Academic literature on the topic 'Iran – Foreign relations – Russia'
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Journal articles on the topic "Iran – Foreign relations – Russia"
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Kalbasi, Reyhan Ashtary. "Prospects for Russian-Iranian relations in the nuclear Field." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 2 (August 8, 2019): 195–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-2-195-202.
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Russia is one of the influential participants in the technical and political process of Iranian nuclear programme. Russian-Iranian relations in the nuclear field have been developing fora long time. The article discusses the factors that determine Russia’s approaches to cooperationwith Iran on the nuclear issue. Moscow’s policy takes into account the nature of bilateral Russian-Iranian relations, as well as the development of global processes. The position of Russia onthe further implementation of the Iranian nuclear programme is being considered in accordancewith the agreements reached within the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and takinginto account the change in the position of the United States.Russia and Iran have to take into account foreign factors. This is the sanctions policy of Westerncountries for Russia and moreover it has been constantly intensifying since 2014. The events inCrimea, which led to its entry into Russia, were the main reason for the revision of the relationsbetween the West and Russia. In turn, Iran has uneasy relationships with adjacent states. It wasnot so easy to build relationships with Western countries. The American’s revision of its policyon Iran’s atomic programme violated the current balance of Tehran’s relations with the West,which could lead to a further development of relations between Iran and Russia. Russian-Iraniancooperation is based on the mutual interests of the two countries including their internal politicaldevelopment and political processes in the modern world.
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Katz, Mark N. "Losing Balance: Russian Foreign Policy toward Iraq and Iran." Current History 102, no. 666 (October 1, 2003): 341–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.666.341.
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Moscow's balancing act between Washington and Baghdad [has] failed, and its balancing act between Washington and Tehran is becoming increasingly difficult to maintain. … [A] reluctance to establish clear priorities among competing interests threatens to undermine both its relations with the United States and its influence in a region of continuing strategic importance to Russia.
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Omidi, Ali. "Russian-Iranian Ties: Strategic Alliance, Strategic Coalition, or Strategic Alignment (Partnership)." Russian Politics 7, no. 3 (September 7, 2022): 341–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00604023.
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Abstract One of the most critical foreign policy issues of middle – power states is how to mold attitudes towards major powers. Since 1979, Iran has changed the nature of its relations with major powers. Although the Iranian Revolution adopted the ‘Neither East, Nor West’ motto as a macro guide to its foreign policy, since the late 1980s Iran and the Soviet Union – now Russia, have advanced their bilateral relations. Despite Iran and Russia sharing convergent views on many international issues, they have not promoted their ties to a strategic alliance. The present paper addresses the question of what conceptual model represents Iran-Russia relations and what challenges the two countries face in expanding their strategic partnership in the 2020s. This research addresses these problems at three levels: inter-state, regional, and global, and was conducted through a descriptive-analytical method. It is hypothesized that current Iran-Russia relations could be referred to as a ‘strategic alignment’.
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Brutian, Anush. "Russian Foreign Policy Dynamics in the South Caucasus. Continuity and Existing Problems." Analytical Bulletin 14 (November 1, 2022): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.14-129.
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History helps us to create a wider picture of the reality in which the South Caucasus exists now. That is why we are going to discover the influence of the Russian Imperial and Soviet eras on the states in the region and identify the causality of foreign policy relations between Russia and the South Caucasian states. The main question is why neither Russia nor any of the individual South Caucasian states succeeded in developing an effective strategy towards each other despite their shared borders in the Russia-Azerbaijan and Russia-Georgia cases and being a proclaimed strategic partner in the case of Armenia? How did the Soviet period influence the current state of relations between Russia and the South Caucasian states? Those are the issues analyzed in this paper. International relations in the South Caucasus are convoluted because of their rich and complicated past, among other things. Over the centuries, interstate relations inside the region developed in unpredictable directions. Georgia was a real partner for Russia in the conquest of the Caucasus in the 19th century. Yet, since 1991, relations between Russia and Georgia have been tense at best. The proclaimed secular states of Azerbaijan, though mainly Shia, and Turkey, which is mostly Sunni, are now solid allies, whereas Armenia enjoys a relationship of trust with the Islamic Republic of Iran. Turkey, Iran, and Russia are still the main external players in the region though they have, to some extent, even become “domesticated”. Except for a brief period of turmoil during the Bolshevik Revolution and the ensuing Russian Civil War, the entire Caucasus remained within the Russian sphere of influence until the collapse of the Soviet Union. Even now Russia continues to play a significant role in economy, energy and security policy in the South Caucasus.
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Sadegi, E. Mir Mohammad. "Iran-Russia Defense and Security Cooperation." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 276–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-2-276-289.
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This article analyzes Russian-Iranian cooperation in the fields of defense and security. Methodology used refers to the theory of the school of foreign policy analysis, particularly latest generation, in framework of method of discursive analysis. The method of discursive analysis, exploring the main elements and concepts in ideology, analyzing and determining their place within a consolidated framework as one dominant discourse in a certain period of time, helps explain the formation of such concepts as ally, friend, colleague, competitor, and opponent. This article attempts to identify driving forces and obstacles to Iranian-Russian cooperation in the fields of defense and security in different periods of time. It is shown that the relations between Iran and Russia in the fields of defense and security have been undergoing important changes since 2014. Aggravation of the Syrian crisis has led to strengthening ties and also military and defense cooperation between Iran and Russia at the regional level. It is concluded that Iran and Russia consider spread of extremism in neighboring countries as main threat to their own national security and will develop cooperation in this area. According to the author, there are certain conditions for development of Iranian-Russian relations to the level of strategic allies, but to achieve this it is necessary to prevent the impact of destructive role of third players on the process of defense cooperation between Tehran and Moscow. Author suggests that existing obstacles to Russia’s military cooperation with Iran can be partially eliminated by lifting United Nations sanctions in 2020.
