Journal articles: 'IRA campaign'

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Frampton, Martyn. "The Moral Parameters of Violence: The Case of the Provisional IRA." Journal of British Studies 61, no. 1 (October 19, 2021): 138–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2021.122.

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AbstractOver three decades, the Provisional Irish Republican Army waged a campaign of violence that claimed the lives of some two thousand people. This article explores the moral framework by which the IRA sought to legitimate its campaign—how it was derived and how it functioned. On the one hand, the IRA relied on a legalist set of political principles, grounded in a particular reading of Irish history. An interlinked, yet discrete strand of legitimation stressed the iniquities of the Northern Irish state as experienced by Catholic nationalists, especially in the period 1968–1972. These parallel threads were interwoven to build a powerful argument that justified a resort to what the IRA termed its “armed struggle.” Yet the IRA recognized that the parameters for war were set not simply by reference to ideology but also by a reading of what might be acceptable to those identified as “the people” or “the community.” Violence was subject to an undeclared process of negotiation with multiple audiences, which served to constitute the boundaries of the permissible. Often, these red lines were revealed only at the point of transgression, but they were no less important for being intangible. An examination of the moral parameters for IRA violence provides a new perspective on the group, helping to explain IRA resilience but also its ultimate weakness and decline.

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Keown, Bridget. "Joseph McKenna, The IRA Bombing Campaign Against Britain, 1939–1940." Britain and the World 10, no. 2 (September 2017): 240–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2017.0278.

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Bastos, Marco, and Johan Farkas. "“Donald Trump Is My President!”: The Internet Research Agency Propaganda Machine." Social Media + Society 5, no. 3 (July 2019): 205630511986546. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119865466.

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This article presents a typological study of the Twitter accounts operated by the Internet Research Agency (IRA), a company specialized in online influence operations based in St. Petersburg, Russia. Drawing on concepts from 20th-century propaganda theory, we modeled the IRA operations along propaganda classes and campaign targets. The study relies on two historical databases and data from the Internet Archive’s Wayback Machine to retrieve 826 user profiles and 6,377 tweets posted by the agency between 2012 and 2017. We manually coded the source as identifiable, obfuscated, or impersonated and classified the campaign target of IRA operations using an inductive typology based on profile descriptions, images, location, language, and tweeted content. The qualitative variables were analyzed as relative frequencies to test the extent to which the IRA’s black, gray, and white propaganda are deployed with clearly defined targets for short-, medium-, and long-term propaganda strategies. The results show that source classification from propaganda theory remains a valid framework to understand IRA’s propaganda machine and that the agency operates a composite of different user accounts tailored to perform specific tasks, including openly pro-Russian profiles, local American and German news sources, pro-Trump conservatives, and Black Lives Matter activists.

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Golovchenko, Yevgeniy, Cody Buntain, Gregory Eady, Megan A. Brown, and Joshua A. Tucker. "Cross-Platform State Propaganda: Russian Trolls on Twitter and YouTube during the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election." International Journal of Press/Politics 25, no. 3 (April 14, 2020): 357–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220912682.

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This paper investigates online propaganda strategies of the Internet Research Agency (IRA)—Russian “trolls”—during the 2016 U.S. presidential election. We assess claims that the IRA sought either to (1) support Donald Trump or (2) sow discord among the U.S. public by analyzing hyperlinks contained in 108,781 IRA tweets. Our results show that although IRA accounts promoted links to both sides of the ideological spectrum, “conservative” trolls were more active than “liberal” ones. The IRA also shared content across social media platforms, particularly YouTube—the second-most linked destination among IRA tweets. Although overall news content shared by trolls leaned moderate to conservative, we find troll accounts on both sides of the ideological spectrum, and these accounts maintain their political alignment. Links to YouTube videos were decidedly conservative, however. While mixed, this evidence is consistent with the IRA’s supporting the Republican campaign, but the IRA’s strategy was multifaceted, with an ideological division of labor among accounts. We contextualize these results as consistent with a pre-propaganda strategy. This work demonstrates the need to view political communication in the context of the broader media ecology, as governments exploit the interconnected information ecosystem to pursue covert propaganda strategies.

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Kowalski, Rachel Caroline. "The role of sectarianism in the Provisional IRA campaign, 1969–1997." Terrorism and Political Violence 30, no. 4 (July 19, 2016): 658–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2016.1205979.

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Patterson, Henry. "Sectarianism Revisited: The Provisional IRA Campaign in a Border Region of Northern Ireland." Terrorism and Political Violence 22, no. 3 (June 15, 2010): 337–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546551003659335.

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Bean, Hamilton, Stephen J. Hartnett, Farnoush Banaei-Kashani, Haadi Jafarian, and Alex Koutsoukos. "“Imitation (In)Security” and the Polysemy of Russian Disinformation: A Case Study in How IRA Trolls Targeted U.S. Military Veterans." Rhetoric and Public Affairs 25, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 61–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.25.1.0061.

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Abstract Russian disinformation activities imitate divisive U.S. political discourse within a polarized social media ecosystem. As part of a multipronged response, U.S. citizens have been urged to increase their personal vigilance and to identify inauthentic messages, hence flagging foreign-made disinformation by studying its content. However, by applying Taylor's concept of “imitation (in)security” to a set of Kremlin-linked Internet Research Agency (IRA) Facebook and Instagram advertisements, this article explains why content-centered approaches to combatting disinformation need to be reimagined. Building upon imitation (in)security, we propose that the strength of the IRA disinformation campaign was not its ability to foist falsehoods upon unsuspecting Americans, but, rather, its uncanny imitation of prevalent themes, images, and arguments within American civic life. Our analysis of IRA-generated advertisements targeting U.S. military veterans demonstrates how IRA “trolls” were imitating American communication patterns to amplify existing positions within a deluge of messages marked by polysemy. Our analysis suggests readers should be less concerned by such Russian-made imitations than was suggested in much of the breathless 2016 post-election coverage, for the traction of such disinformation hinges on domestic crises and injustices that long predate Russian interference. Pointing to foreign-made social media content stokes a sense of threat and crisis—the essence of national insecurity and a main objective of the IRA's efforts—yet our actual security weaknesses are homemade.

