Academic literature on the topic 'Iran – Civilization – To 640'
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Journal articles on the topic "Iran – Civilization – To 640"
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Akram, Ejaz. "International Conference on Dialogue of Civilizations." American Journal of Islam and Society 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2000): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v17i3.2057.
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The International Conference on Dialogue of Civilizations was held in theheart of London, at the Islamic Centre of England in Maide Vale, October27-28. A group of eminent scholars from several countries convened toparticipate and present their points of view on this quite important and popularsubject: Dialogue of Civilizations!The conference was hosted by the Institute of Islamic Studies of London(11s) and sponsored by Shahid Beheshti University (Iran), AllameTabataba’ee University (Iran), the Institute for Political and InternationalStudies (Iran) and the Islamic College for Advanced Studies (UnitedKingdom). Several participants attended from local colleges and universitiesin and around London. Journalists from different organizations coveredthe event for newspaper and television. The two-day program, whichincluded panel sessions, a play and a music section, was video-recordedand documented. Overall, the conference can certainly be regarded as asuccessful one, although, as in many other fora, there was room forimprovement in few of its parts.Implicit in the title of the project is a rather grand albeit a noble ambition:the reconciliation of civilizations that are on a colision course. In pursuingthis lofty goal, participants came face-to-face with the difficulty of definingthe concept of ‘civilization’ across civilizations. Perhaps it was this difficultythat contributed to the meeting’s success, and helped participants discoverhow definitional problems can be overcome and how, indeed, understandingbetween conflicting entities can be achieved.Most papers in the first panel, titled “Globalization,” started with a ratherrosy picture for possibilities of a dialogue. The second panel reversed thetone, while presenting several definitions of civilization, it questionedwhether ‘modem civilization’ can be called a civilization at all. Some presentationstied the definition of civilization to its primordial religious tradition,thus disqualifying modem civilization as a civilization and characterizingit as anti-civilization. The third panel used Cultural Studies and ...
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Mojtahed-Zadeh, Pirouz. "Iran: An Old Civilization and a New Nation State." Focus on Geography 49, no. 4 (March 2007): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-8535.2007.tb00179.x.
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Shah, Syed Raheem Abbas, and Muhammad Akram Zaheer. "Educational System and Institutions in Persian Civilization: An Historical Description and its Impacts on Present Iran." Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (December 30, 2021): 267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.03.3945.
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Persian civilization had its rich culture since the pre-Islamic era. It left its impacts on those areas where the Persian language had adopted like contemporary India, Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan, Iraq, Azerbaijan, Turkey, Tajikistan, and the Central Asian States. Its pre and post-Islamic educational system-generated hundreds of scholars which are well-nominated all over the world along with their inventions, philosophies, literature, and poetry. This article highlights an educational system in the Persian civilization since 2500 BC. Educational institutions before the conquest of Islam and post-Islamic changing patterns in it are going to be discussed in this article. There is also a focus upon educational institutions in modern Iran before the Islamic Revolution of 1979 that became the reason for the end of Pehlavi dynasty. Its hypothesis is that the present socio-economic and political development in Iran is a reason to strengthen the educational system that is protecting Persian civilization for centuries. The research is based on theoretically and historically descriptive, analytical, comparative, and qualitative and methods. The data is collected from books, research journals, newspapers, internet interviews, results of different dissertations, and personal visits to Iran in which attending several seminars, workshops, and training classes including visiting several universities and Research Centers in Qom and Tehran
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Abdullah, Harith Qahtan. "Sectarian struggle in the Middle East and the new Alliances." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 16 (August 26, 2019): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i16.156.
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Our Islamic world passes a critical period representing on factional, racial and sectarian struggle especially in the Middle East, which affects the Islamic identification union.
The world passes a new era of civilization formation, and what these a new formation which affects to the Islamic civilization especially in Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Lebanon.
The sectarian struggle led to heavy sectarian alliances from Arab Gulf states and Turkey from one side and Iran states and its alliances in the other side. The Sunni and Shia struggle are weaken the World Islamic civilization and it is competitive among other world civilization.
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Semati, Mehdi, Mehdi Faraji, and Yalda N. Hamidi. "Elite Discourse on Technology in Iran." Sociology of Islam 4, no. 4 (October 21, 2016): 323–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00404002.
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This paper examines the elite discourse on technology in Iran. The paper examines how concepts such as progress (taraqqi), civilization (tamaddon), and modernity (tajaddod), and later notions such as backwardness (‘aqab-mandegi), authenticity (isalat), and “Westoxication” (gharbzadegi) have articulated an elite discourse of technology in Iran. The paper argues that a utilitarian view of technology dominates the elite discourse. Although intellectuals view modernity with ambivalence, their outlook on technology remains utilitarian in their discourse of authenticity.
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Mortazavi, Mehdi. "Economy, Environment and the Beginnings of Civilization in Southeastern Iran." Near Eastern Archaeology 68, no. 3 (September 2005): 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/nea25067608.
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Dalimunthe, Latifa Annum. "PERADABAN ISLAM MASA KHALIFAH UMAR IBN AL-KHATHTHAB (13-23 H/634-644 M)." FORUM PAEDAGOGIK 10, no. 2 (September 28, 2020): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24952/paedagogik.v10i2.2819.
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Abu Bakr appointed Umar ibn khaththab to be caliph to avoid divisions among Muslims. Umar was born in 513 A D into a family of the Quraish tribe. At first he was called by the title Abu Hafs, and after converting to Islam he received the title al-Faruq and was most persistent in defending Islam. This research examines how the Islamic civilization in Umar's era. The research was conducted by taking a literature study from the literature books. The results showed that Umar's leadership included the territory of the Arabian Peninsula.Palestine, Syria, Iraq, Persia, and Egypt. Umar formed departments (diwan) such as the police, baitul mal to manage state finances. Umar succeeded in restoring the stability of the Islamic government and even strengthening the country. Umar died of a sharp knife stabbed by Abu Lu'luah or Fairuz who was going to offer the dawn prayer at the Nabawi mosque.
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Purnama, Fahmy Farid. "LIBERASI TEOLOGI DI IRAN PASCA-REVOLUSI: Telisik Pemikiran Abdul Karim Soroush." Jurnal THEOLOGIA 27, no. 1 (October 8, 2016): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/teo.2016.27.1.923.