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Tovsultanov, Rustam Alhazurovich, Lilia Nadipovna Galimova, and Eliza Musatovna Ozdamirova. "The Russian-Chechen relations in XVI-XVII centuries." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 100–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201761203.
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The following paper investigates the Russian-Chechen relations in XVI-XVII centuries. The authors note that the Caucasus was in the sphere of Russian foreign policy at the time of the Russian centralized state formation. With the annexation of the Astrakhan khanate, Russia came to the Caucasus border and the Caucasian direction started to occupy a leading place in the Eastern policy of the tsarist government. The Caucasus in the XVI century was an object of a tense struggle between the two most powerful States of the then Middle East - Ottoman Empire and Safavid Iran - and at the same time a bridgehead, where there was a constant threat to the southern outskirts of Russia from these States and the Crimean khanate. The strengthening of Russia on the Caucasian lands could become the most reliable means to ensure the safety of the South of Russia. So in the XVII and XVII centuries, the North Caucasus was Russias military-strategic interest or, in modern language, a geopolitical one. Chechnya came under the influence of Russia in 1567, when the first Russian militarized city Terek in the North Caucasus was founded. For the peoples of the North Caucasus and of Chechnya the appearance of a Russian fortress on their land was of great political importance. Thus, it was vital for Russia to gain a foothold in the North Caucasus, as the enemy (Iran and Turkey) could do it, which was unsafe for Russias southern borders. It was during this period (late sixteenth century) when close military and political ties of the Moscow government and the Chechens were established. The Moscow government was interested in Chechnya because of its geographical location - the immediate proximity to the towns of Terek and the fact that its territory was the most convenient means of communication with Georgia. The relationship between Chechnya and Russia at the end of XVI - first half of XVII century was almost an ideal model of a peaceful rapprochement of the Chechen with the Moscow government for those conditions and at that time. The Russian authorities did not interfere in the internal affairs of the Chechen societies, they did not impose their own rules or laws, being satisfied with the results of the hostages, the payment of tribute and, if necessary, temporary military service. This led to the fact that in the XVII century allied relations of Chechnya societies with Russia were established. However, at the end of the XVII century Russian-Caucasian connection was significantly weakened.
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Lunev, S., and V. Yurtaev. "Prospects for Establishing Partnership Relations between India and Iran (Significance for Russia)." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, no. 2 (2021): 121–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.3.
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The article is dedicated to the features and potential of the emerging strategic partnership relations between India and Iran. The relevance of the study is determined primarily by the necessity of understanding the new challenges and trends that have emerged in Asia as a result of the formation of India as a great power and a sharp increase in the role of Iran in the megaregion. Analysis of the main approaches of India and Iran to the creation of a new paradigm of international relations in Asia is given with respect to the inclusion of the issue in the strategies of the leading powers of the continent. The role of project diplomacy in the energy and transport spheres in the formation of a trusted connection in the Middle East and Central Asia, including the settlement of the situation in Afghanistan, is shown. It was noted that the exceptional continuity which is one of the basic features of India's development, found its expression in the balancing behavior, including in South-West Asia, where Iran is one of the key players which is under US sanctions, and which foreign policy has retained its commitment to the goals of the Islamic revolution and dominance in the region. At the same time, over the past 2 years, negative trends have emerged in India's foreign policy, indicating that the positions of pro-American forces have significantly strengthened, which can undermine the general consensus on foreign policy that has existed for more than half a century. The focus is on the problems of the participation of India and Iran in the implementation of the international initiatives Belt and Road and the International North-South Transport Corridor (Southeast Asia – India – Iran – Russia – Europe). The study of cooperation in the field of energy (identification of the Iranian potential; supply of hydrocarbons to India; the possibility of buying liquefied gas by India; construction of a strategic gas pipeline from Iran to India, including the sea route, and possible participation of Russia in this project) and prospects for the growth of the Indian-Iranian trade turnover and changes in its structure are also crucial tasks in the analysis of Indian-Iranian economic relations.
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Biswas, Samprity, and Suryasekhar Chakraborty. "Russo-Iranian Relations in the Light of Putin’s Foreign Policy and the Iranian Nuclear Crisis." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 23, no. 2 (September 22, 2019): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598419864905.
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Historically, Russia and Iran have shared a complex relationship that continues to color the contours of their present bilateral dealings. The complicated patterns of cooperation and conflict between them have been determined by a host of domestic and external factors on both sides, most pronouncedly manifested by their respective relationship with the USA. This article attempts to analyze Russia’s relationship with Iran in the geopolitical setting of the post-Cold War period. The aim of the article is to see how this bilateral relationship has evolved over time, exploring the underlying changes and continuities, from the Yeltsin period to the Putin era, in which Russia’s foreign policy has come to be characterized by an assertive fervor. Russia, under President Putin, has been pushed further toward the globalist end as the USA has attempted to consolidate Western values and institutions, at times to the extent of ignoring and undermining the principles of international law. It is within this broader context that this article will analyze the extent to which Russia’s disillusionment with the USA has played a role in pushing Russia toward adopting a pragmatic and flexible approach from time to time vis-à-vis Iran, in general, and the Iranian nuclear crisis, in particular. The article argues that Russia’s active involvement in minimizing the impact of sanctions on Iran and its method of dealing with Iran, through dialogue rather than force, is not only driven by Russia’s economic interests in the region, but is also a dependent variable of the larger Russia–USA rivalry at the systemic level characterized by both geopolitical competitions and ideational contestations over norms, beliefs, and practices of global governance.