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O'Neil, Timothy M. "Waging the Economic War: The IRA, Fianna Fáil, and the Boycott British Campaign, 1932–33." New Hibernia Review 21, no. 2 (2017): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2017.0014.

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Fallon, Donal. "Challenging ‘Imperialist’ Cinematography: IRA Attacks on Dublin Cinemas, 1925-1939." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 2, no. 2 (October 24, 2018): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v2i2.1900.

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In mid-November 1925, the Masterpiece cinema in Dublin was called upon by armed men, who seized seven of its eight copies of the First World War film The Battle of Ypres. Shortly afterwards, on 20 November, it was reported that the showing of its remaining copy was enough for the IRA to explode ‘a powerful landmine in the wide entrance to the Masterpiece cinema in Talbot Street’. This marked the beginning of a series of attacks upon Dublin picturehouses. The 1920s and 1930s witnessed sustained denunciation of war cinematography in republican publications such as An Phoblacht and Irish Freedom, as well as occasional violent assaults upon cinemas. This was part of a broader ‘Boycott British’ movement, and an IRA campaign against what it saw as cultural imperialism. Drawing on state intelligence files, such as the Crime and Security papers of the Department of Justice, contemporary newspaper reports from both the mainstream and separatist press, and the archives of leading IRA figures such as Chief of Staff (1926-1936) Moss Twomey, this article demonstrates the manner in which the republican movement attempted to impose censorship on the Dublin cinema industry. It examines the manner in which several war films were selectively censored and amended before they were presented to the Irish public, indicating the fears of the authorities regarding potential political assault.

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Pogrebenko, Sergei V., Leonid I. Gurvits, Moshe Elitzur, Cristiano B. Cosmovici, Ian M. Avruch, Salvatore Pluchino, Stelio Montebugnoli, et al. "Water masers in the Kronian system." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 5, S263 (August 2009): 147–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921310001663.

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AbstractThe presence of water has been considered for a long time as a key condition for life in planetary environments. The Cassini mission discovered water vapour in the Kronian system by detecting absorption of UV emission from a background star (Hansen et al. 2006). Prompted by this discovery, we started an observational campaign for search of another manifestation of the water vapour in the Kronian system, its maser emission at the frequency of 22 GHz (1.35 cm wavelength). Observations with the 32 m Medicina radio telescope (INAF-IRA, Italy) started in 2006 using Mk5A data recording and the JIVE-Huygens software correlator. Later on, an on-line spectrometer was used at Medicina. The 14 m Metsähovi radio telescope (TKK-MRO, Finland) joined the observational campaign in 2008 using a locally developed data capture unit and software spectrometer. More than 300 hours of observations were collected in 2006-2008 campaign with the two radio telescopes. The data were analysed at JIVE using the Doppler tracking technique to compensate the observed spectra for the radial Doppler shift for various bodies in the Kronian system (Pogrebenko et al. 2009). Here we report the observational results for Hyperion, Titan, Enceladus and Atlas, and their physical interpretation. Encouraged by these results we started a campaign of follow up observations including other radio telescopes.

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Günenç, Mesut. "Political violence and re-victimization in The Ferryman." Ars Aeterna 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 80–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/aa-2021-0006.

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Abstract Jez Butterworth’s The Ferryman (2017) is a play about the Carney family living in 1980s Ireland during the period of insurgency of the Irish Republican Army (IRA – also known as the Provisional IRA) and its efforts to end British rule in Northern Ireland, a period known as “the Troubles”. This paper focuses on Jez Butterworth, one of the most distinctive voices of the contemporary British theatre scene and a typical representative of the 1990s cultural trend, and his tragedy The Ferryman, which portrays the struggle and conflicts between Catholic nationalists and Protestant loyalists in Northern Ireland in the last decades of the 20th century. The second major point of the study is that the power of the Irish Republican Party has a heavy impact on the play. The paper also discovers how Sean Carney and other members of his family both embody and apply the story of Eugene Simons and other members of “the Disappeared”. Like other young men, Seamus Carney became a victim during the Troubles and the campaign of political violence. The discovery of his body symbolizes how political violence created the Disappeared and shows that re-victimization and retraumatisation continue in the aftermath of the Troubles.

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Dudai, Ron. "Underground penality: The IRA’s punishment of informers." Punishment & Society 20, no. 3 (March 28, 2017): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474517701302.

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This article seeks to open a novel venue for punishment and society scholarship: the penal logics of armed groups – non-state actors engaged in direct struggle with the state agencies that normally carry out criminal justice. Though many armed groups establish penal systems, applying to their members or the communities under their influence, this issue has thus far not received adequate attention in criminological literature. In exploring this phenomenon this article introduces the concept of ‘underground penality’: organized punishment which is unlawful under state law, occurs in the context of an armed campaign against the state, and is aimed at controlling behaviour deemed deviant by those groups. The potential of research on this topic is demonstrated by interpreting the punishment of informers by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) during the Northern Ireland conflict. Three key themes emerging from the research are identified and analysed: underground penality as ‘state prefiguration’ – interpreting rebel penal practices as part of an effort to convey a state-like image; underground penality as social control – analysing direct violence against suspected informers within a broader social control system; and underground penality as ‘legitimation work’ – the effects of legitimacy considerations in constraining and shaping punishment by armed groups.

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Gross, Michael L. "Backfire: The Dark Side of Nonviolent Resistance." Ethics & International Affairs 32, no. 3 (2018): 317–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679418000412.