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<p class="Iabstrak"><strong>Abstract:</strong> <em>This paper will discuss the identity struggle and discourse of thought in the Islamic world, especially in the Islamic civilization and culture of Iran. That is, by trying to explain various religio-philosophical discourse presented by Soroush to restore Iranian civilization from an identity crisis, psychological deterioration, to the ontological dislocation that have obscured the authenticity of existential society. This paper will also explain why Soroush calls for new directions in theology and Islamic political discourse, particularly in Iran, which is supported by various philosophical discourse. By involving the philosophy of science (epistemology) in understanding human religiosity, Soroush philosophical thought also necessitates a new perspective of looking at reality, both the reality of individual, social, or global.</em></p><strong>Abstrak: </strong>Tulisan ini akan mengurai pergulatan identitas dan wacana pemikiran di dunia Islam, khususnya di kancah peradaban dan kebudayaan Iran. Yaitu dengan berusaha menjelaskan pelbagai wacana filsafat-keagamaan yang diketengahkan Soroush untuk memulihkan peradaban Iran dari krisis identitas, keterpurukan psikologis, hingga dislokasi ontologis yang telah mengaburkan otentisitas eksistensial masyarakatnya. Tulisan ini juga akan menjelaskan mengapa Soroush menghendaki adanya arah baru dalam diskursus teologi dan politik Islam, khususnya di Iran, yang ditopang oleh pelbagai wacana filosofis. Dengan melibatkan filsafat ilmu (epistemologi) dalam memahami religiusitas manusia, pembacaan Soroush juga meniscayakan suatu perspektif baru dalam memandang realitas, baik realitas individual, sosial, maupun global.
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Amin, Tahir. "Iran." American Journal of Islam and Society 2, no. 1 (July 1, 1985): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v2i1.2923.
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INTRODUCTIONPolitical and economic developments in the post revolutionary Iranpresent a special dilemma to outside observers in general and to socialscientists in particular as many developments do not seem to fit theusualpolitical and economic categories with which the social scientists arenormally familiar. As a result, most analysts of contemporary Iran,approaching the reality from the rigidly preconceived conceptual lenses,tend to grossly distort the actual picture. The contemporary situation inIran is usually portrayed as one of utter chaos and turmoil with little orno hope for any progress in the future. It is seen as ruled by “emptyheadkid”,“conservative”, “brutal,” and “incompetent” mullahs who arebent upon destroying any signs of progress and civilization. Eventhe moderate analysts who seem to be less preoccupied with their biasesand more cognizant of the new realities, appear to dismiss any long-termconsequences of the current changes taking place in contemporary Iran.My major objective in the following pages is to develop an alternativeimage of the same reality. I argue here that slowly and gradually, a newpolitical and economic order is emerging in Iran, whose broad objectivesand outlines are clear. A major distinguishing characteristic of thisorder is its public welfarist orientation with special attention to thelower-middle and lower classes. And this order has the potential of sofundamentally transforming the political scene in Iran in the long runwhere the old issues and the old actors are most likely to be irrelevant tothe new type of politics. Once successful, the political implications of thisorder will have a much wider effect on the Muslim world than commonlyassumed.This paper has four sections. The first section deals with the ideology ofthe Islamic republic. Examining the ideas of the leading revolutionarythinkers, we shall try to establish a criteria against which the regime’spolitical and economic performance is to be assessed. The second sectionof the paper describes the nature of key political and economicinstitutions established in the aftermath of the revolution and their modeof functioning. The third part of the paper is concerned with theeconomic performance of the regime over the past five years. We shallassess its performance in two ways: (a) in light of the criteria establishedin the first part of the paper and (b) a brief comparison of the IslamicRepublic’s five year performance with the prerevolutionary Iran’s lastfive-year plan (1973-1978). The final section of the paper summarizes themajor conclusions of this study and also attempts to project a likelyfuture scenario ...
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Khurramov, Khayitmurod. "SOME COMMENTS ABOUT THE INFLUENCE OXUS CIVILIZATION IN THEARABIAN GULF." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 10 (October 30, 2021): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-10-12.
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It is known that the Oxus civilization in the Bronze Age, with its unique material culture, interacted with a number of cultural countries: the Indian Valley, Iran, Mesopotamia, Elam and other regions. As a result of these relationships, interactions and interactions are formed. Archaeologists turn to archaeological and written sources to shed light on the historiography of this period. This research is devoted to the history of cultural relations between the Oxus civilization and the countries of the Arabian Gulf in the Bronze Age. The article highlights cultural ties based on an analysis of stamp seals and unique artifacts.Key words: Dilmun, Magan, marine shell, Arabian Gulf, Bahrain, Mesopotamia, Harappa, Gonur, Afghanistan
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Iran – Civilization – To 640"
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Vollgraaff, Carel Stephanus. "Sassanian succession struggles : an analysis of the legitimisation practices of early seventh eentury Sassanian rulers in comparison with their predecessors." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96669.