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Hedayati Shahidani, M. "Foreign Policy of The United States Against the Global Powers and Regional Actors: Case Study “Russian Federation” and “The Islamic Republic of Iran”." RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 3 (December 15, 2015): 106–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2015-3-106-117.
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The article examines US foreign policy strategy toward the global powers and regional actors in the post-bipolar period. The aim of the article is to demonstrate the theoretical and scientific significance of the concept of balance in the structure of international relations in the post-bipolar period, by defining behaviors of US against Russia and Iran. The results of the research show that US foreign policy toward Russia and Iran in the short term based on a soft balance, and in the long term - on the depletion of power.
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Bibi, Fozia, and Lubna Abid Ali. "Historical, Empirical and Domestic Pieces of evidence of Iran's Foreign Policy." Global Foreign Policies Review V, no. I (March 30, 2022): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(v-i).06.
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This article discusses the empirical and domestic factors in the formulation of the foreign policy of Iran. It is essential to understand the history, state-craft and power complex of Iran. In Iran, Faqih is the supreme leader and he has full command of the armed forces and general policies of the state. The foreign policy complex of Iran consists of individuals, agencies and different departments that directly influence the foreign policy of Iran. The foreign policy complex and Statecraft of Iran's political system play a significant role and influence the foreign policy behaviour of Iran. Since the Islamic revolution, Iran is facing threats from regional and global powers. Post Saddam, Iran is mainly focusing on Saudi Arabia, Israeli and America to contain their influence. Since last many decades, Iran is facing serious criticism and sanctions because of its nuclear program. Despite USA sanctions, Iran is moving from the regional to the global arena and also improving its relations with Russia, and China.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Iran – Foreign relations – Russia"
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Moore, Eric D. "The Crisis of Cooperation: A Critical Analysis of Russian-Iranian Relations in the Post-Soviet Era." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/902.
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In the study of contemporary politics few interstate relationships have proven more instrumental, controversial, and perplexing to global policy makers than that which has persisted between Moscow and Tehran since the collapse of the USSR. Despite the great importance of Russian-Iranian relations to questions of global and regional politics there has, to date, been very little in the way of critical scholarship performed on the subject. While a wide-array of accounts from subject analysts provide a wealth of data on contemporary and historical events which have presumably defined and conditioned bilateral relations, there has been relatively little effort to isolate, examine, test, and evaluate those conditions or variables that are deemed salient to cooperation. In light of these circumstances, this study seeks to initiate a tradition of scholarship on Russian-Iranian relations that appeals broadly to the use of a scientific methodology. The first step of any scientific inquiry requires attention devoted expressly to the development of a dependent variable of bilateral political affinity. While it remains outside the scope of this present investigation to analyze the host of factors/conditions capable of influencing bilateral relations, the formalization of a variable which records changing political affinity is a necessary first step and one that will fill-in a significant gap within the existing literary tradition. Rather than simply dismissing the extant tradition of literature on Russian-Iranian relations, this study seeks to aggregate and transform the subject's many diverse narratives into a user-friendly, quantitative, political metric which can form the basis for future empirical inquiry. Thus this study introduces a new approach to monitoring and measuring changes in Russian-Iranian cooperation known as General Political Affinity (GPA). Represented on the basis of a 21-point scaled indicator of bilateral affinity, GPA succinctly defines cooperation between Moscow and Tehran as the summation of three underlying, persistent issue dimensions: the trade in conventional weapons; cooperation in Iranian nuclear development; and level of agreement on matters of Caspian Sea delimitation. In more generic terms, these three criteria seek to evaluate interstate cooperation, generically, as a product of: defense cooperation; state-sponsored development assistance; and territorial agreement. The unique approach to operationalizing political affinity presented in this study not only functionally improves our ability to explain and predict the course of Russian-Iranian relations, but also provides a new schematic for evaluating bilateral relations among all political dyads.
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Clary, Eric Michael. "Using the Syrian Civil War to Measure Hierarchy: Regional Power Transition in the Middle East." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4359.
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In 2018, the Syrian Civil War will enter into its ninth year of conflict. From an international relations perspective there are few, if any, studies on state actors in regional sub-state systems. What can an intrastate conflict teach us about future dynamics of the regional interstate hierarchy? It is worthwhile to examine The Syrian Civil War for three reasons. First, Syria lies in the heart of the Middle East lending proximity to regional actors. Second, the breakdown of order in Syria represents a microcosm of the global anarchic environment. Third, Syrian Civil War is an intrastate war that encapsulates both state and non-state actors. This paper intends to provide a clear regional hierarchical analysis with future possibilities and perspectives.
For the last century realism then neorealism dominated the field of international relations, yet they are unfit theories for analyzing the Middle East's hierarchy. To address anomalies realists and neorealists incorporated preference and satisfaction, which undermined the core tenets of their theories. Power Transition Theory (PTT) incorporates satisfaction while maintaining structural organization. The addition of power and satisfaction give PTT the necessary tools to assess regional hierarchies and estimate the likelihood of conflict. This PTT theoretical framework will be used to assess the global hierarchy, the status quo set by the United States, and Syria's relation to the status quo. A synopsis of the Syrian Civil War will be provided to contextualize the actors and dyadic comparisons between actors before and after the Iranian-Russian-Syrian victory in Aleppo. The dyadic comparison indicates power and satisfaction among interested parties and if they change during the course of the conflict.