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AbstractAlthough nonviolent resistance assumes the moral high ground because its tactics do not intend to harm adversaries, severe ethical difficulties arise when nonviolent activists intentionally provoke harm to themselves. This occurs in a process called “backfire,” as hunger strikers or demonstrators provoke a disproportionately brutal and often lethal response from their adversaries to draw world attention and sympathy to their cause. As cases studies from Ireland, East Timor, and Israel demonstrate, backfire can offer insurgents and national liberation movements significant strategic gains. In Ireland, a 1981 IRA hunger strike radicalized the IRA's campaign against Britain. In East Timor, the massacre of hundreds of Timorese demonstrating for independence in 1991 galvanized world opinion and eventually brought international intervention and statehood. In Israel, the Marmara flotilla of 2010 and mass demonstrations in Gaza in the spring of 2018 refocused world attention on Palestinian grievances while easing the Israeli-imposed land and naval blockade. These events were transformative, but their success depended upon the careful cultivation of violence. An anathema to ideological nonviolence, backfire is often used by strategic activists who will mix violent and nonviolent tactics as circumstances demand. Ethically discharging this tactic requires organizers to articulate feasible operational goals while protecting minors, to mitigate risk, to obtain free and informed consent from participants, and to constantly evaluate the costs and benefits of political action.

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McAteer, Michael. "Post-revisionism: Conflict (Ir)resolution and the Limits of Ambivalence in Kevin McCarthy’s Peeler." Text Matters, no. 8 (October 24, 2018): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/texmat-2018-0001.

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This essay considers a historical novel of recent times in revisionist terms, Kevin McCarthy’s debut novel of 2010, Peeler. In doing so, I also address the limitations that the novel exposes within Irish revisionism. I propose that McCarthy’s novel should be regarded more properly as a post-revisionist work of literature. A piece of detective fiction that is set during the Irish War of Independence from 1919 to 1921, Peeler challenges the romantic nationalist understanding of the War as one of heroic struggle by focusing its attention on a Catholic member of the Royal Irish Constabulary. In considering the circumstances in which Sergeant Seán O’Keefe finds himself as a policeman serving a community within which support for the IRA campaign against British rule is strong, the novel sheds sympathetic light on the experience of Catholic men who were members of the Royal Irish Constabulary until the force was eventually disbanded in 1922. At the same time, it demonstrates that the ambivalence in Sergeant O’Keefe’s attitudes ultimately proves unsustainable, thereby challenging the value that Irish revisionism has laid upon the ambivalent nature of political and cultural circumstances in Ireland with regard to Irish-British relations. In the process, I draw attention to important connections that McCarthy’s Peeler carries to Elizabeth Bowen’s celebrated novel of life in Anglo-Irish society in County Cork during the period of the Irish War of Independence: The Last September of 1929.

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Arviv, Eyal, Simo Hanouna, and Oren Tsur. "It’s a Thin Line Between Love and Hate: Using the Echo in Modeling Dynamics of Racist Online Communities." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 15 (May 22, 2021): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v15i1.18041.

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The (((echo))) symbol - triple parentheses surrounding a name, made it to mainstream social networks in early 2016, with the intensification of the U.S. Presidential race. It was used by members of the alt-right, white supremacists and internet trolls to tag people of Jewish heritage - a modern incarnation of the infamous yellow badge (Judenstern) used in Nazi-Germany. Tracking this trending meme, its meaning, and its function has proved elusive for its semantic ambiguity (e.g., a symbol for a virtual hug). In this paper we report of the construction of an appropriate dataset allowing the reconstruction of networks of racist communities and the way they are embedded in the broader community. We combine natural language processing and structural network analysis to study communities promoting hate. In order to overcome dog-whistling and linguistic ambiguity, we propose a multi-modal neural architecture based on a BERT transformer and a BiLSTM network on the tweet level, while also taking into account the users ego-network and meta features. Our multi-modal neural architecture outperforms a set of strong baselines. We further show how the use of language and network structure in tandem allows the detection of the leaders of the hate communities. We further study the "intersectionality" of hate and show that the antisemitic echo correlates with hate speech that targets other minority and protected groups. Finally, we analyze the role IRA trolls assumed in this network as part of the Russian interference campaign. Our findings allow a better understanding of recent manifestations of racism and the dynamics that facilitate it.

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Zhu, Yuqing, Jing Tang, Xueyan Tang, and Lei Chen. "Analysis of influence contribution in social advertising." Proceedings of the VLDB Endowment 15, no. 2 (October 2021): 348–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14778/3489496.3489514.

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Online Social Network (OSN) providers usually conduct advertising campaigns by inserting social ads into promoted posts. Whenever a user engages in a promoted ad, she may further propagate the promoted ad to her followers recursively and the propagation process is known as the word-of-mouth effect. In order to spread the promotion cascade widely and efficiently, the OSN provider often tends to select the influencers, who normally have large audiences over the social network, to initiate the advertising campaign. This marketing model, also termed as influencer marketing, has been gaining increasing traction and investment and is rapidly becoming one of the most widely-used channels in digital marketing. In this paper, we formulate the problem for the OSN provider to derive the influence contributions of influencers given the campaign result, considering the viral propagation of the ads, namely influence contribution allocation (ICA) . We make a connection between ICA and the concept of Shapley value in cooperative game theory to reveal the rationale behind ICA. A naive method to obtain the solution to ICA is to enumerate all possible cascades delivering the campaign result, resulting in an exponential number of potential cascades, which is computationally intractable. Moreover, generating a cascade producing the exact campaign result is non-trivial. Facing the challenges, we develop an exact solution in linear time under the linear threshold (LT) model, and devise a fully polynomial-time randomized approximation scheme (FPRAS) under the independent cascade (IC) model. Specifically, under the IC model, we propose an efficient approach to estimate the expected influence contribution in probabilistic graphs modeling OSNs by designing a scalable sampling method with provable accuracy guarantees. We conduct extensive experiments and show that our algorithms yield solutions with remarkably higher quality over several baselines and improve the sampling efficiency significantly.

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Bail, Christopher A., Brian Guay, Emily Maloney, Aidan Combs, D. Sunshine Hillygus, Friedolin Merhout, Deen Freelon, and Alexander Volfovsky. "Assessing the Russian Internet Research Agency’s impact on the political attitudes and behaviors of American Twitter users in late 2017." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 117, no. 1 (November 25, 2019): 243–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1906420116.

