A. chernovi within the genus occurred in the early Miocene [about 22.5 million years ago (Mya)]. Ablepharus bivittatus diverged 15.2 Mya, in the middle Miocene. Ablepharus pannonicus diverged in the late Miocene (8.4 Mya) and A. grayanus separated in the late Miocene (6.7 Mya). The lineages of eastern Iraq and south-western Iran (Ablepharus sp.) diverged also in the late Miocene (7.0 Mya).
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26

Abadi, Abbas Ranjbar Saadat, Nasim Hossein Hamzeh, Maggie Chel Gee Ooi, Steven Soon-Kai Kong, and Christian Opp. "Investigation of Two Severe Shamal Dust Storms and the Highest Dust Frequencies in the South and Southwest of Iran." Atmosphere 13, no. 12 (November 28, 2022): 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/atmos13121990.

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Dust storms create some of the most critical air quality problems in the world; the Middle East, located in the dust belt, suffers substantially from dust storms. Iran, as a country in the Middle East, is affected by dust storms from multiple internal and external sources that mostly originate from deserts in Iraq and Syria (especially the Mesopotamia region). To determine the highest dust loadings in the south and west of Iran, dust frequencies were investigated in the eight most polluted stations in the west, southwest, and southern Iran for a period of 21 years from 2000 to 2021. During the study’s duration, the dust frequency was much higher from 2008 to 2012, which coincided with severe droughts reported in Iraq and Syria; from which, we investigated two severe dust storms (as well as the dust sources and weather condition effects) that took place on 15–17 September 2008 and 1–3 June 2012; we used secondary data from ground measurement stations, and satellite and modeling products. In both cases, horizontal visibility was reduced to less than 1 km at most weather stations in Iran. The measured PM10 in the first case reached 834 μg m−3 at Ilam station in west Iran and the Iran–Iraq borders while the measured PM10 in the second case reached 4947 μg m−3 at Bushehr station in the northern shore of the Persian Gulf. The MODIS true color images and MODIS AOD detected the dust mass over Iraq, southern Iran, and Saudi Arabia in both cases; the AOD value reached 4 in the first case and 1.8 in the second case over the Persian Gulf. During these two severe dust storms, low-level jets were observed at 930 hPa atmospheric levels in north Iraq (2008 case) and south Iraq (2012 case). The output of the NAPPS model and CALIPSO satellite images show that the dust rose to higher than 5 km in these dust storm cases, confirming the influence of Shamal wind on the dust storm occurrences.
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27

Neri, Paolo, and Luca Toledano. "Bembidion (Ocydromus) terryerwini sp. nov. from Iran (Coleoptera, Carabidae, Bembidiina)." ZooKeys 1044 (June 16, 2021): 221–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/zookeys.1044.63607.

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Bembidion (Ocydromus) terryerwinisp. nov. from Central Iran (Kerman and Yazd Provinces), described here, belongs to the decorum species group (Ocydromus Clairville, 1806). The new species is compared with the other taxa of this species group occurring in Iran and neighboring regions (Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkey, Iraq, Iran, South Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Turkmenistan).
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28

Li, Haokai. "Irans Nuclear Ambition." Advances in Social Behavior Research 1, no. 1 (December 22, 2021): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/asbr.2021003.

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The relations between Iran and the Western world has been deteriorating in the recent years due to Irans nuclear development. Irans nuclear program was firstly sponsored by the U.S. and western world, but now they deemed Iran is threatening regional security and world stabilization with its nuclear ambition. When facing the abominable situation create by the U.S. and rest of the world, Iran had no choice but to continually strengthening its national security. Fairly to say, Iran's nuclear aim is both motivated by its internal intension to be recognized as a powerful state and the external pressure that provoked it to pursues national security. U.S. and the western world could not risk letting Iran become an effective regional power with its nuclear capability, while Iran could not turn away from the temptation to hold nuclear power. The existing confrontation between Iran and the U.S. is not going to vanish soon. However, the U.S. should understand the consequence and backlash of its sanctions, construct a new method to resolve the current situation.
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Li, Haokai. "Irans Nuclear Ambition." Advances in Social Behavior Research 1, no. 1 (December 22, 2021): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7102/1/2021003.