Conclusions indicate that the actors and the environment in the Syrian theater are suitable for Power Transition Theory and the data acquired by researching the Syrian Civil War affirms Yeşilada and Tanrikulu's assessment that Russia tops the Middle East's hierarchy with Turkey and Iran following at near parity. The findings reveal the veracity of Lemke's claim that PTT can be utilized for intrastate conflict. The findings substantiate my claim that intrastate conflict can inform us of a region's hierarchy.
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Volkov, Denis Vladimirovich. "Oriental studies and foreign policy : Russian/Soviet 'Iranology' and Russo-Iranian relations in late Imperial Russia and the early USSR." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/oriental-studies-and-foreign-policy-russiansoviet-iranology-and-russoiranian-relations-in-late-imperial-russia-and-the-early-ussr(8e28977b-999b-419c-8721-b20f22e9b76a).html.
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Russia and Iran have been subject to mutual influence since the reign of Shah Abbas I (1588-1629). For most of the time this relationship was not one of equals: since the early nineteenth century and lasting at least until 1946, Russia and then the USSR, in strong competition with Britain, had been gradually, and for the most part steadily, increasing its political, cultural and economic influence within Iran up to very high levels. Nevertheless, the history of Russian/Soviet-Iranian relations still remains understudied, particularly in English-language scholarship. One of the main reasons for this gap must be sought in the hampered access of Western researchers to Russian archives during the Soviet time, which made them draw on Russian-language literature, traditionally pre-occupied with the history of social movements, and with the mechanical retelling of political and economic processes. Thus the cultural and political ties of the two countries on institutional and individual levels (especially during the period surrounding 1917), the influence of Russia, and then of the USSR, on Iran and vice versa, in political, economic and cultural spheres through the activities of individuals, as well as the methods and tools used by the “Big Northern neighbour” during the execution of its foreign policy towards Iran did not receive proper attention, and thus lack detailed analysis. This research addresses the lack of detailed analysis of the power/knowledge nexus in relation to Russia’s Persian/Iranian Studies – the largest and most influential sub-domain within Russia’s Oriental Studies during the late Imperial and the early Soviet periods. The specific focus of this study is the involvement of Russian ‘civilian’ (academic) and ‘practical’ (military officers, diplomats, and missionaries) Persian Studies scholarship in Russian foreign policy towards Persia/Iran from the end of the nineteenth century up to 1941 – a period witnessing some of the most crucial events in the history of both countries. It is during this period that Persia/Iran was the pivot of Russia’s Eastern foreign policy but at the same time almost every significant development inside Russia as well as in her Western policies also had an immediate impact on this country – the state of affairs that ultimately culminated in the second Soviet invasion of Iran in 1941. My thesis is based on extensive research in eleven important political, military and academic archives of Russia and Georgia, which allowed me to consult a significant amount of hitherto unpublished, often still unprocessed and only recently declassified, primary sources. While engaging with notions such as Orientalism, my analysis aims at transcending Edward Said’s concept of a mere complicity of knowledge with imperial power. My theoretical approach builds on Michel Foucault’s conceptualisation of the interplay of power/knowledge relations, his notion of discourse, and his writings on the role of the intellectual. While demonstrating the full applicability of the Foucauldian model to the Russian case through the study of the power/knowledge nexus in late Imperial and early Soviet Russia’s Persian Studies, or Iranology, I focus on the activities of scholars and experts within their own professional domains and analyse what motivated them and how their own views, beliefs and intentions correlated with their work, how their activities were influenced by the hegemonic discourses within Russian society. I analyse the interaction of these intellectuals with state structures and their participation in the process of shaping and conducting foreign policy towards Iran, both as part of the Russian scholarly community as a whole and as individuals on the personal level. For the first time my work explores at such level of detail the specific institutional practices of Russia’s Oriental Studies, including the organisation of scholarly intelligence networks, the taking advantage of state power for the promotion of institutional interests, the profound engagement with Russia’s domestic and foreign policy discourses of the time, etc. In addition, the thesis presents a detailed assessment of the organisation of Iranology as a leading sub-domain within the broader scholarly field of Oriental Studies in the period from the end of the nineteenth century to 1941 and analyses the principles and mechanisms of its involvement in Russia’s foreign policy towards Persia/Iran.
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AKTI, Serkan. "NATO-Russian relation status and prospectives." Thesis, Monterey, California, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1326.
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Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has attributed great importance to the development of cooperation with Russia. This thesis, first, evaluates the main developments in NATO - Russian relations since 1991. Although Moscow and the Alliance established a NATO - Russia Council (NRC) and asserted the initiation of a qualitatively new relationship, Russia still needs to fulfill some requirements for catching up the Western standards. Russia's external relations and political, economic and security factors internal to Russia will determine the future of the relationship. This thesis examines Russia's political development and transformation of its economic system, and establishes the problems in its political and economic systems. It also examines Russia's problematic external relations in the region, and their impact on the NATO - Russian relationship. It looks into Russia's National Security Concept, explores regional conflicts such as Chechnya and Georgia, and the U.S. - NATO presence in Central Asia. Then, it examines the oil and natural gas transportation problems created by the Russian monopoly, and evaluates Russian technology transfers to Iran, particularly in the nuclear sector. Consequently, it evaluates the internal and external interactions mentioned above and offers conclusions about the prospects for security and stability in Europe.
Lieutenant, Turkish Navy
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Nocetti, Julien. "La Russie de Vladimir Poutine au Moyen-Orient : analyses d'une ambition de "retour" (2000-2013)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCF007.