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There is widespread concern that Russia and other countries have launched social-media campaigns designed to increase political divisions in the United States. Though a growing number of studies analyze the strategy of such campaigns, it is not yet known how these efforts shaped the political attitudes and behaviors of Americans. We study this question using longitudinal data that describe the attitudes and online behaviors of 1,239 Republican and Democratic Twitter users from late 2017 merged with nonpublic data about the Russian Internet Research Agency (IRA) from Twitter. Using Bayesian regression tree models, we find no evidence that interaction with IRA accounts substantially impacted 6 distinctive measures of political attitudes and behaviors over a 1-mo period. We also find that interaction with IRA accounts were most common among respondents with strong ideological homophily within their Twitter network, high interest in politics, and high frequency of Twitter usage. Together, these findings suggest that Russian trolls might have failed to sow discord because they mostly interacted with those who were already highly polarized. We conclude by discussing several important limitations of our study—especially our inability to determine whether IRA accounts influenced the 2016 presidential election—as well as its implications for future research on social media influence campaigns, political polarization, and computational social science.

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Fernández del Río, Ana, Anna Guitart, and África Periánẽz. "A time series approach to player churn and conversion in videogames." Intelligent Data Analysis 25, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 177–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ida-194940.

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Players of a free-to-play game are divided into three main groups: non-paying active users, paying active users and inactive users. A State Space time series approach is then used to model the daily conversion rates between the different groups, i.e., the probability of transitioning from one group to another. This allows, not only for predictions on how these rates are to evolve, but also for a deeper understanding of the impact that in-game planning and calendar effects have. It is also used in this work for the detection of marketing and promotion campaigns about which no information is available. In particular, two different State Space formulations are considered and compared: an Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average process and an Unobserved Components approach, in both cases with a linear regression to explanatory variables. Both yield very close estimations for covariate parameters, producing forecasts with similar performances for most transition rates. While the Unobserved Components approach is more robust and needs less human intervention in regards to model definition, it produces significantly worse forecasts for non-paying user abandonment probability. More critically, it also fails to detect a plausible marketing and promotion campaign scenario.

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Al-Dulaimi, Salam. "LATE CAMPANIAN-MAASTRICHIAN GASTROPODA FROM BEKHME FORMATION, NORTHERN IRAQ." Iraqi Geological Journal 53, no. 1C (April 1, 2020): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46717/igj.53.1c.4rx-2020-04-04.

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Zhang, Yini, Josephine Lukito, Min-Hsin Su, Jiyoun Suk, Yiping Xia, Sang Jung Kim, Larissa Doroshenko, and Chris Wells. "Assembling the Networks and Audiences of Disinformation: How Successful Russian IRA Twitter Accounts Built Their Followings, 2015–2017." Journal of Communication 71, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 305–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqaa042.

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Abstract This study investigates how successful Russian Internet Research Agency (IRA) Twitter accounts constructed the followings that were central to their disinformation campaigns around the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Treating an account’s social media following as both an ego network and an audience critical for information diffusion and influence accrual, we situate IRA Twitter accounts’ accumulation of followers in the ideologically polarized, attention driven, and asymmetric political communication system. Results show that partisan enclaves on Twitter contributed to IRA accounts’ followings through retweeting; and that mainstream and hyperpartisan media assisted conservative IRA accounts’ following gain by embedding their tweets in news. These results illustrate how network dynamics within social media and news media amplification beyond it together boosted social media followings. Our results also highlight the dynamics fanning the flames of disinformation: partisan polarization, media fragmentation and asymmetry, and an attention economy optimized for engagement rather than accuracy.

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Guite, Jangkhomang. "Representing Local Participation in INA–Japanese Imphal Campaign." Indian Historical Review 37, no. 2 (December 2010): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698361003700206.

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West, Richard, and Claus Madsen. "Saving Our Skies: Communicating the Issues to the Media." Symposium - International Astronomical Union 196 (2001): 343–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0074180900164332.

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We discuss possible mechanisms for setting up a global outreach campaign centred on the main theme of this meeting: save our skies! Effective communication of this message to the world's media and the wide public is a prerequisite for successful sensitisation of decision-makers in different countries to the crucial issues at stake. We emphasise the need for careful planning of such a programme, especially in terms of definition of the key issues, the way they are presented, as well as the communication channels to be employed. It is important to differentiate the arguments used in connection with different types of pollution (light, radio, space debris). It will be necessary to identify clear and forceful messages that convincingly stress that these problems are of ultimate concern, not just a small group of astronomers, but to all of humanity. With their extremely sensitive instruments, astronomers constitute an avant-garde that is the first to detect the adverse effects, but as these intensify, increasingly broader sectors of society will be affected. It appears feasible, within the limited means available to the IAU and IDA, to initiate such an outreach effort with a comprehensive web-based campaign that highlights astronomical “pollution”. This may also serve as a useful test-bench for subsequent campaigns based on more communication vehicles and with a wider spectrum of associated activities.

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Preminger, Jonathan. "Activists face bureaucrats: the failure of the Israeli social workers' campaign." Industrial Relations Journal 44, no. 5-6 (August 12, 2013): 462–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/irj.12029.

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Muna, Suzanne. "Partners in protest: parents, unions and anti-academy campaigns." Industrial Relations Journal 48, no. 4 (July 2017): 326–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/irj.12183.

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Lopes, Ana, and Timothy Hall. "Organising migrant workers: the living wage campaign at the University of East London." Industrial Relations Journal 46, no. 3 (May 2015): 208–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/irj.12099.

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Micchi, Gianluca, Saeid Soheily Khah, and Jacob Turner. "A new optimization layer for real-time bidding advertising campaigns." Intelligent Data Analysis 24, no. 1 (February 18, 2020): 199–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ida-194527.

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Simms, Melanie. "Workplace trade union activists in UK service sector organising campaigns." Industrial Relations Journal 44, no. 4 (July 2013): 373–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/irj.12028.

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Kim, Insun. "The Anti-Lynching Campaign and Strategy of Ida B. Wells." DAEGU HISTORICAL REVIEW 140 (August 31, 2020): 399–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.17751/dhr.140.399.