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The relations between Iran and the Western world has been deteriorating in the recent years due to Irans nuclear development. Irans nuclear program was firstly sponsored by the U.S. and western world, but now they deemed Iran is threatening regional security and world stabilization with its nuclear ambition. When facing the abominable situation create by the U.S. and rest of the world, Iran had no choice but to continually strengthening its national security. Fairly to say, Iran's nuclear aim is both motivated by its internal intension to be recognized as a powerful state and the external pressure that provoked it to pursues national security. U.S. and the western world could not risk letting Iran become an effective regional power with its nuclear capability, while Iran could not turn away from the temptation to hold nuclear power. The existing confrontation between Iran and the U.S. is not going to vanish soon. However, the U.S. should understand the consequence and backlash of its sanctions, construct a new method to resolve the current situation.
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30

Li, Haokai. "Irans Nuclear Ambition." Advances in Social Behavior Research 1, no. 1 (December 22, 2021): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7102/1/asbr_003.

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The relations between Iran and the Western world has been deteriorating in the recent years due to Irans nuclear development. Irans nuclear program was firstly sponsored by the U.S. and western world, but now they deemed Iran is threatening regional security and world stabilization with its nuclear ambition. When facing the abominable situation create by the U.S. and rest of the world, Iran had no choice but to continually strengthening its national security. Fairly to say, Iran's nuclear aim is both motivated by its internal intension to be recognized as a powerful state and the external pressure that provoked it to pursues national security. U.S. and the western world could not risk letting Iran become an effective regional power with its nuclear capability, while Iran could not turn away from the temptation to hold nuclear power. The existing confrontation between Iran and the U.S. is not going to vanish soon. However, the U.S. should understand the consequence and backlash of its sanctions, construct a new method to resolve the current situation.
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31

Herhiieva, V. "Application of the ideas of neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism in Iranian nuclear policy." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 2(46) (December 14, 2020): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2020.2(46).226605.

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The article examines two antagonistic theories of international relations – neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism using the case of Iran's nuclear policy. The author compares the approaches of neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists to the problem of nuclear proliferation and analyzes how these approaches can explain the evolution of Iran's military nuclear program. Iran is a country with significant energy resources, namely second place after Saudi Arabia in terms of oil reserves and second in terms of natural gas reserves after Russia; Iran also has a unique geographical location in such regions as the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. Also, a certain policy of Iran is formed on the basis of the Shiite branch of Islam, which already distinguishes this country, given the particularly unfavorable historical conditions under which the Shiite Islam was formed and the events of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 and the Iran-Iraq War of 1980–1988, when Iran faced Iraq alone and use of chemical weapons by Iraq, which deepened Iranian isolation thoughts. The fact that there has been no international response to Iraq's use of chemical weapons has heightened Iran's sense of isolation. This experience was certainly imprinted in the Iranian national psyche and caused even greater distrust in international arms control treaties. Relations with the United States in Iran are extremely tense and unstable, depending on the US administration and the political situation in Iran, as Iran has traditionally maneuvered between radical conservatives and more moderate politicians. The US elections in 2020 and the elections in Iran in 2021 will be an important stage in the further development of relations and the fate of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The article examines the extent to which the theoretical considerations of proponents of theories of neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism are reflected in Iran's practical nuclear policy and what impact these two theories may have on the future nuclear strategy of the Iranian leadership.
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32

Inbar, Efraim. "Iran und Israel: Ist ein Krieg unvermeidlich?" SIRIUS – Zeitschrift für Strategische Analysen 4, no. 4 (November 25, 2020): 451–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sirius-2020-4006.

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ZusammenfassungDieser Aufsatz befasst sich mit dem wachsenden Einfluss Irans in der Politik des Nahen Ostens, dem iranischen Atomprogramm und den strategischen Konsequenzen der iranischen Ambitionen, die allesamt die Wahrscheinlichkeit eines direkten bewaffneten Konflikts zwischen Israel und Iran erhöhen. Er gelangt zu dem Schluss, dass Iran seine nuklearen und hegemonialen Ambitionen unvermindert fortsetzt. Etwaige Bemühungen, einen „Regimewechsel“ herbeizuführen, blieben erfolglos, und Iran macht unbeirrt weiter. Daher besteht eine hohe Wahrscheinlichkeit für einen direkten bewaffneten Konflikt zwischen Israel und Iran.
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33

Hairi, Nur Atika. "The Justifications for Saddam Invading Kuwait and the World Reaction." Sains Insani 8, no. 1 (May 31, 2023): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/sainsinsani.vol8no1.408.