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: From 628 CE to 632 CE, in the late Sassanian period, there were possibly eleven royal successors to the Sassanian throne. This indicates instability and that the Sassanian dynasty was politically weakened. A succession crisis had developed. This study presents an attempt to understand one aspect of the political milieu of the succession crisis period, namely the legitimisation practices of the late Sassanian rulers. Therefore, the tools that were used for legitimisation by the Sassanian monarchs from the succession crisis period, and how they were used, are investigated. To better understand how the legitimisation tools available to Sassanian monarchs developed the political techniques used by the succession crisis monarchs will be compared with the early Sassanian monarchs of 224 CE to 302 CE (Ardashir 1, Shapur I, Hormizd I, Wahram I, Wahram II, Wahram III and Narseh). The comparison contributes to an improved understanding of the 7th century Sassanian succession struggles by tracking the changes in the techniques and practices Sassanian rulers utilised in the Empire to legitimise their rule. Such changes are rooted in the wider politico-historical contexts within which the Sassanian monarchs excercised their authority. The study will open with an investigation of the major political events of the 7th century CE that had an effect on the succession struggles and political events in the Sassanian Empire. One of the primary sources that are used is The History of Prophets and Kings by the 10th century CE Arabic historian Jarir al-Tabari. Physical evidence of the Sassanian monarchs like coinage, rock reliefs and silver bowls will also be used as primary sources and analysed to better understand the propaganda used by the Sassanian monarchs. The material propaganda techniques used by Sassanian monarchs from the early period and late period changed. The reasons behind the changes are highlighted and these reasons are furthermore explained. The study concludes that the Sassanian monarchs from the succession crisis period had a shrinking pool of legitimisation resources and that they had to legitimise their rule in a short period of time in view of internal opposition. As a result, the Sassanian monarchs from the period focused on legitimisation techniques that were not a drain on resources and could quickly influence the perception of people. The political legitimisation of the last Sassanian monarchs ultimately failed though as the Sassanian dynasty only continued to reign for another 23 years after 628 CE. The failure of the legitimisation of the Sassanian dynasty could be largely attributed to the internal opposition and the damaging war against the Byzantine Empire.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die tydperk tussen 628 tot 632 n.C was daar na bewering elf troonopvolgers in die Sassaniede Ryk. Dit illustreer die politieke onstabiliteit in die Sassaniede Ryk op daardie tydstip, n troonopvolgingskrisis het ontwikkel. In die studie word n poging van stapel gestuur om een aspek van die politieke milieu van die tydperk te verstaan, die legitimasiepraktyke van die laat Sassaniede heersers. Die hulpbronne tot die beskikking van die Sassaniede konings wat ingespan is om hulle regerings populariteit te gee word daarom ondersoek. Om die ontwikkeling van die legitimeringspraktyke beter te verstaan word die praktyke van die troonopvolgingskrisis konings vergelyk met die tegnieke van die vroeë Sassaniede konings van die tydperk 224 n.C. tot 302 n.C. (Ardashir I, Shapur I, Hormizd I, Wahram I, Wahram II, Wahram III and Narseh). Die vergelyking dien as n beginpunt om die Sassanied troonopvolgingskrisis beter te verstaan en om die veranderings van die legitimeringspraktyke te identifiseer. Sulke veranderings is gegrond in die wyer politieshistoriese konteks waarin die Sassanied konings hul mag uitgeoefen het. Die studie ondersoek eerstens die belangrike politieke gebeure van die 7de eeu n.C. wat n effek op die troonopvolgingskrisis en politieke aspekte van die Sassaniede Ryk gehad het. Een van die primêre bronne waarvan die studie gebruik maak, is The History of Prophets and Kings van die 10de eeuse n.C. Arabiese geskiedkundige Jarir al-Tabari. Ander primêre bronne wat gebruik word, sluit in muntstukke, rotsreliëfs en silwer bakke wat analiseer word om beter te verstaan hoe die produkte gebruik is as propaganda. Die legitimeringspraktyke en propaganda het n verandering ondergaan van die vroeë typerk tot die laat tydperk. Die redes vir die verandering word identifiseer en ‘n verduideliking vir die redes word aangebied. Die studie maak die gevolgtrekking dat die Sassaniede konings van die troonopvolgingskrisis tydperk minder hulpbronne tot hul beskikking gehad het en dat hulle hul blitsig moes regverdig vanweë interne teenkanting. As gevolg van hierdie faktore het die Sassaniede konings propaganda verkies wat nie te veel van hul hulpbronne gebruik het nie en ook mense baie vininig beïnvloed het. Die politieke programme van die laat Sassaniede het uiteindelik misluk. Die Sassanidiese dinastie het net vir nog 23 jaar na 628 n.C. geheers. Die uiteindelike mislukking van die politieke regverdigings programme van die laat Sassaniede kan grootliks verbind word aan die sterk interne teenstand en die effek wat die oorlog teen die Bisantynse Ryk gehad het.
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Stevenson, Rosemary B. "Fourth century Greek historical writing about Persia in the period between the accession of Artaxerxes II Mnemon and that of Darius III (404-336 B.C.)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670401.
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Tajadod, Nahal. "Les porteurs de lumière : péripéties de l'Eglise chrétienne de Perse IIIe-VIIe siècle." Paris, INALCO, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994INAL0016.
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Frizon, Patrick. "Les Perses de Pathyris au deucième siècle avant notre ère : structures familiales et intégration sociale." Paris 1, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA010553.
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A pathyris, en haute-egypte, au deuxieme siecle avant notre ere, les perses participent a leur facon a la bonne marche du royaume lagide. Ces perses sont des grecs originaires de l'empire seleucide. C'est a partir de ce groupe que les ptolemees ont peut-etre tente de creer une sphere grecque homogene. Les groupes familiaux perses pratiquent le mariage exogame, se soutiennent mutuellement (prets, temoins), sont possesseurs de biens fonciers qu'ils gerent librement (ventes, locations, transmissions testamentaires), mettent en valeur economiquement leur territoire (cultures, elevage, commerce) et assument des taches administratives (agoranomie), militaires et religieuses locales. Ils illustrent concretement comment les grecs sont inseres dans l'egypte lagideIn pathyris (upper egypt), during the second century bc, the persians took a personal part in the ruling of the ptolemaic kingdom. These persians are of greek origin, coming from the seleucid empire. Maybe the ptolemies tried to create a homogeneous greek sphere out of this group. Persian family group adopted exogamic marriage, backed one another (loans, witnesses), owned land property they ruled freely (sales, hires, will donations), ensured the economic development of their territory (they cultivated, raised stock and traded) and were localy, in charge of civil service (agoranomy), army and religion. They were the concrete instance of the greeks integrating lagid egypt
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Laghaie, Roya Farzaneh. "The effects of factual information on the attitudes of people toward a given culture : an American and Iranian example." Virtual Press, 1991. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/776631.