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Greenhut, Zvi. "Moẓa during the 10th–9th Centuries BCE: The Results of Excavation Seasons 1993, 2002, and 2003 and their Reflection in a Wider Judahite Context." Jerusalem Journal of Archaeology 1 (June 18, 2021): 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.52486/01.00001.7.

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The paper discusses the finds of the Late Bronze Age, the Iron Age I/IIA, and the Iron Age IIA from the excavations at Moẓa during the years 1993, 2002, and 2003. The site is discussed in its historical framework, relating to Shishak’s campaign to Palestine, as well as in its wider Judahite archaeological context during those periods.

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Cormac, Rory. "The Information Research Department, Unattributable Propaganda, and Northern Ireland, 1971–1973: Promising Salvation but Ending in Failure?*." English Historical Review 131, no. 552 (October 1, 2016): 1074–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cew342.

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Abstract This article examines the role of the Information Research Department (IRD) in Northern Ireland during the first half of the 1970s. After discussing British conceptualisations of propaganda, it offers a detailed account of IRD activity, including how a Foreign Office department came to be involved in operations on British soil; how IRD propaganda fitted into the broader British state apparatus in Northern Ireland; the activity in which the IRD was engaged—both in Northern Ireland and beyond; and some of the challenges it faced, which ultimately limited the campaign’s effectiveness. It argues that the IRD’s role was driven by decisions taken at the very top of government and took shape against a context of financial cuts, a deteriorating security situation in Northern Ireland, and a tradition of domestic propaganda in the UK. The IRD sought to advance four key themes: exploiting divisions within the IRA; undermining the IRA’s credibility amongst the population; linking the IRA to international terrorism; and portraying the IRA as communist.

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Dewar, Ben. "US AGAINST THEM: IDEOLOGICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF ASHURNASIRPAL II'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST ASSYRIAN REBELS IN ḪALZILUḪA." Iraq 82 (August 13, 2020): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2020.4.

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This paper is a study of the rebellion against the Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II in the city of Ḫalziluḫa in 882 bc, which is an unusual instance of a rebellion by Assyrians being recorded in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. This paper explores the significance of the rebellion from two angles: the ideological problem of rebellion by Assyrians, and the psychological impact on Assyrian troops of killing their fellow Assyrians. Within the ideology of the royal inscriptions, Assyrians did not normally rebel against the incumbent king, who was in all ways presented as a model ruler. It will be argued that Ashurnasirpal therefore made efforts in his inscriptions to stress that the Assyrian rebels in Ḫalziluḫa inhabited territory that had been lost to Assyria prior to his reign, and had become “de-Assyrianised” and “uncivilised.” It will be argued that a similar message was conveyed to the Assyrian soldiers through the ceremonies surrounding the creation of a monument at the source of the River Subnat, and that this message helped the soldiers to “morally disengage” from the act of killing other Assyrians, thus avoiding “moral self-sanctions” for an otherwise morally problematic act.

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Thomaidou, Stamatina, Kyriakos Liakopoulos, and Michalis Vazirgiannis. "Toward an integrated framework for automated development and optimization of online advertising campaigns." Intelligent Data Analysis 18, no. 6 (October 29, 2014): 1199–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ida-140691.

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Jolivet, Laurence, Ana-Maria Olteanu-Raimond, Marie-Dominique Van Damme, Marie Gombert, Simon Fauret, and Thierry Saffroy. "Feedbacks on VGI in-situ campaign for updating LULC data." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-152-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> This work is part of LandSense European H2020 project aiming to build a citizen platform for monitoring Land Use and Land Cover (LULC) data by integrating different types of information such as citizens-contributed data and proposing a set of services (Matheus et al., 2018). One of the pilot studies proposed in LandSense is to monitor urban dynamics to complement authoritative data sources. In this context, one of the goals of the French Mapping Agency (IGN France) is to study the potential of volunteered geographic information (VGI) (Goodchild, 2007) to enrich and update LULC authoritative database by engaging with citizens and several public authorities. The targeted database is OCS-GE containing LULC data (vector polygons) which is produced by IGN France for a 1&thinsp;:&thinsp;5.000 scale use. A specificity of OCS-GE database is that both classes LU and LC are assigned to each polygon. Two distinct nomenclatures are in fact defined, each one containing three hierarchical levels. Though in the database, some of the classes are merged due to lack of in-situ information. It is especially the case for some LU classes. Another characteristic is that the database is dated (i.e. represents LULC at a given year) without intermediate versions between two releases (generally every 3 years). Thus, in this context three needs are identified:</p><ul><li>Detect LULC changes in order to facilitate updates in the next dated version of OCS-GE.</li><li>Improve LULC data by dividing the merged classes in the database to better match the nomenclature.</li><li>Update LULC data corresponding to the year of the OCS-GE (for the moment 2013 and 2016).</li></ul>

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Mousavian, S., and Y. Mahmoudieh. "Evolution of the Biden administration’s approach to Iran nuclear deal and prospects for regional peace." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 2 (2021): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-129-138.

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Public statements and a campaign promise made by the Joe Biden’s team raised hopes of the U.S. return to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, or Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), early in his presidency. As a result, expectations of the sanctions relief and impending diplomatic breakthrough with Iran quickly mounted after President Biden’s victory. However, a closer look at the emerging evidence reveals that the new administration initially intended to return to the JCPOA with a different Iran strategy, one of coercion and pressure. Due to former President Trump’s “maximum pressure” campaign against Iran, the JCPOA was practically dead. It then had to be revived. The article inspects key factors that were successful in changing the Biden administration’s policy towards a more realistic and cooperative approach. However, this delay on Biden’s part was not without consequences and has major implications for relations with Iran, as well as the implementation of the JCPOA.

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Behar, Moshe. "Entanglements: the IHRA, Jews and non- White minorities." Soundings 80, no. 80 (May 1, 2022): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.80.06.2022.