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Abstract: This study examines the justification of Saddam in the Gulf War I. After settling the war with Iran, Saddam continues his action with the invasion of Kuwait by Iraqi forces. These actions got many reactions and responses, especially from Arab states, Iran, the Libyan Revolutionary Command Council (RCC), the United States (US), and United Nations (UN). This paper also tends to analyze the reaction towards the violence afflicted Kuwait, the UN’s role to overcome this conflict, as well as the reasons why Saddam invaded Kuwait. The impacts of this war will be highlighted in terms of domestic and global aspects. The highlighted chronology of this war assists the researcher to evaluate and justify the situation of the war as well as the impact on Iraq’s economy, rebellions of ethnics, politics in the Middle East, international economics, and the relationship between Iraq and Iran. This research uses the qualitative method of content analysis. Analysis indicated that the factors behind the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait are closely related to the economic problems after the eight-year war with Iran. Therefore, by invading Kuwait, Saddam Hussein hopes to take a shortcut to immediately recover the poor economic situation in Iraq. However, this step taken by Saddam Hussein was a disaster for Iraq. At the same time, the very slow action of United Nations (UN) to put pressure on this war and insisting Iraq to stop the war, have made things become worse. Abstrak: Kajian ini mengkaji kewajaran Saddam dalam Perang Teluk I. Selepas menyelesaikan perang dengan Iran, Saddam meneruskan tindakannya dengan pencerobohan tentera Iraq ke Kuwait. Tindakan ini mendapat banyak reaksi dan tindak balas terutama daripada negara Arab, Iran, Majlis Perintah Revolusi Libya (RCC), Amerika Syarikat (AS), dan Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB). Kajian ini turut menganalisis reaksi terhadap keganasan yang menimpa Kuwait, peranan PBB untuk mengatasi konflik ini dan sebab-sebab Saddam menceroboh Kuwait. Kesan perang ini akan diketengahkan dari segi domestik dan global. Kronologi perang yang ditonjolkan ini membantu penyelidik menilai dan mewajarkan situasi perang serta kesan terhadap ekonomi Iraq, pemberontakan etnik, politik di Timur Tengah, ekonomi antarabangsa, dan hubungan antara Iraq dan Iran. Penyelidikan ini menggunakan kaedah kualitatif analisis kandungan. Analisis menunjukkan bahawa faktor di sebalik pencerobohan Iraq ke atas Kuwait berkait rapat dengan masalah ekonomi selepas perang lapan tahun dengan Iran. Oleh itu, dengan menceroboh Kuwait, Saddam Hussein berharap dapat mengambil jalan pintas untuk segera memulihkan keadaan ekonomi yang lemah di Iraq. Namun, langkah yang diambil oleh Saddam Hussein ini sebenarnya merupakan satu malapetaka bagi Iraq. Manakala, tindakan yang sangat perlahan Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB) untuk memberi tekanan kepada perang ini dan mendesak Iraq menghentikan semua ini telah memburukkan lagi keadaan.
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34

Eskandarzadeh, Naeimeh. "Revised classification of the genus Eryx Daudin, 1803 (Serpentes: Erycidae) in Iran and neighbouring areas, based on mtDNA sequences and morphological data." Herpetological Journal, Volume 30, Number 1 (January 1, 2020): 2–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33256/hj30.1.212.

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Several attempts have recently been made to elucidate taxonomic status and phylogenetic relationships among the species and subspecies of sand boas of the genus Eryx throughout their distribution range, with no stable consensus about their taxonomy. Here the phylogenetic relationships among the populations of Eryx in Iran and adjacent areas are studied based on two mitochondrial markers (cytb and 16S). Sixteen morphological characters were examined for evaluation of morphological differences among major populations. Ecological niche modeling was applied to demonstrate the potential distribution of the populations in Iran. ENMtools was also used to measure the degree of niche overlap among the major populations in Iran. Based on phylogenetic reconstruction and considering the genetic distances with specimens from type localities, E. tataricus is a junior synonym of E. miliaris and the subspecies rank for E. m. nogaiorum seems to be invalid. Considering the genetic distance of populations in western Iran and Iraq, and the habitat and morphological differences among the populations of Eryx in western Iran, Iraq and Egypt, the population of Eryx in western Iran is suggested as a different species from E. jaculus, named here as Eryx sp. and the ones from Iraq as Eryx cf. jaculus. Here, the evaluation and revision of taxonomic status, distribution ranges and descriptions of morphological characters of the studied species have been done.
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35