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The purpose of this study was to determine if the attitudes of a selected group of American high school students towards a different nation in general and Iranian's in particular would be affected as a result of presenting them with factual information about that culture through the use of audio-visual aids.One hundred and twenty high school students between ages of 13 - 18 who attended Burris Laboratory School in Muncie, IN. were randomly selected and assigned to an experimental and a control group. The number of students who responded to the questionnaire and participated in the study was 77. There were 40 students in the experimental and 37 students in the control group. A new semantic differential scale was developed by the researcher in order to obtain measures of attitude towards Iranians. In order to validate the measurement instrument a pilot study was performed. The study utilized a Posttest- only design.The experimental group received factual information about Iranian culture through a handout and also two series of slide-tape presentations, which were prepared by the investigator. The control group received no treatment. The information on the handout and slides was about Iranian life style, education, religion, art, tribes, industry, clothing, and architecture. The information was intended to be factual rather than political propaganda. Two weeks after the experimental group received the second series of slides the revised semantic differential scale was administered to both control and experimental groups. The data was analyzed by a 2 by 2 by 2 multivariate analysis of variance. The following null hypotheses were tested:1 - There is no significant difference between the means of the experimental and control groups for various outcome factors of the semantic differential scale when considered simultaneously.2 - There is no significant difference between the means of male and female respondents for experimental and control groups for various outcome factors of the semantic differential scale when considered simultaneously. Findings:1- There were no significant multivariate interactions (2 or 3 ways).2- There were no significant sex differences.3- There was a significant treatment difference in a multivariate sense. However the interpretation of the univariates did not permit the attribution of differences to either factor singly. Rather a linear composite of the 2 factors is needed to explain the difference found. Generally these linear composites are not interpretable in a conceptual sense.Conclusion:The results of the study suggest that giving factual information about Iranian culture through use of slide-tape presentation can bring about some change in the attitude of high school students about Iranian people. However the study failed to identify the nature of this change. Further study is needed to identify better the nature of the change as a result of giving factual information.Department of Secondary, Higher, and Foundations of Education
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Moine, Deborah. "Les représentations des empereurs romains Julio-Claudiens en Egypte." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209554.
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La domination romaine est une période « mal-aimée » de l’Egypte ancienne. Elle est néanmoins très intéressante et mériterait davantage d’études. Réaliser une analyse du matériel de cette époque n’est donc pas chose aisée. Il faut comprendre, dès le départ, que la recherche sera confrontée à des préjugés, des problèmes de documentation et une certaine négligence de la part des scientifiques. Il convient de poser les buts de recherche, de se conformer à une méthodologie rigoureuse et de dégrossir une série de conclusions.
Il semble opportun d’étudier l’art d’époque Julio-Claudienne en Egypte. Cette thématique s’impose pour de multiples raisons.
Nous nous trouvons face à deux civilisations sortant d’un conflit récent (les guerres civiles romaines qui ont conduit à l’affrontement d’Octave-Auguste avec Antoine et Cléopâtre VII, dernière reine de la dynastie Lagide) où l’une a triomphé de l’autre. Ces tensions vont-elles être tangibles dans l’art ?Pour des raisons matérielles, il faut délimiter le sujet à aborder. L’étude de cet article sera donc consacrée majoritairement aux images de temple et aux stèles.
Ce ciblage s’explique non seulement pour des raisons matérielles mais aussi pour l’intérêt scientifique que ce sujet représente. Pendant longtemps, les reliefs égyptiens d’époque romaine ont été considérés comme un art altéré sans aucune autre fonction que de préserver une tradition vouée à son inéluctable disparition. Plusieurs questions se sont posées d’emblée :qui commanditait les monuments, qui les finançait, qui les réalisait, y-avait-il un suivi de la part du pouvoir central romain et qui en étaient les relais ?
L’image royale des temples d’époque romaine en Egypte est fortement tributaire des types iconographiques des époques pharaonique et ptolémaïque. Néanmoins, certains détails révèlent qu’il ne s’agît pas d’une copie servile. Les innovations d’époque romaine sont visibles dans le rendu du détail, des suggestions de volume ou l’utilisation d’un mode représentatif. L’étude de ces images permet de mieux comprendre les techniques de dessin en Egypte romaine et l’organisation du travail des artistes :isoler des « mains », supputer l’existence de « cahiers de modèles » et d’écoles de style ( parfois, plusieurs au sein d’un même temple ). Certaines scènes sont plus récurrentes dans certains endroits géographiques: leur analyse permet de comprendre les enjeux géographiques, politiques et religieux que la propagande voulait faire passer à travers elles.
Enfin, d'autres recherches (prosopographie.) pourraient permettre de mieux comprendre le microcosme où se sont élaborées ces images.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Ghannad, Hervé. "Rupture et continuité dans la politique étrangère de la République Islamique d'Iran." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO20030.
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Depuis la révolution iranienne de 1979, la diplomatie du régime en place semble marquer une rupture avec un anti-occidentalisme affiché –l’affrontement sous forme de guerre asymétrique avec les USA-, un antisionisme déclaré-les déclarations du Président Ahmadinejad- et le réveil de la vieille rivalité arabo-musulmane –Guerre Iran/Irak et perturbations par des fidèles iraniens du pèlerinage de la Mecque. Des moyens conventionnels et non conventionnel sont employés, du terrorisme avec de nombreux attentats, au pan chiisme avec l’utilisation à des fins politiques de communautés chiites dans les pays du Golfe, en passant par le chantage de la fermeture du détroit d’Ormuz où transitent près de 40 % du pétrole de la planète. Pourtant, cette attitude, si ambiguë et si violente par certains égards, semble n’est que le reflet de la continuité diplomatique, au regard de l’histoire de cette antique civilisation. La peur de l’éclatement interne, comme d’ailleurs celle des pays limitrophes, ont poussé ce pays depuis des millénaires à adopter une diplomatie de l’équilibre, dans une sorte de diplomatie des 4 points cardinaux. De plus, la Perse puis l’Iran a toujours possédé un désir hégémonique régional au niveau du Golfe persique, désir qui s’est traduit par de nombreuses guerres avec ses voisins, notamment avec l’ex Mésopotamie- L’Irak. Cela s’est traduit par la recherche d’une armée puissante, le nucléaire n’étant qu’un moyen pour affirmer sa grandeur ou diplomatie de la synthèse. Les négociations actuelles placent la République islamique d’Iran au centre du grand jeu asiatique où s’affrontent deux supers puissance en devenir, l’Inde et la Chine. Offrir la possibilité à l’Iran d’être reconnu comme un acteur civil du nucléaire la positionne comme une référence vis-à-vis des pays arabes : l’Iran devient , de facto , hégémonique Les ruptures ne sont en fait que des continuités liées aux valeurs perses, fondées sur l’indépendance, le désir de briller et de dominer. L’histoire, la religion, et l’Iranité sont la source de ces valeurs identitaires, terreau et fondement de la diplomatie de la République islamique d’IranSince the Iranian revolution of 1979, the diplomacy of the regime seems to mark a break with an anti-Westernism -l'affrontement displayed in the form of asymmetric war with the USA-a-Zionism declared presidential statements and waking Ahmadinejad- the old Arab-Muslim rivalry -Guerre Iran / Iraq and disturbances by Iranian faithful pilgrimage to Mecca. Conventional and non-conventional means are employed, with many terrorist attacks in Shia pan with the use for political purposes Shiite communities in the Gulf, through blackmail closing the Strait of Hormuz where handling approximately 40% of the oil on the planet. Yet this attitude, so ambiguous and so violent in some ways seem is but a reflection of the diplomatic continuity, in terms of the history of this ancient civilization. Fear of the internal breakdown, as also that of neighboring countries has driven this country for thousands of years to adopt a diplomacy of balance, in a kind of diplomacy 4 cardinal points. Furthermore, Persia and Iran has always had a regional hegemonic desire in the Persian Gulf, a desire that has led many wars with its neighbors, including the former Mésopotamie- Iraq. This was reflected by the search of a powerful army, nuclear being a means to assert its size or diplomacy synthesis. The current negotiations put the Islamic Republic of Iran at the center of the great Asian game where two great power clash in the making, India and China. Provide an opportunity for Iran to be recognized as a civil nuclear player in the position as vis-à-vis the reference of Arab countries: Iran becomes de facto hegemonic Ruptures are in fact only continuities related to Persian values, based on independence, the desire to shine and dominate. The history, religion, and Iranianness are the source of these identity values, soil and foundation of the diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran
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Verardi, Virginia. "L'introduction et la diffusion de la technologie du bronze en Syrie-Mésopotamie, (IVe-Ier millénaires): genèse d'un artisanat." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211061.
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L’arrivée d’un nouveau matériau et d’un nouvel artisanat s’accompagne toujours de profondes transformations dans la société qui l’adopte. Notre étude porte sur l’introduction de la technologie du bronze en Syrie-Mésopotamie, sur sa diffusion progressive et sur ses incidences sociales durant toute l’histoire proche-orientale du quatrième au second millénaire. Cet artisanat, consistant, dans sa définition simple, en la mise au point d’un alliage de cuivre et d’étain, est arrivé très tôt dans cette région pourtant dénuée de tout minerai. Les vestiges archéologiques et les données textuelles révèlent la rapidité des transformations qui en découlèrent, touchant la structure sociale et les mentalités et s’accompagnant de nouvelles conceptions dans l’organisation de l’habitat.Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation langue et littérature
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Tawasil, Amina. "The Howzevi (Seminarian) Women in Iran: Constituting and Reconstituting Paths." Thesis, 2013. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8HT2V4V.
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This dissertation is based on fifteen months of ethnographic fieldwork with seminarian women in Iran in the summer of 2008, and from 2010 to 2011. I ask, after having unprecedented access to the howzeh elmiyeh (seminaries) after the revolution, what have been some of the consequences for the howzevi? And, how do women in the howzeh elmiyeh see themselves? Through grounded method of analysis, I have found that in their pursuit of what constitutes `a good life', the howzevi of this study were actively attempting to transform themselves and the howzeh setting, their social relationships, and the greater Iranian society at large by exploring resources available to them within a set of constraints. These limitations were often not only self-imposed but also intensified with increased access to particular networks. In the following chapters I argue for an alternative way of looking at, and talking about, the howzevi who are now positioned in institutions that have emerged at the core of the ongoing struggles to shape a particular Iran. The term howzeh elmiyeh (seminaries) may be defined as Islamic theological institutions of higher religious learning where a personal teacher-student transmission of knowledge, oral and written, of Islamic Jurisprudence and other ancilliary Islamic sciences would take place. As you may know, in Muslim populated countries like Pakistan, the howzeh is also known as a madrasa. Unlike devotees of Catholic seminaries, however, students of the howzeh elmiyeh neither observe celibacy nor are physically secluded from the rest of society. Rather, they are, and have been, an integral part of the urban landscape in Syria, Egypt, Iran and Iraq from the ninth century A.D. (Berkey 2003; Bulliet 1972; Chamberlain 1994). The howzevi of this study were between the ages of eighteen to sixty years-old, and were at different stages of their education. Some were unmarried and in the early stages of their education. Some were married with children and completing doctoral research, while others were simultaneously teaching seminary classes, working on women's Islamic rights, and partaking in the Dars- e Kharij class (the highest level in the seminary) with Ayatollah Ali Khamanei, the Supreme Leader. Belonging to the ultra- religious conservative population in Iran, their history of mobility was limited inside the home before the 1979 revolution. Absent in the anthropological literature of women in the Middle East and women in contemporary Islamic higher education, the institutionalization of the howzeh elmiyeh (seminaries) for women in Iran was a project that had been in the works before the revolution. Its formalization emerged publicly only in 1984 through the combined efforts of groups of revolutionary Islamist women in petitioning Ayatollah Khomeini for the establishment of Jami'at Al-Zahra in Qom. By Islamicizing public space, the revolution also enabled these women to move into the public sphere. Since then, the howzeh elmiyeh for women has been an ongoing statewide project through the active participation of women who credit the 1979 revolution for widespread access to this form of education. This opening amounts to a yearly average of 65,000 women attend the women's howzeh all over Iran, excluding graduates since about 1984. Annually, the howzeh elmiyeh turns away ten percent of applicants (Sakurai 2011) because the infrastructure cannot yet accomodate the demand for women's enrollment. This support for the howzevi remains unparalleled throughout the history of Shi'i Islamic scholarship in the Shi'i Islamic world. After the 1979 revolution, the access which the women of the intellectual clerical elite had to Islamic education for women was extended to "all women"; all women, who, at least, were willing to observe the social constraints of the howzevi lifestyle, regardless of the socioeconomic group they belonged to, and/or the fact that they did not come from an intellectual Shi'i scholarly family. This served a purpose, however. The revolutionary state appropriated the concept of the howzeh elmiyeh for women (Adelkhah 2000) in order to produce a specific type of revolutionary woman. Notwithstanding, as the revolutionary state created a new public space for Islam (Adelkhah 2000), it also provided new leadership opportunities for women (Afary 2009; Najmabadi 2008; Sedghi 2007). Women students were able to embark on a fully-funded path towards potentially becoming, among other Islamic scholarly aspirations, a mujtahideh, a woman who may derive religious rulings for herself, a process called ijtihad, and who are also able to engage in discussions about Islamic laws and its applicability in Iranian society. This research is in conversation with how women in the Middle East are neither passive nor homogenous (Abu-Lughod 1993; Holmes-Eber 2003; Mahmood 2005; Osanloo 2009; Torab 2007), as well as within the discourse on society and the women's movement in Iran (Adelkhah 2000; Afary 2009; Afshar 1998; Bahramitash 2008; Kamalkhani 1998; Kian-Thiébaut 2002; Kunkler & Fazaeli 2012; Mahdavi 2007; Mir- Hosseini 1999; Moghissi 1994; Najmabadi 2008; Osanloo 2009; Paidar 1995; Poya 1999; Sakurai 2011, 2012; Sedghi 2007; Torab 2007; Varzi 2006).