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The IHRA Working Definition of Antisemitism - whether intentionally or not - has had the effect of separating antisemitism from other forms of racism. Of the eleven illustrations that the IHRA definition marshals to exemplify antisemitism, seven relate to post-1948 Israel. As a result, the Zionist/Arab matrix dominates the definition, and the examples come across as concerned more with the protection of Israel than the protection of Jews, let alone non-Israeli Jews. The right's campaign for its imposition as the sole acceptable definition, together with its focus on antisemitism to the exclusion of other forms of racism, has significantly undermined potential solidarities with other minority groups. In an expansion of the instrumentalisation of accusations of antisemitism for right-wing conservative ends, since October 2020 there has been a campaign by the UK government to demand that University Vice Chancellors in England formally adopt the definition. The aim of this article is to offer an explicitly non-white Jewish perspective on the post-2015 trajectory that underpins the drive for universities to adopt the IHRA definition. This involves, first, a discussion of some of the wider arguments about antisemitism, including the problems of the IHRA definition and its use by the Israeli government and its allies as a means of silencing critics; and, second, an exploration of the ways in which the Tory focus on antisemitism, accompanied as it is by downplaying other forms of racism, is so unhelpful for Jews labouring to cement common ground with other minority groups.

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Kimball, R., A. Robertson, M. Fowler, N. Mendoza, A. Wright, A. Goupee, E. Lenfest, and A. Parker. "Results from the FOCAL experiment campaign 1: turbine control co-design." Journal of Physics: Conference Series 2265, no. 2 (May 1, 2022): 022082. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1742-6596/2265/2/022082.

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Abstract This paper summarizes the scaling approach and results from the first experimental campaign of the Floating Offshore-wind and Controls Advanced Laboratory (FOCAL) Experimental Program, which is focused on developing public data sets to support the validation of numerical models for floating wind control co-design. A 1:70 Froude-scale performance-matched model of the IEA Wind 15-MW reference turbine was designed, built, and characterized on a fixed base. The National Renewable Energy Laboratory’s Reference Open-Source COntroller (ROSCO) was integrated into the scale testing to examine the impact advanced turbine and generator control strategies have on turbine performance and loads, enabling validation of control strategies for floating wind design optimization.

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Kh. J. Al-Shamari, Mohannad, and Muzahim Al-Jalili. "TWO OLD BABYLONIAN MARRIAGE CONTRACTS FROM ISIN." Iraq 82 (August 25, 2020): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2020.5.

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Our study establishes that two tablets from the Iraq Museum are marriage contracts dating to the Old Babylonian period and in particular from the city of Isin. The dating formula of IM 201688 refers to a hitherto unpublished year name for Erra-imittī, who became king of Isin in 1868 BC. The event concerns the making of four large copper lions as a votive offering. This might have been done in preparation for a military campaign in connection with the rivalry between Isin and Larsa. The dating formula of IM 183636 is completely damaged. However, the text includes a witness described as a citizen of Isin. These two tablets are a very useful addition to the limited number of published OB marriage contracts and especially those from Isin. The tablets were written using formulaic legal expressions in Sumerian throughout with the exception of proper names. Both texts show a remarkably equal treatment of the two spouses in matters relating to compensation in the event of divorce.

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KURACINA, WILLIAM F. "Sentiments and Patriotism: The Indian National Army, General Elections and the Congress's Appropriation of the INA Legacy." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 4 (October 22, 2009): 817–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990291.

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AbstractThis paper considers the extent to which Subhas Chandra Bose and the Indian National Army (INA) contributed to India's liberation from British imperialism. The fundamental issue examined is why leaders of the Indian National Congress appropriated the INA legacy, contrary to two decades of non-violent struggle and regardless of the incompatibility of Bose's ideology and strategic vision. Drawing on published sources that chart policy decisions and illustrate the attitudes of leading actors in the formulation of Congress policy, this paper hypothesizes that Congress leaders defended INA prisoners-of-war and questions why the Congress apparently abandoned its long-established principles for immediate political gains, only to re-prioritize anew India's national interests once the public excitement over the INA had quietened. It illustrates that the Congress's overt and zealous defence of the INA was intended to harness public opinion behind an all-India issue rooted in sentimentalism and patriotism. The paper concludes that such support was crucial to the Congress's post-war electioneering campaign and was designed to counter the Muslim League's equally emotive electoral messages.

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van Noort, Guda, Marjolijn L. Antheunis, and Peeter W. J. Verlegh. "Enhancing the effects of social network site marketing campaigns." International Journal of Advertising 33, no. 2 (January 2014): 235–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2501/ija-33-2-235-252.

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Lincényi, Marcel, and Jaroslav Čársky. "Research of citizens' behavior in a political campaign in searching for and monitoring political advertising in The Slovak Republic." Insights into Regional Development 3, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.9770/ird.2021.3.1(2).

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Messina, Vito. "FURTHER BULLAE FROM SELEUCIA ON THE TIGRIS." Iraq 76 (December 2014): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2014.1.

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This paper makes available clay sealings found during the last campaigns of the Italian expedition at Seleucia on the Tigris whose publication was delayed by the 1990–91 Gulf War. The sealings were discovered in the North Agora—where a large archive building containing more than 25,000 sealings was also unearthed—and provide additional information on the iconography and style of the subjects impressed on their surfaces by official and private seals. Most of the sealings were found in the context of the stoa, a public building facing the archive on the opposite side of the agora, but seem to have been displaced there accidentally or for some reason, difficult to ascertain, only at a later date: originally they were probably kept in the archive building itself.

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Stiller, G. P., M. Kiefer, E. Eckert, T. von Clarmann, S. Kellmann, M. García-Comas, B. Funke, et al. "Validation of MIPAS IMK/IAA temperature, water vapor, and ozone profiles with MOHAVE-2009 campaign measurements." Atmospheric Measurement Techniques Discussions 4, no. 4 (July 11, 2011): 4403–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/amtd-4-4403-2011.