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Le Moyen-Orient représente un « Sud » souvent occulté dans l’analyse de la politique étrangère de la Russie. Or, la politique de Moscou au Moyen-Orient constitue un indicateur souvent révélateur des dynamiques, des atouts et des limites de la puissance russe. Sur la période étudiée (2000-2013), la poursuite d’objectifs « rationnels » – maximisation de la sécurité de l’État dans un système international perçu comme anarchique – n’exclut pas une quête identitaire éclairant la manière dont la Russie se perçoit au monde, souvent en opposition à l’Occident. Notre recherche interroge ainsi le réinvestissement du Moyen-Orient par la Russie de Vladimir Poutine en se penchant sur les logiques internes et extérieures de la politique russe. D’une part, à sa prise de fonctions, Vladimir Poutine est ainsi confronté au double défi d’éviter la polarisation ethnique et religieuse de la population russe et d’améliorer l’image de la Russie dans le monde arabo-musulman après les guerres de Tchétchénie. D’autre part, le Moyen-Orient reste le lieu traditionnel de l’affirmation de la puissance russe. À travers les grands dossiers sécuritaires de la région, Moscou jauge celle-ci à l’aune de l’Occident, en particulier des États-Unis, tout en faisant le pari, depuis la crise financière internationale et la guerre de Géorgie en 2008, d’un déclin inexorable de la puissance américaine. À partir de 2011, les « printemps arabes » révèlent une politique russe conservatrice par instinct, prudente dans son exécution, faite de manœuvres et de compromis si nécessaire et privilégiant les partenariats tactiques aux alliances contraignantesA highly and recurrent belligerent region, the Middle East represents a “South” which is often neglected in the study of Russian foreign policy. However, Moscow’s policy in the Middle East constitutes a particularly relevant indicator of the dynamics, assets, and limits of the Russian power. In our study period (2000-2013) the pursuit of “rational” objectives – the maximization of the state’s security within an international system perceived as anarchic – does not exclude an identity quest which enlightens the way Russia sees itself in the world, often in opposition to the West. Our research thus questions the reinvestment of the Middle East by Vladimir Putin’s Russia by addressing both the domestic and external rationales of Russian policy there. Once elected president in 2000, Vladimir Putin faced the twofold challenge of preventing an ethnic and religious polarization of the Russian population, and of improving Russia’s image in the Arab-Muslim world after the two wars fought in Chechnya. On the other side, the Middle East remains the traditional area for asserting Russia’s power. Through the main security issues in the region, Moscow mainly gauges the Middle East with regard to the West, most notable the United States, while betting, since the world financial crisis and the Georgia war in 2008, an inexorable decline of the American power. Since 2011, the “Arab Spring” uprisings have revealed a conservative by instinct and a cautious in its execution Russian policy, made of maneuvers and compromises if necessary and favoring tactic partnerships to constraining alliances
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Yusifov, Shahin. "La Turquie dans la politique de l'Azerbaïdjan en 1992-1998 : aspects politique, institutionnel et sécuritaire." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAG011.
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L’écroulement de l’URSS à la fin du XX siècle a donné naissance à quinze nouveaux États indépendants sur un large territoire eurasien. Tel est le cas de l’Azerbaïdjan, l’un des pays du Caucase du sud, qui a regagné son indépendance après l’effondrement du système socialiste en 1991. Grâce à sa situation géographique et à ses richesses énergétiques (pétrole et gaz), l’Azerbaïdjan occupe une place stratégique et fait l’objet d’un « jeu » géopolitique, aussi bien à l’échelle régionale que mondiale entre de grandes puissances telles que les États-Unis, l’Union Européenne, la Russie, la Turquie et quelques autres. En retour, il essaie de jouer son atout, en appliquant une politique étrangère multivectorielle. Parmi eux, la Turquie occupe une place privilégiée dans la politique étrangère de l’Azerbaïdjan, grâce à son histoire, sa langue, sa religion et leurs traditions communes. Cette thèse s’est fixée pour objectif d’analyser les relations qui se sont établies entre l’Azerbaïdjan et la Turquie, en se basant sur trois axes qui constituent les pivots principaux des relations bilatérales entre les deux États: politique, économique (commercial) et sécuritaire (stratégique)The collapse of the USSR at the end of the twentieth century has been followed by the creation of fifteen new independent States in the large Eurasian territory. Such is the case of Azerbaijan, which has declared its independence in 1991. Thanks to its geographical position and energy resources (oil and gas) Azerbaijan occupies a geopolitically strategic position and is subject to a geopolitical « game », which implies both regional (Turkey) and great world powers (such as the US, EU and Russia). Consequently, Azerbaijan has adopted a multi-vector foreign policy with its neighbors. Among its neighbors, Turkey, sharing a common history, language, religion and traditions has an important place in the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In terms of the geopolitical « game », this thesis analyses the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey. It is based on three axes, as these are the main pillars of bilateral relations between both states. These are political, institutional (commercial) and strategic (security)
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Seyfi, Siamak. "Le tourisme iranien à l'épreuve des sanctions internationales : les mécanismes de résilience touristique dans un contexte politique en transition." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H093.