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Hope, Michael. "Sultanate or Amirate? : the routinization of Chinggisid authority in the early Mongol Empire and the Ilkhanate of Iran." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150012.
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This study provides a new interpretation of how political authority was conceived and transmitted by the ruling elite of the Early Mongol Empire (1227-1259) and its successor state in Iran, the Ilkhanate (1258-1335). Authority within the Mongol Empire was intimately tied to the character of its founder, Chinggis Qan, whose reign served as an idealized model for the exercise of legitimate authority amongst his political successors. After Chinggis Qan's death in 1227 two distinct political traditions emerged in the Mongol Empire each claiming to have preserved the essence of Chinggis Qan's rule. For the purposes of this thesis these two traditions have been designated as collegialism and patrimonialism. Both of these streams of Chinggisid authority represented the political and economic interests of different social groups within the Mongol polity. The supporters of collegial authority were drawn from amongst Chinggis Qan's extended family (altan uruq) and companions (n{u1F42}k{u1F42}t). The collegialists held that the essence ofChinggis Qan's government had been enshrined in his laws (jasaq) and customs (yosun), which they claimed to defend. The collegialists used their supposed expertise in these laws and customs to preserve their power and influence the policy of the Empire in the years after Chinggis Qan's death. Yet the collegialists were opposed by the patrimonialists, represented by the descendants of Chinggis Qan's fourth son Tolui and their sedentary bureaucrats. This group sought to centralize authority and reduce the interference of the princes and companions in the running of the Empire. The patrimonialists considered both Chinggis Qan's authority and Empire to have been the hereditary property of his family. Moreover, the patrimonialists believed that the qans were chosen by Eternal Heaven/God, and blessed with unique virtues and powers which elevated them above their subjects. The character and composition of the Early Mongol Empire and the llkhanate were shaped by the conflict between these competing ideologies and their supporters in the central government and its military aristocracy. The influence of these rival political traditions upon the constitution of the llkhan polity was so strong that they continued to serve as the primary source of legitimate authority in Iran well after the conversion of the llkhan court to Islam at the end of the thirteenth century. The present study documents the emergence of these two streams of political authority and assesses their impact upon the constitution and character of the Early Mongol Empire and the llkhanate. In doing so this dissertation provides a more comprehensive account of how power was conceived and exercised in the Mongol Empire, particularly amongst the noyat (commanders), whose contribution to the Mongol polity has commonly received little attention. The findings of this study contribute to a better understanding of the noyat's role within the history of the Mongol polity and disprove the idea that Chinggis Qan's Empire remained the exclusive property of his family. Indeed, it is shown that the preservation of Chinggis Qan's political legacy was achieved through the participation of the entire Mongol community, not just its senior leadership.
Books on the topic "Iran – Civilization – To 640"
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Grigorʹevich, Lukonin Vladimir, Kohl Philip L. 1946-, and Dadson D. J, eds. The culture and social institutions of ancient Iran. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989.
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Museum, British, ed. The world of Achaemenid Persia: History, art and society in Iran and the ancient Near East. London: I.B. Tauris, 2010.
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Empires in collision in late antiquity. Waltham, Mass: Brandeis University Press, 2012.
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The Cyrus cylinder: The King of Persia's proclamation from ancient Babylon. London: I.B. Tauris, 2013.
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Barbarian Asia and the Greek experience: From the archaic period to the age of Xenophon. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994.
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Iran: A short history. Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2008.
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Kuhrt, Amélie. The Persian Empire: A corpus of sources of the Achaemenid period. London: Routledge, 2007.
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Kuhrt, Amélie. The Persian Empire. London: Routledge, 2007.
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ʻAlī, Dihbāshī, ed. Dar tārīkī-i hazārahʹha. [Tehran]: Nashr-i Qaṭrah, 1998.
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Islam in Iran. London: Athlone, 1985.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Iran – Civilization – To 640"
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Karimi, Habibeh, and Farid Gholamrezafahimi. "Study of Integrated Coastal Zone Management and Its Environmental Effects." In Oceanography and Coastal Informatics, 108–31. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7308-1.ch005.
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Coasts were one of the main places of residence for human beings through the history. From the emergence of civilization to now, the human beings used coastal zone as a best place for residence. However, in early 21 century, almost two-third of people in the world (i.e. 3/7 billion people) lived in the 60 km of sea sideline. Therefore, some problems threaten human communities, includes soil erosion, changes in coastline, coastal habitat destruction, drying or polluting underground waters, and creating dangerous situation for hygiene and health in order to lack of insufficient repulsing waste and sewage. Thus, according to these problems, the integrated coastal zone management (ICZM) was considered as a main way for solving the environmental problems. This chapter follows the goal that is related to the ICZM, particularly in Iran, after investigating the problems in the coastal region.
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Karimi, Habibeh, and Farid Gholamrezafahimi. "Study of Integrated Coastal Zone Management and Its Environmental Effects." In Advances in Environmental Engineering and Green Technologies, 64–88. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-1683-5.ch004.