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Abstract. MIPAS observations of temperature, water vapor, and ozone in October 2009 as derived with the scientific level-2 processor run by Karlsruhe Institute of Technology (KIT), Institute for Meteorology and Climate Research (IMK) and CSIC, Instituto de Astrofisica de Andalucia (IAA) and retrieved from version 4.67 level-1b data have been compared to co-located field campaign observations obtained during the MOHAVE-2009 campaign at the Table Mountain Facility near Pasadena, California in October 2009. The MOHAVE-2009 measurement campaign provided measurements of atmospheric profiles of temperature, water vapor/relative humidity, and ozone from the ground to the mesosphere by a suite of instruments including radio sondes, frost point hygrometers, lidars, microwave radiometers and FTIR spectrometers. For MIPAS temperatures (version V4O_T_204), no significant bias was detected in the middle stratosphere; between 22 km and the tropopause MIPAS temperatures were found to be biased low by up to 2 K, while below the tropopause, they were found to be too high by the same amount. Above 12 km up to 45 km, MIPAS water vapor (version V4O_H2O_203) is well within 10 % of the data of all correlative instruments, while a high bias of up to 10 % is found in comparison to ground-based microwave instruments around 45 km. The well-known dry bias of MIPAS water vapor above 50 km due to neglect of non-LTE effects in the current retrievals has been confirmed. Some instruments indicate that MIPAS water vapor might be biased high by 20 to 40 % around 10 km (or 5 km below the tropopause), but a consistent picture from all comparisons could not be derived. MIPAS ozone (version V4O_O3_202) has a high bias of up to +0.9 ppmv around 37 km which is due to a non-identified continuum like radiance contribution. No further significant biases have been detected. Cross-comparison to co-located observations of other satellite instruments (Aura/MLS, ACE-FTS, AIRS) is provided as well.

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Stiller, G. P., M. Kiefer, E. Eckert, T. von Clarmann, S. Kellmann, M. García-Comas, B. Funke, et al. "Validation of MIPAS IMK/IAA temperature, water vapor, and ozone profiles with MOHAVE-2009 campaign measurements." Atmospheric Measurement Techniques 5, no. 2 (February 2, 2012): 289–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/amt-5-289-2012.

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Abstract. MIPAS observations of temperature, water vapor, and ozone in October 2009 as derived with the scientific level-2 processor run by Karlsruhe Institute of Technology (KIT), Institute for Meteorology and Climate Research (IMK) and CSIC, Instituto de Astrofísica de Andalucía (IAA) and retrieved from version 4.67 level-1b data have been compared to co-located field campaign observations obtained during the MOHAVE-2009 campaign at the Table Mountain Facility near Pasadena, California in October 2009. The MIPAS measurements were validated regarding any potential biases of the profiles, and with respect to their precision estimates. The MOHAVE-2009 measurement campaign provided measurements of atmospheric profiles of temperature, water vapor/relative humidity, and ozone from the ground to the mesosphere by a suite of instruments including radiosondes, ozonesondes, frost point hygrometers, lidars, microwave radiometers and Fourier transform infra-red (FTIR) spectrometers. For MIPAS temperatures (version V4O_T_204), no significant bias was detected in the middle stratosphere; between 22 km and the tropopause MIPAS temperatures were found to be biased low by up to 2 K, while below the tropopause, they were found to be too high by the same amount. These findings confirm earlier comparisons of MIPAS temperatures to ECMWF data which revealed similar differences. Above 12 km up to 45 km, MIPAS water vapor (version V4O_H2O_203) is well within 10% of the data of all correlative instruments. The well-known dry bias of MIPAS water vapor above 50 km due to neglect of non-LTE effects in the current retrievals has been confirmed. Some instruments indicate that MIPAS water vapor might be biased high by 20 to 40% around 10 km (or 5 km below the tropopause), but a consistent picture from all comparisons could not be derived. MIPAS ozone (version V4O_O3_202) has a high bias of up to +0.9 ppmv around 37 km which is due to a non-identified continuum like radiance contribution. No further significant biases have been detected. Cross-comparison to co-located observations of other satellite instruments (Aura/MLS, ACE-FTS, AIRS) is provided as well.

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Li, Xiangshang, Yunsoo Choi, Beata Czader, Anirban Roy, Hyuncheol Kim, Barry Lefer, and Shuai Pan. "The impact of observation nudging on simulated meteorology and ozone concentrations during DISCOVER-AQ 2013 Texas campaign." Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics 16, no. 5 (March 9, 2016): 3127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/acp-16-3127-2016.

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Abstract. Accurate meteorological fields are imperative for correct chemical transport modeling. Observation nudging, along with objective analysis, is generally considered a low-cost and effective technique to improve meteorological simulations. However, the meteorological impact of observation nudging on chemistry has not been well characterized. This study involved two simulations to analyze the impact of observation nudging on simulated meteorology and ozone concentrations during the 2013 Deriving Information on Surface conditions from Column and Vertically Resolved Observations Relevant to Air Quality (DISCOVER-AQ) Texas campaign period, using the Weather Research and Forecasting (WRF) and Community Multiscale Air Quality (CMAQ) models. The results showed improved correlations between observed and simulated parameters. For example, the index of agreement (IOA) improved by about 9 % for surface temperature and 6–11 % for surface zonal (U-WIND) and meridional (V-WIND) winds when observation nudging was employed. Analysis of a cold front event indicated that nudging improved the timing of wind transition during the front passage. Observation nudging also reduced the model biases for the planetary boundary layer height predictions. Additionally, the IOA for CMAQ simulated surface ozone improved by 6 % during the simulation period. The high-ozone episode on 25 September was a post-front ozone event in Houston. The small-scale morning wind shifts near the Houston Ship Channel combined with higher aloft ozone early morning likely caused the day's ozone exceedance. While observation nudging did not recreate the wind shifts on that day and failed to reproduce the observed high ozone, analyses of surface and aircraft data found that observation nudging helped the model yield improved ozone predictions. In a 2 h period during the event, substantially better winds in the sensitivity case noticeably improved the ozone. The average IOA for ozone in the period increased from just over 0.4 to near 0.7. Further work on improving the capability of nudging to reproduce local meteorological events such as stagnations and wind reversals could enhance a chemical transport model's skill for predicting high-ozone events.