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Malgré l'utilisation croissante des sanctions en tant qu’outil de politique étrangère de plus en plus populaire dans le paysage des relations internationales contemporaines, les recherches liant les sanctions au tourisme sont limitées, et ce, malgré leur impact considérable sur les destinations et les flux touristiques. Le tourisme est profondément affecté par les sanctions qui peuvent détériorer profondément l'image d’une destination, restreindre sévèrement les voyages internationaux, et perturber les investissements financiers et les chaînes d'approvisionnement. Des sanctions plus globales peuvent engendrer des difficultés économiques considérables sur les destinations, ainsi que des effets indirects, notamment une baisse de la valeur monétaire et des pressions inflationnistes. Peu de pays ont subi un aussi grand nombre de sanctions que l’Iran. Le pays fait l’objet de longues et lourdes sanctions depuis près de quarante ans. L’accord nucléaire iranien de 2015 a permis un rebond du tourisme iranien. Or, le retrait unilatéral américain de 2018 a brutalement mis fin aux espoirs de développement rapide. À partir de l’analyse des conséquences touristiques des sanctions contre l’Iran, et dans le cadre d’une géopolitique émergente, ce travail propose une double approche de ces relations. La première analyse la littérature des sanctions dans le tourisme, en montrant les différents impacts des sanctions sur l’écosystème touristique définissant le cadre conceptuel et théorique de l’étude. Cette première approche est complétée par l’analyse des entretiens passés avec des acteurs clés en Iran pour décrypter les contraintes des sanctions pour les professionnels iraniens du tourisme. La deuxième s’attache à comprendre les mécanismes d'adaptation des autres destinations ayant subi des sanctions (Cuba, Russie et Turquie) pour répondre aux conséquences touristiques des sanctions. Dans l’ensemble, ce travail de recherche approfondit la connaissance des relations entre la géopolitique, la politique étrangère et le tourisme, fournit une analyse des effets des sanctions internatonales sur les destinations et étudie les phénomènes de résilience touristiqueDespite the growing use of sanctions as an increasingly popular foreign policy tool in the contemporary international relations landscape, there is limited research on sanctions in a tourism context despite their substantial impact on destinations and tourist flows. Tourism is profoundly affected by sanctions impacting tourism and hospitality businesses and destination image, severely restricting international travel, and disrupting financial investment and supply chains. More comprehensive sanctions may lead to substantial economic hardship in destinations as well as indirect effects including decline in the value of currency and inflationary pressures. Few countries have suffered as many sanctions as Iran. The country has been subjected to long and severe sanctions for nearly forty years. The Iranian nuclear agreement of 2015 allowed a rebound of the Iranian tourism. However, the US unilateral withdrawal of 2018 has brutally put an end to hopes for rapid development. From the analysis of the tourist consequences of the sanctions against Iran, and within the framework of an emerging geopolitics, this thesis proposes a double approach of these relations. The first analyzes the literature of sanctions in tourism, showing the different impacts of sanctions on the tourist ecosystem defining the conceptual and theoretical framework of the study. This first approach is complemented by the analysis of interviews with key actors in Iran to decipher the constraints of sanctions for Iranian tourism professionals. The second focuses on understanding the adaptation mechanisms of other sanctioned destinations (Cuba, Russia and Turkey) to address the tourism consequences of sanctions. Overall, this work deepens the understanding of the relationships between geopolitics, foreign policy and tourism, provides an analysis of the effects of international sanctions on destinations and studies the phenomena of tourism resilience
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Anlar, Aslihan. "Russian Foreign Policy Towards Iraq In The Post-cold War Era." Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607149/index.pdf.
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The aim of this thesis is to examine the nature of Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era. This thesis argues that the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era has been primarily determined by Russia&rsquos self-interests which are mainly defined in economic terms. The thesis follows the realist approach to international relations. It also emphasizes the importane of economic factors in foreign policy making process. The thesis consists of five chapters: In Chapter 1, the thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 explains the Soviet-Iraqi relations from a historical perspective. This is followed by Chapter 3 where Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Boris Yeltsin is examined. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Vladimir Putin. Then, Chapter 5 assesses the economic factors, socio-political factors and international factors affecting Russian foreign policy makers in the post-Soviet era. The last chapter concludes the thesis.
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Morsy, Ahmed. "Bandwagon for profit : Egyptian foreign policy toward Iran." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13077.
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What explains the lack of normalized relations between Egypt and Iran? Despite mutual potential benefits Egypt and Iran could have gained from normalized bilateral relations over the past several decades, a range of factors prevented them from doing so, including personality politics, domestic political and economic considerations, as well as regional and external alliances and competing visions of regional order. Accordingly, the trajectory of modern Egyptian policy toward Iran has been non-linear. Realist and constructivist schools of International Relations theory, on their own, cannot adequately explain how Egypt's foreign policy toward Iran varied from times of hostility, friendship, stagnation, and openness under Presidents Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar Sadat, Hosni Mubarak, and Muhammad Morsi. As such, neoclassical realism - with its emphasis on the interaction between geopolitical structural conditions and the roles of leadership and domestic politics in shaping a state's foreign policy - offers the best framework for analyzing Egypt's foreign policy behavior toward Iran.
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Gasimova, Esmira. "La politique étrangère de l'Azerbaïdjan entre grandes puissances et puissances régionales (1993-2003)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG014.
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La présente étude est consacrée à la politique étrangère de l'Azerbaïdjan entre grandes puissances et puissances régionales. Ce pays du Caucase du Sud accédant à l'indépendance en 1991 affirme sa singularité, entre confrontation et coopération avec ses voisins proches ou lointains. La question centrale est donc de savoir comment l'Azerbaïdjan peut justifier et éventuellement renforcer sa présence sur l'échiquier international alors qu'il se trouve au cœur des grands enjeux géopolitiques et économiques. Sa position le place au centre des rivalités entre des puissances telles que la Russie, l'Iran et la Turquie et, au-delà de son voisinage immédiat les États-Unis et l'Union européenne. Le pays est contraint à une politique étrangère équilibrée afin de ne pas s'aliéner les partenaires de l'ouest comme de l'est. Il tente également de tirer profit de l'exploitation des hydrocarbures de la Caspienne en vue de résoudre la question cruciale du conflit du Haut-KarabakhThis thesis deals with the Azerbaijan policy between great powers and regional powers. Since its independence in 1991 the country of South Caucasus asserted its singularity. It sometimes confronts, sometimes cooperates with its neighbors. The key question is, therefore, how Azerbaijan can justify and possibly strengthen its presence on the international stage as it stands at the heart of great geopolitical and economic issues. Because of its location it is the center of rivalries between powers such as Russia, Iran and Turkey or the United States and the European Union. The country is compelled to a balanced foreign policy not to lose the support of either western or eastern partners. Baku also attempts to use the exploitation of Caspian oil in order resolve the crucial issue of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh
Books on the topic "Iran – Foreign relations – Russia"
1
Russia and the challengers: Russian alignment with China, Iran and Iraq in the unipolar era. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
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Catalytic diplomacy: Russia, China, North Korea and Iran. Carlsbad, Calif: Catalytic-diplomacy.org, 2010.