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Coasts were one of the main places of residence for human beings through the history. From the emergence of civilization to now, the human beings used coastal zone as a best place for residence. However, in early 21 century, almost two-third of people in the world (i.e. 3/7 billion people) lived in the 60 km of sea sideline. Therefore, some problems threaten human communities, includes soil erosion, changes in coastline, coastal habitat destruction, drying or polluting underground waters, and creating dangerous situation for hygiene and health in order to lack of insufficient repulsing waste and sewage. Thus, according to these problems, the integrated coastal zone management (ICZM) was considered as a main way for solving the environmental problems. This chapter follows the goal that is related to the ICZM, particularly in Iran, after investigating the problems in the coastal region.
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Biscione, Raffaele, and Ali A. Vahdati. "The BMAC presence in eastern Iran." In The World of the Oxus Civilization, 527–50. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315193359-23.
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Koyagi, Mikiya. "Traveling Citizens." In Iran in Motion, 163–89. Stanford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503613133.003.0008.
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In chapter 7, themes of space, practice, and subjectivity fully converge. Railway passengers continued to shape new subjectivities as they made mundane bodily motions within the railway space while moving across provincial, national, and transnational spaces. Rather than creating a homogeneous, Europeanized experience of railway journeys as desired by advocates of the New Civilization, encounters in the railway space produced differentiated traveling publics who identified with local, national, and transnational communities simultaneously. Thus, the Trans-Iranian Railway not only integrated the nation but also fostered new connectivities that transcended the nation.
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"Iranian Foreign Policy: The Politics of Civilization, Security and Economy." In Foreign Policy in Iran and Saudi Arabia. I.B.Tauris, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755608515.ch-004.
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Sadrieh, Farid. "A Historic Perspective on the Iranian Contributions to World Civilization and Global Trade." In Reintegrating Iran with the West: Challenges and Opportunities, 1–14. Emerald Group Publishing Limited, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/s1876-066x20150000031007.
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Scalbert-Yücel, Clémence. "Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Hierarchy." In Identity, Conflict and Politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, translated by Adrian Morfee, 45–64. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845780.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the production of identity by the media. Grounding the analysis on how private Turkish television channels deal with the Kurdish population and “problem,” it shows how ethnic categories are used to legitimize, explain, or deny cultural difference, thereby conditioning political practices and public perceptions. This has contributed to creating a double discourse that consolidated during the next decade: the new rhetoric of “cultural diversity” coexists with the older one on the Kurdish issue, defined as a development or civilization issue. The coexistence of these two discourses shows the relative value of identities and their ranking. The chapter then explores the hypothesis according to which, recognizing cultural diversity in Turkey—and in particular the existence of Kurds—triggers a change in the definition of the conflict and in the political practices at a certain level while, at another level, allowing to confirm old categories founding the ethnic hierarchies.
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McMichael, Anthony. "Romans, Mayans, and Anasazi: The Classical Optimum to Droughts in the Americas." In Climate Change and the Health of Nations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190262952.003.0012.
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The Stories of the Roman Empire and the Mayans are well known and have fascinated generations of scholars, artists, storytellers, and history enthusiasts. Less familiar are the ways in which the changing climate contributed to the rise and fall of these civilizations, and of the Anasazi, among others in North America. This chapter examines the fates of different societies in three climatic periods: the warm Classical Optimum (300 B.C.E. to 350 C.E.), cooler conditions in the Dark Ages (500 C.E. to 800 C.E.), and drought in the Americas (950 C.E. to 1250 C.E.). Recent gains in the reach and resolution of paleoclimatology have enabled more detailed reconstruction of climate and health relationships. Beginning around 300 B.C.E., Europe and the Mediterranean experienced a prolonged period of warm and stable climate—often termed the Roman Warm. Historian John L. Brooke has labeled the ensuing “remarkable” 600 to 800 years of benevolent climate conditions the Classical Optimum, and he suggests that the effects were global. A positive North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO) pushed warm winds west towards Scandinavia, glaciers retreated, and the Mediterranean settled into its characteristic pattern of dry summers and winter rainfall. In the wake of the spread of farming and rising fertility rates, the estimated global population was approaching 200 million. Cities were becoming larger and grander, trade routes were extending, and armies and their iron weaponry were ranging further afield. So too were various infectious agents, many of them beneficiaries of the new and intensifying transcontinental contacts among China, Rome, South Asia, the Middle East, and North and East Africa. During this period, the Mediterranean sustained “the deepest landscape transformation in antiquity.” Scattered populations increased and coalesced into forts and cities, supported by thousands of new farms. By around 300 C.E., however, the Classical Optimum began to wane. Ice- melt events cooled northern Europe, and by 500 C.E. the strong NAO reversed, bringing a deep cold. The shifting climatic conditions placed enormous pressure on the civilizations that had transformed their socio- ecological systems during conditions more favourable to agricultural productivity and human health.
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Balci, Bayram. "Inherited Islam." In Islam in Central Asia and the Caucasus Since the Fall of the Soviet Union, translated by Gregory Elliott, 11–34. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190917272.003.0002.
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Muslims from Central Asian and the Caucasus have played a central role in the development of a bright Islamic civilization, thanks to several thinkers like Al Buhari and Al Farabi. With the decline of this civilization and the domination of the region by Russian and Soviet rules, local Islam has been completely transformed. A Soviet—and unique—style of Islam has emerged among local societies. Glasnost and perestroika made an Islamic revival possible in the middle of the 1980s. The end of the Soviet Union represented a new turning point for this Islam: local Central Asian and Caucasian Muslims developed various connections and cooperation with diverse Islamic trends from Turkey, Iran, Arab countries and the Indian subcontinent. In sum, with the independence and the emergence of new Republics, Soviet Islam met global Islam and was transform by it.
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Kamali, Mohammad Hashim. "Islam Between Antiquity and the Modern World." In The Middle Path of Moderation in Islam. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190226831.003.0021.