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Deaconu, Marius, Grigore Cican, Adina-Cristina Toma, and Luminița Ioana Drăgășanu. "Helicopter Inside Cabin Acoustic Evaluation: A Case Study—IAR PUMA 330." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 18 (September 15, 2021): 9716. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18189716.

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This paper presents an inside-cabin acoustic evaluation of the IAR PUMA 330 helicopter, manufactured by IAR S.A. Brasov. In this study, based on the acoustic assessment inside the helicopter, areas with high noise levels are identified. In this regard, several tests were carried out in accordance with the ISO 5129 standard. In the first stage of the assessment, a measurement campaign was performed to identify the acoustic leaks from the outside noise sources propagating inside the cabin (in the door area) and the acoustic attenuation of the helicopter structure. These tests were performed on the factory runway, with the helicopter in parked position (ground tests). During the ground tests, the helicopter engines were turned off. The tests consisted of placing two loudspeakers directed towards the helicopter door and generating pink noise. Inside the helicopter, the entire door frame opening was scanned with an intensity probe to identify acoustic leaks areas. The second assessment stage was to determine the areas of the cabin with the highest levels of noise. Within the measurement campaign, 16 microphones were placed inside the cabin, at the level of the passengers’ heads, arranged in seven zones. The tests were carried out with the helicopter engines started, staying at fixed point above the ground (hovering), and then a flight test, in which all the maneuvers necessary for the use of the helicopter were performed (in-flight tests). Based on the measurement results, it was possible to highlight the noise spectral components in each of the seven areas. The noise assessment revealed high noise levels inside the cabin, having as main noise sources the transmission gear and the door area, leading to the need for reducing the noise exposure for passengers and crew, thus the need to reduce noise levels inside the helicopter.

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Bederman, G. "'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign (1892-94)." Radical History Review 1992, no. 52 (January 1, 1992): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1992-52-5.

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Heath, Matthew, and Patrick Collister. "Advertising Works 17: The Prize-winning Campaigns from the IPA Effectiveness Awards 2008." International Journal of Advertising 28, no. 3 (January 2009): 592–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2501/s0265048709200758.

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Gori, Niccolò, Andrea Chiricozzi, Franco Marsili, Silvia Mariel Ferrucci, Paolo Amerio, Vincenzo Battarra, Salvatore Campitiello, et al. "National Information Campaign Revealed Disease Characteristic and Burden in Adult Patients Suffering from Atopic Dermatitis." Journal of Clinical Medicine 11, no. 17 (September 2, 2022): 5204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jcm11175204.

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Atopic dermatitis (AD) is a common inflammatory skin disease often associated with a significant impairment in the quality of life of affected patients. The Italian Society of Dermatology and Venereology (SIDeMaST) planned a national information campaign, providing direct access to 27 dermatologic centers dedicated to the management of AD. The aim of this study aimed was to outline critical aspects related to AD in the general population. Overall, 643 adult subjects were included in this study, and in 44.2% (284/643) of cases, a diagnosis of AD was confirmed, whereas about 55% of subjects were affected by other pruritic cutaneous diseases. Higher intensity of pruritus and sleep disturbance, as well as an increased interference in sport, work, and social confidence was reported in the AD group compared to the non-AD group. In the AD subgroup, the mean duration of disease was of 15.3 years, with a mean eczema area and severity index (EASI) score of 11.2, and investigator global assessment (IGA) score of 1.9 and an itch numeric rating scale (NRS) of 6.9. Almost 32% of patients were untreated, either with topical or systemic agents, whereas 44.3% used routine topical compounds (topical corticosteroids and calcineurin inhibitors), and only 7.0% of patients were systemically treated. Only 2.8% of patients reported complete satisfaction with the treatment received for AD to date. This study reveals a profound unmet need in AD, showing a poorly managed and undertreated patient population despite a high reported burden of disease. This suggests the usefulness of information campaigns with the goal of improving patient awareness regarding AD and facilitating early diagnosis and access to dedicated healthcare institutions.

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Peng, Xing, Xinwu Li, Yanan Du, and Qinghua Xie. "Forest Height Estimation from a Robust TomoSAR Method in the Case of Small Tomographic Aperture with Airborne Dataset at L-Band." Remote Sensing 13, no. 11 (May 29, 2021): 2147. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs13112147.

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Forest height is an essential input parameter for forest biomass estimation, ecological modeling, and the carbon cycle. Tomographic synthetic aperture radar (TomoSAR), as a three-dimensional imaging technique, has already been successfully used in forest areas to retrieve the forest height. The nonparametric iterative adaptive approach (IAA) has been recently introduced in TomoSAR, achieving a good compromise between high resolution and computing efficiency. However, the performance of the IAA algorithm is significantly degraded in the case of a small tomographic aperture. To overcome this shortcoming, this paper proposes the robust IAA (RIAA) algorithm for SAR tomography. The proposed approach follows the framework of the IAA algorithm, but also considers the noise term in the covariance matrix estimation. By doing so, the condition number of the covariance matrix can be prevented from being too large, improving the robustness of the forest height estimation with the IAA algorithm. A set of simulated experiments was carried out, and the results validated the superiority of the RIAA estimator in the case of a small tomographic aperture. Moreover, a number of fully polarimetric L-band airborne tomographic SAR images acquired from the ESA BioSAR 2008 campaign over the Krycklan Catchment, Northern Sweden, were collected for test purposes. The results showed that the RIAA algorithm performed better in reconstructing the vertical structure of the forest than the IAA algorithm in areas with a small tomographic aperture. Finally, the forest height was estimated by both the RIAA and IAA TomoSAR methods, and the estimation accuracy of the RIAA algorithm was 2.01 m, which is more accurate than the IAA algorithm with 3.25 m.

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Coroneos, Peter. "The Operation of Australia's Internet Content Legislation." Media International Australia 101, no. 1 (November 2001): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0110100109.

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This paper considers the workability of Australia's recently introduced internel content legislation from the viewpoint of the national industry body, the Internet Industry Association (IIA), which campaigned for amendments to the legislation, then developed industry codes for it.

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Journal articles on the topic 'IRA campaign'

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