ÖZKAN, Hülya. "YAZILI BASINDA IRAK-İRAN SAVAŞI: DIŞ POLİTİKA DERGİSİ ÜZERİNE BİR İNCELEME." Siirt Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.53586/susbid.929497.

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Ortadoğu tarihinin en uzun ve kanlı savaşlarından olan Irak-İran Savaşı’nın hem bölge ülkeleri üzerinde hem de dünyadaki güç dengeleri açısından son derece önemli etkileri olmuştur. Bu çalışmada İran ile Irak arasında gerçekleşen savaşın Türkiye’deki basın yayın organları tarafından nasıl değerlendirildiği ve kamuoyuna nasıl aktarıldığı tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Dış Politika dergisinin dönemin uluslararası ilişkiler meselelerini farklı kesimlerden yazarlar tarafından geniş bir çerçevede ele alması niteliği taşıması derginin çalışma kapsamında örneklem olarak seçilmesinin gerekçelerindendir. Dış Politika dergisinde Irak-İran Savaşı’nın konu edinildiği röportaj, haber ve makaleler içerik analizi yöntemiyle analiz edilirken, savaşın yer verildiği metinlerde gelişmelerin ağırlıklı olarak hangi temalarla ilişkilendirildiği, savaşın taraflarının konumlandırılması ve taraflara ilişkin yaklaşımlar saptanmaya çalışılmıştır. Savaşın mezhep ve devrim ihracı temasıyla birlikte ele alındığı ve sıklıkla da İran tarafı üzerinden sürecin okurlara aktarıldığı görülmektedir. Ayrıca incelenen metinlerin büyük bir bölümünde ana aktör olarak Ayetullah Humeyni’nin konumlandırıldığı, Saddam Hüseyin’in açıklama ve söylemlerinin ise sınırlı sayıdaki metinde yer bulduğu tespit edilmiştir.
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36

Axelgard, Frederick W. "Iraq and the War with Iran." Current History 86, no. 517 (February 1, 1987): 57–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1987.86.517.57.

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37

Takeyh, Ray. "The Iran-Iraq War: A Reassessment." Middle East Journal 64, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 365–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/64.3.12.

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38

Al-Khafaji, Murtadha, Noorh Sajit, Shabnam Bazmi, and Mehrzad Kiani. "Patient’s Rights in Iran and Iraq." International Journal of Medical Toxicology and Forensic Medicine 11, no. 4 (January 8, 2022): 34653. http://dx.doi.org/10.32598/ijmtfm.v11i4.34653.

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Background: The aim of this study was to compare, review, and evaluate the studies on patients right in Iran and Iraq. Methods: This is a review study conducted by searching the Iranian and Iraqi databanks, such as Scientific Information Database (SID), Iranian Research Institute for Information Science and Technology, Iran Medex, Iraqi Academic scientific journals, and Google Scholar for both Iranian and Iraqi articles from 2002 to 2017 using the keywords, such as “Patient Rights”, “Patient Rights Charter”, “Patient Rights Observance”, “Iraq”, “Iran”, and “Patient Awareness and Rights”. Results: Of a total of 32 Iranian and Iraqi articles, only 25 articles met the aim of our study. Conclusion: The growing number of articles published indicates that from 1999 forwards, this topic began to attract the attention of Iranian researchers in a gradual manner, as for the Iraqi researchers, their attention has been attracted from 2013 onwards. Also, despite the poor knowledge of physicians about the patients’ rights in Iran, they have shown acceptable awareness and attitude regarding some patients’ rights. The same is true for Iraqi doctors and health care providers, but they have shown unsatisfactory consequences for some of the rights of Iraqi patients. Patient education through media and careful observation of the patient rights charter, and educating healthcare professionals, and developing professional training on patients’ legal rights by engaging them in educational sessions and lectures on patient rights is necessary. Adequate monitoring of practice according to the patient charter is strongly suggested.
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39

van Bruinessen, Martin. "The Kurds between Iran and Iraq." MERIP Middle East Report, no. 141 (July 1986): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3011925.