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This chapter juxtaposes Islam’s historical narrative with its scriptural commitment to moderation, and raises questions as to how Islam has positioned itself in its relationship with other major religions on one hand, and the European Enlightenment, as well as post-Enlightenment, modernity on the other. Clear responses are difficult to ascertain, but the Qur’anic narrative of the Abrahamic Faith, its affirmation of Christianity and Judaism, and its commitment to universality, rationality, unicity (tawhid), and equality all in all signify elements of continuity and a persistent quest for a moderating role in the larger arenas of history and civilization, with countries such as Malaysia, Iran, and Turkey serving as examples.
Conference papers on the topic "Iran – Civilization – To 640"
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Meier, David, and Ali Vahdati. "Evidence for the interaction sphere of the great Khorasan civilization during the bronze age in northern and eastern Iran." In Antiquities of East Europe, South Asia and South Siberia in the context of connections and interactions within the Eurasian cultural space (new data and concepts). Institute for the History of Material Culture Russian Academy of Sciences, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31600/978-5-907053-34-2-63-64.
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Zabihian, Farshid, and Alan S. Fung. "Greenhouse Gas Emissions Calculation Methodology in Thermal Power Plants: Case Study of Iran and Comparison With Canada." In ASME 2008 Power Conference. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/power2008-60071.
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Nowadays, the global climate change has been a worldwide concern and the greenhouse gases (GHG) emissions are considered as the primary cause of that. The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) divided countries into two groups: Annex I Parties and Non-Annex I Parties. Since Iran and all other countries in the Middle East are among Non-Annex I Parties, they are not required to submit annual GHG inventory report. However, the global climate change is a worldwide phenomenon so Middle Eastern countries should be involved and it is necessary to prepare such a report at least unofficially. In this paper the terminology and the methods to calculate GHG emissions will first be explained and then GHG emissions estimates for the Iranian power plants will be presented. Finally the results will be compared with GHG emissions from the Canadian electricity generation sector. The results for the Iranian power plants show that in 2005 greenhouse gas intensity for steam power plants, gas turbines and combined cycle power plants were 617, 773, and 462 g CO2eq/kWh, respectively with the overall intensity of 610 g CO2eq/kWh for all thermal power plants. This GHG intensity is directly depend on efficiency of power plants. Whereas, in 2004 GHG intensity for electricity generation sector in Canada for different fuels were as follows: Coal 1010, refined petroleum products 640, and natural gas 523 g CO2eq/kWh, which are comparable with same data for Iran. For average GHG intensity in the whole electricity generation sector the difference is much higher: Canada 222 vs. Iran 610g CO2eq/kWh. The reason is that in Canada a considerable portion of electricity is generated by hydro-electric and nuclear power plants in which they do not emit significant amount of GHG emissions. The average GHG intensity in electricity generation sector in Iran between 1995 and 2005 experienced 13% reduction. While in Canada at the same period of time there was 21% increase. However, the results demonstrate that still there are great potentials for GHG emissions reduction in Iran’s electricity generation sector.
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Iranmanesh, Nasim. "Lessons from Iranian hot cities for future hot cities." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/coii3874.
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Iran is an ancient country with an old civilization. Most parts of this country have been located in hot and dry region. Many cities of Iran suffer from harsh climate and water scarcity both. But we notice a rich urban planning and architecture in these cities which were adapted with this hard situation. We can survey this adaptation in many aspects of traditional urban planning and architecture in Iran. They could build some building with a good energy saving and prepared some spaces with suitable condition for living. Desert has a harsh climate with hot days and cold nights but Iranians build their houses in such a way to keep warm temperature during nights in their walls and then it had cold walls in days to reduce the temperature of the rooms. Besides they divided their homes to two parts, one part for winter and the second for summer. In summer part they used wind tower to catch and bring the wind into rooms. These houses had central yards which contained pool and plants to reduce the temperature of hot days as well. Briefly, there is a special climatic design in traditional houses of hot cities of Iran. Urban planning of these cities respected some features to reduce the effect hot climate as well. For example, there was a dense urban fabric in these cities with narrow lanes. Also, they could achieve the problem of limitation of water by some intellectual technology which called Qanat. Locating of most of the urban elements of cities obeyed from these Qanats. This Qanat provided drinkable water of city and citizens used water by some traditional hydraulic structures such as water reservoir or baths or ice house and so on. Nowadays sustainable design in architecture and urban planning is an important and essential paradigm. This paradigm emphasized on adapting with nature instead destroying it. Traditional architecture and urban planning of these Iranian cities of hot and dry climate contains a lot of features which can be useful for urban development of future hot cities which will be developed by sustainable urban planning paradigm. This paper reviews some features in traditional urban planning and architecture as some useful lessons for recent and future hot cities. Indeed, there are some aspects in these cities which can lead us a more sustainability in urban planning specially for hot cities.
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AbdalKhabir Ali, Ali, and Hajar Salah Auda. "The effect of marsh draining on biodiversity." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/64.
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"The marsh represents a rare natural environment of its kind for a number of reasons. First, the marshes were the cradle of the Sumerian civilization and an environment that embraces a unique biodiversity. Its geography and vast area, which is equivalent to the size of a country like Lebanon, made it a resting place and provided food and reproduction for migratory birds. It is worthy of being included in the World Heritage List as one of the treasures of the world that must be preserved, but unfortunately, the Iraqi marshes have not been subjected throughout history to extensive and systematic drying operations, which reached 95% of their total area, as they were exposed to during the era of the previous dictatorial regime in the nineties of last century, which led to the emergence of a number of environmental problems that collectively led to the disruption of natural ecological balance through the loss of the ability to achieve the environmental balance and causing biological diversity damage . This is as a result of the lack of incoming water resources and the high percentage of salinity and pollution, which caused the death of huge numbers of wildlife and aquatic life, as well as the extinction of large numbers of them, causing a mass migration of the population of those areas to other areas that provide them with a minimum standard of decent living after they lost their main sources of livelihood represented by fishing and raising animals. The paper aims to present a study on the impact of the widespread and systematic drying stages that began after the Iran-Iraq war in the eighties of last century and culminated in the nineties, bringing the percentage of the remaining water from the marshes to 5% in 2002, and the extent of its impact on the destruction of the environment and biodiversity, which includes humans and animals, as well as migratory birds from Siberia to the Indian subcontinent, which lost their habitats and places for laying eggs and breeding. It will also present a number of solutions that will help reduce the environmental degradation that the marshes have been exposed to."