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3
Sestanovich, Stephen. At odds with Iran and Iraq: Can the United States and Russia resolve their differences? New York: Century Foundation, 2003.
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Z, Rubinstein Alvin, and Smolansky Oles M, eds. Regional power rivalries in the new Eurasia: Russia, Turkey, and Iran. Armonk N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1995.
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Russia and Britain in Persia: Imperial ambitions in Qajar Iran. London: I.B. Tauris, 2013.
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Axis of unity: Venezuela, Iran & the threat to America. Washington, D.C: Potomac Books, 2011.
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al-Dawlah, Riz̤ā Haravī Basīr. Dū sāl-i ravābiṭ-i maḥramānah-i Aḥmad Shāh va Safārat-i Shūravī: Yādʹdāshʹthā-yi Riz̤ā Shāh Hiravī Basīr al-Dawlah. Tihrān: Nashr-i Tārīkh-i Īrān, 1993.
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Russia and Azerbaijan: A borderland in transition. New York: Columbia University Press, 1995.
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Peimani, Hooman. Regional security and the future of Central Asia: The competition of Iran, Turkey, and Russia. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1998.
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Worldviews of aspiring powers: Domestic foreign policy debates in China, India, Iran, Japan and Russia. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Iran – Foreign relations – Russia"
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Surkov, Nikolay. "Russian Foreign Policy in the Gulf: A Quest for Regional Partnerships and Opportunities." In Russia’s Relations with the GCC and Iran, 79–108. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-4730-4_4.
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Ahmadian, Hassan, and Payam Mohseni. "Iran’s Syria Strategy: The Evolution of Deterrence." In NL ARMS, 231–60. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-419-8_13.
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AbstractIran has been a critical player in the Syrian war since 2011, crafting a complex foreign policy and military strategy to preserve its Syrian ally. What have been the drivers of Iranian decision-making in this conflict? And how has Iranian strategy evolved over the course of the war? This chapter argues that the logic of deterrence has been fundamental not just for shaping the contours of Iran–Syria relations since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, but also for determining the overall trajectory of Iranian strategy in the Syrian war. The authors outline Iran’s decision-making calculus and divide the country’s strategy on Syria after the Arab Spring into four primary phases: (1) a ‘Basij’ strategy to establish local militias in Syria; (2) a regionalization strategy to incorporate transnational fighters and militias in the war effort; (3) an internationalization strategy to incorporate Russia and balance the United States; and (4) a post-ISIS deterrence strategy to balance against the United States, Turkey and Israel. Iran’s Syria strategy progressively escalated in response to the possible defeat of its ally and the deterioration of its forward deterrence capacities against the United States and Israel. Today, the potential for direct inter-state conflict is rising as proxy warfare declines and Iran attempts to maintain the credibility of its forward deterrence.
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Clawson, Patrick, and Michael Rubin. "Foreign Relations Under Khatami." In Eternal Iran, 139–58. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403977106_9.
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Keynoush, Banafsheh. "Russia-Iran Relations: Indispensable Neighbors." In Middle East Today, 85–115. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09249-7_4.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo, and Andrew T. H. Tan. "China-Soviet Union/Russia relations." In China's Foreign Policy, 69–83. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-7.
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Murray, Donette, David Brown, and Martin A. Smith. "US relations with Russia." In George W. Bush's Foreign Policies, 89–106. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315778969-6.
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Abbas, Khurram. "Conservative Administration in Iran and Future of Pakistan–Iran Relations." In Pakistan's Foreign Policy, 142–58. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003250920-11.
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Kiani, Davood. "Iran and Russia Relations: Conceptions of Cooperations." In The Geopolitics of Iran, 275–91. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-3564-9_11.
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Braddick, C. W. "The Waiting Game: Japan-Russia Relations." In Japanese Foreign Policy Today, 209–25. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62529-1_12.
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Ahmed, Adeela. "The Contours of Pakistan's Relations with Russia." In Pakistan's Foreign Policy, 181–92. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003250920-13.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Iran – Foreign relations – Russia"
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Chen, Jinling, and Zhongyi Bao. "History of Russia China Foreign Trade Relations." In 2022 3rd International Conference on Language, Art and Cultural Exchange（ICLACE 2022). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220706.015.
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Ohrimenko, Elena I., and Olga T. Ergunova. "Tourism Industry: Development and Importance of Foreign Economic Relations of Russia." In Proceedings of the First International Volga Region Conference on Economics, Humanities and Sports (FICEHS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.200114.035.
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Selminskaya, O. N., and N. A. Babkina. "FOREIGN ECONOMIC SECURITY OF RUSSIA: CONTENT AND ASSESSMENT." In CONTEMPORARY ECONOMIC PROBLEMS OF RUSSIA AND CHINA. Amur State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/medprh.63.