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40

Brzoska, Michael. "Profiteering on the Iran-Iraq war." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 43, no. 5 (June 1987): 42–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.1987.11459538.

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41

Adib-Moghaddam, Arshin. "Inventions of the Iran–Iraq War." Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2007): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10669920601148620.

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42

Summerfield, D. "Human rights in Iraq and Iran." BMJ 308, no. 6927 (February 19, 1994): 536–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.308.6927.536c.

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43

Palmer, Helen. "Turkey, Iraq, Iran: Refugee health care." Lancet 338, no. 8762 (August 1991): 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0140-6736(91)90434-q.

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44

Sabin, Philip A. G., and Efraim Karsh. "Escalation in the Iran‐Iraq War." Survival 31, no. 3 (May 1989): 241–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338908442469.

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45

Nonneman, Gerd. "The Iran—Iraq War: impact and implications and The longest war: the Iran—Iraq military conflict." International Affairs 66, no. 2 (April 1990): 420–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621448.

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46

Prabaswari, Prabaswari. "Pengaruh Budaya Strategis pada Kepemimpinan dan Revolusi Islam Iran." Jurnal ICMES 5, no. 2 (December 24, 2021): 186–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v5i2.107.

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Revolusi Islam Iran di bawah kepemimpinan Ayatollah Imam Khomeini merupakan fenomena yang mengguncang dunia. Khomeini sendiri adalah sosok pemimpin spiritual ulama dan sekaligus sebagai pemimpin politik yang sangat dihormati di Iran. Model kepemimpinan yang dipakai oleh Khomeini tersebut mendapatkan banyak ujian, di antaranya adalah perang Iran-Irak serta sanksi ekonomi AS atas alasan program nuklir. Dengan segala macam tantangan tersebut, Iran tetap berhasil membentuk pemerintahan konstitusional yang memberikan kekuatan luar biasa kepada elit ulama, sehingga dapat mengendalikan politik internal dan juga tekanan eksternal, yang berpengaruh terhadap kelangsungan hidup rezim. Dari penelitian ini, penulis menemukan bahwa keberhasilan Republik Islam Iran membentuk pemerintahan yang efektif tersebut merupakan gambaran keberhasilan Iran melakukan adaptasi yang fleksibel terhadap budaya Iran Persia dan Islam Syiah yang bertransformasi menjadi budaya strategis. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode analisis studi literatur serta teori budaya strategis, dalam kaitannya dengan pengambilan keputusan kebijakan luar negeri.
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47

Meisels, Tamar. "Preemptive Strikes—Israel and Iran." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 25, no. 2 (July 2012): 447–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900005889.

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This essay looks at the contemporary just war theory literature on preventive war that has emerged largely in reaction to the US invasion of Iraq. Recent sanctions on Iran and the debate over its nuclear program now suggest the usefulness of a forward looking perspective on preventive strikes, rather than the retroactive analyses offered thus far primarily with reference to Iraq. With Iran closely in mind, I address the various arguments for and against preventive war indicating throughout that the various principled objections to early military action can be overcome in this case. Many of the crucial concrete questions regarding costs and benefits need to be settled in practice, rather than in the realm of political theory. Ultimately, the discussion suggests that Iran is a legitimate candidate for early military action aimed to prevent it from developing nuclear weapons. I argue that in principle, subject to credible intelligence information and requirements of proportionality, a unilateral Israeli strike against Iran will be justifiable, both morally and legally, as self-defense.
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48

ÖZDEMİR, Seçil. "İran-Irak Savaşı: Türkiye Sınırlarında Terörizme Etkisi." Gazi Akademik Bakış 13, no. 26 (June 10, 2020): 49–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19060/gav.750438.