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The article defines the essence of economic security in the context of the global crisis during the pandemic, analyzes the state of foreign economic security of the Russian Federation using the coefficient of import coverage by export, its dynamics, and compliance of indicators of foreign economic relations with the limit value.
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Salsabila, Sandrina, and Siti Rokhmawati Susanto. "German Foreign Policy on Russia: Analysis of Public Opinion and Media on Crimean Annexation Sanctions." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280405680574.
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Цвиль, Мария, Mariya Tsvil, Яна Серженко, and Yana Serzhenko. "ANALYSIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS OF RUSSIA AND LITHUANIA." In Modern problems of an economic safety, accounting and the right in the Russian Federation. AUS PUBLISHERS, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.26526/conferencearticle_5c5060d9a80424.08383031.
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The article deals with the prospects of development of foreign trade relations between Russia and Lithuania. The structure of export and import is revealed. The main indicators of foreign trade are considered and analyzed.
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Plekhanov, A. E. "England and Russia in the late XIX - early XX centuries: foreign policy relations." In TRENDS OF DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE AND EDUCATION. НИЦ «Л-Журнал», 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/lj-08-2018-54.
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Esina, Yulia Leonidovna, Natalia Mikhailovna Stepanenkova, and Elena Evgenievna Agafonova. "Regional trade agreements as factor of expansion of foreign trade relations of Russia." In Proceedings of the International conference "Economy in the modern world" (ICEMW 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icemw-18.2018.2.
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Fitriasari, Halida, and Irfa Puspitasari. "Foreign Policy Analysis: The Influence of Culture and National Identity in Turkey’s Response on Russia Related Crimean Annexation 2014." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279304960502.
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Rodionova, Olga Yu. "Technologization of Higher Education in Russia and China." In Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-157-165.
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Putra, Agung Tri, and Radityo Dharmaputra. "The Analysis of Poland’s Foreign Policy through the Individual Level of Analysis Approach to the Issue of Crimean Annexation by Russia." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010278204220427.
Full textReports on the topic "Iran – Foreign relations – Russia"
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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.
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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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Lewis, Dustin, ed. Database of States’ Statements (August 2011–October 2016) concerning Use of Force in relation to Syria. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, May 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/ekmb4241.
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Many see armed conflict in Syria as a flashpoint for international law. The situation raises numerous unsettling questions, not least concerning normative foundations of the contemporary collective-security and human-security systems, including the following: Amid recurring reports of attacks directed against civilian populations and hospitals with seeming impunity, what loss of legitimacy might law suffer? May—and should—states forcibly intervene to prevent (more) chemical-weapons attacks? If the government of Syria is considered unwilling or unable to obviate terrorist threats from spilling over its borders into other countries, may another state forcibly intervene to protect itself (and others), even without Syria’s consent and without an express authorization of the U.N. Security Council? What began in Daraa in 2011 as protests escalated into armed conflict. Today, armed conflict in Syria implicates a multitude of people, organizations, states, and entities. Some are obvious, such as the civilian population, the government, and organized armed groups (including designated terrorist organizations, for example the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS). Other implicated actors might be less obvious. They include dozens of third states that have intervened or otherwise acted in relation to armed conflict in Syria; numerous intergovernmental bodies; diverse domestic, foreign, and international courts; and seemingly innumerable NGOs. Over time, different states have adopted wide-ranging and diverse approaches to undertaking measures (or not) concerning armed conflict in Syria, whether in relation to the government, one or more armed opposition groups, or the civilian population. Especially since mid-2014, a growing number of states have undertaken military operations directed against ISIS in Syria. For at least a year-and-a-half, Russia has bolstered military strategies of the Syrian government. At least one state (the United States) has directed an operation against a Syrian military base. And, more broadly, many states provide (other) forms of support or assistance to the government of Syria, to armed opposition groups, or to the civilian population. Against that backdrop, the Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict (HLS PILAC) set out to collect states’ statements made from August 2011 through November 2016 concerning use of force in relation to Syria. A primary aim of the database is to provide a comparatively broad set of reliable resources regarding states’ perspectives, with a focus on legal parameters. A premise underlying the database is that through careful documentation of diverse approaches, we can better understand those perspectives. The intended audience of the database is legal practitioners. The database is composed of statements made on behalf of states and/or by state officials. For the most part, the database focuses on statements regarding legal parameters concerning use of force in relation to Syria. HLS PILAC does not pass judgment on whether each statement is necessarily legally salient for purposes of international law. Nor does HLS PILAC seek to determine whether a particular statement may be understood as an expression of opinio juris or an act of state practice (though it might be).
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TITOVA, E. FEATURES OF MIGRATION POLICY IN THE JEWISH AUTONOMOUS REGION. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2077-1770-2021-13-4-2-54-70.
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The article reveals the features of the state mechanism for regulating labor migration in the Jewish Autonomous Region. It is noted that labor migration is an integral part of the economic development of the region. The purpose of the study is the peculiarities of solving the problems of optimizing the mechanisms for regulating labor migration in the Jewish Autonomous Region (JAO). The practical significance of the study is underscored by the growing resource requirements of the Jewish Autonomous Region. The importance of attracting labor migrants from the widest list of countries, to increase the exchange of experience and improve interethnic relations, the organization of programs to increase the flow of willing workers and promising employers, is highlighted. The scientific novelty of the research is in the designation of the latest methods and state programs aimed at improving the efficiency of the labor migration management mechanism. Every year, the number of migrants illegally staying on the territory of Russia is growing, and the authorities of the Russian Federation are trying to improve the methods of control of foreign citizens entering the country, which makes it easier, but at the same time more effective, to exercise control over migrants and distribute it in. areas such as the patent system, employee-to-employer linkage and simplified taxation.