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1980’de İran- Irak arasında sekiz yıl sürecek ve etkileri 21. yüzyılda devam edecek savaş başlamıştır. Türkiye, sınır komşuları arasındaki savaştan ve sonuçlarından çok yönlü olarak etkilenmiştir. Savaş sürecinde Türkiye’nin doğu ve güney doğu sınırlarında terörizm gelişmiştir. Türkiye’nin bölgesel etkisi terörizm problemi ile çevrelenmiştir. Savaş süreci bu durumun oluşmasına alt yapı sağlamıştır. 1978’de kurulan PKK (Partiyi Kargeranı Kürdistan) terör örgütü Türk Silahlı Kuvvetleri’ni hedef alan saldırılarına 1984’te başlamıştır. Bu süreçte ise PKK, Türkiye’nin komşuları İran-Irak- Suriye sınırlarında kurduğu kamplarda ve Lübnan’da gelişme imkanları bulmuş, savaş koşullarının oluşturduğu sıkıntılı süreçte Türkiye sınırlarına sızmayı başarmıştır. İran-Irak Savaşı bittikten sonra ise Türkiye’nin güvenliğine yönelik bu tehdit ortadan kalkmamıştır. Sonucunda Türkiye dahil olmadığı bir savaşın etkilerini sadece siyasi, sosyal, ekonomik yönleriyle değil sınırlarında gelişen terörizm sorunu ile uzun vadeli bir tehdit olarak yaşamıştır. Bu çalışmada İran-Irak Savaşı’nın temel çerçevesi, savaş süresince Türkiye’nin savaşın taraf¬larına yönelik tutumu ve savaşın Türkiye’nin sınırlarında terörizmin yerleşmesine etkileri değerlendi¬rilmiştir. Çalışmada dönemin Türk Basını, Batılı ülkelerin medya kaynakları ve bazı arşiv kayıtları incelenmiştir; Bununla birlikte dönem siyasetçilerine ait basına yansıyan demeçler, hatırat niteliğindeki eserlerden çalışmanın iddiasını ve içeriğini kuvvetlendirmek için faydalanılmıştır. Buna ek olarak konu kapsamında literatürde bulunan eserler araştırmanın geliştirilmesi için kullanılmıştır.
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49

Mironowicz, Eugeniusz. "Rola Iranu, Iraku i Syrii w polityce białoruskiej." Politeja 15, no. 53 (June 30, 2018): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.53.07.

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The Role of Iran, Iraq and Syria in the Policy of the BelarusianRelations between Belarus and Iran, Iraq and Syria after 1998 took on the nature of political alliance. The factor connecting Belarus with these countries was their isolation by the West because of the policy of internal or foreign. Sanctions or restrictions imposed on these countries on the initiative or with the participation of the United States created an additional platform for Minsk agreements with Tehran, Baghdad and Damascus. Anti‑Americanism four countries has become a common feature of their foreign policy and defense cooperation. Closeness of political relations was accompanied by a desire to establish a broad economic cooperation between the four countries. At the beginning of 21st century it grew by leaps and bounds each year, the volume of trade between Belarus and Iran, Iraq and Syria. Level exchanges with Iran and Syria, however, quickly reached a level corresponding to the potential capabilities of the parties and far removed from the expectations of leaders. Any dealings with Iraq were interrupted as a result of the occupation of that country by the United States and the coalition.
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Rabush, Taisiya Vladimirovna. "Iran’s position regarding the afghan military conflict in 1978-1979." RUDN Journal of World History 13, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-1-7-20.

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The author considers the position of Iran regarding the Afghan armed conflict (1978-1979) before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan, as well as the consistent evolution of this position and the involvement of Iran in internal Afghan events. The author relies mainly on documentary sources, but also attracts scientific works in Russian and English (including the works of Iranian authors). According to the author, the analysis and study of Irans position on Afghanistan and the evolution of this position deserve a separate article because, firstly, the religious factor began to especially influence Irans foreign policy after the events of the Islamic Revolution of 1979; secondly, for the two years chosen for consideration in an article in Iran, the political regime has radically changed, and it is useful to consider the transformation of Irans foreign policy from the reign of the shah to the theocratic regime. In the first part of the article, the author analyzes the position of the Shah of the Iranian regime regarding the April Revolution of 1979 and the political changes that took place in Afghanistan after the revolution. The second part is devoted to the policy of Iran with respect to Afghanistan in 1979, and in this part the author argues that the Herat rebellion, which took place in March 1979, became the main trigger for transforming Irans attitude towards Afghanistan from a wait-and-see attitude to active involvement. The author also notes, that Irans policy towards Afghanistan in 1978-1979 developed sequentially, despite the radical transformation of power in Iran itself during this period.
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