Books on the topic 'Interstate relationship'
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1
A review of the relationship between a Department of Homeland Security and the intelligence community: Hearings before the Committee on Governmental Affairs, United States Senate, One Hundred Seventh Congress, second session, June 26 and 27, 2002. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2002.
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2
New Jersey. Legislature. Senate. Committee on State Government and Federal and Interstate Relations Committee. Public hearing before Senate State Government and Federal and Interstate Relations Committee to examine the mission and goals of the New Jersey State Council on the Arts, the council's relationship to the Department of State, and compliance with legislative intent: March 21, 1991, Room 410, State House Annex, Trenton, New Jersey. Trenton, N.J: The Commitee, 1991.
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3
Khoo, Nicholas. Interstate Rivalry in East Asia. Edited by Derek S. Reveron, Nikolas K. Gvosdev, and John A. Cloud. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190680015.013.30.
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It is difficult to overstate the importance of East Asia to U.S. national security policy. East Asia was an important venue of contestation for the United States during World War II and the Cold War. Presently, the United States has multiple regional alliances and partnerships and is deeply integrated with the region’s political economy. The region is also the site of a number of critical interstate rivalries that directly impinge on U.S. interests. This chapter evaluates the literature on the U.S.-China relationship and territorial disputes in the South China Sea and East China Sea. This chapter contends that neorealist theory offers a particularly illuminating lens in which to understand interstate rivalry in East Asia.
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Government, U. S. Gangs and Crime in America: Defining Mara Salvatrucha's Texas Network, MS-13 Gang History of Violence, Cartels, Interstate Corridors, Significant Threat to Public Security, Relationship to Zetas. Independently Published, 2017.
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5
Banu, Roxana. Legitimacy and Autonomy. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198819844.003.0007.
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This chapter provides an analysis of state-centered and individualistic theories of legitimacy in PrIL and distinguishes them from the relational internationalist perspective. It shows that state-centered theories determined the legitimacy of applying one law or another within interstate relationships. Individualistic theories linked the legitimacy of the applicable law to particular dimensions of political affiliation. By contrast, this chapter shows how relational internationalist authors envisioned different dimensions of legitimacy from both the state-centered and the individualistic positions, by focusing on an interpersonal relationship, as opposed to an isolated individual, and on private law, as opposed to constitutional or public law generally. According to the relational internationalist perspective, the legitimacy of imposing one law over another is justified on different grounds, including by reference to the actions of the parties, their expectations, the values underlying private law relationships, and the embeddedness of a legal relationship within one or several communities.
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Pertile, Marco. The Changing Environment and Emerging Resource Conflicts. Edited by Marc Weller. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780199673049.003.0051.
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This chapter examines the role of natural resources such as water, hydrocarbons, and diamonds in international armed conflicts within the framework of international law, as well as the legal regulation of the jus ad bellum aspects of the issue. After outlining some of the international rules relevant to the relationship between natural resources and conflicts, the chapter considers the rules pertaining to the jus ad bellum and assesses the interstate aspects of resource conflicts, paying particular attention to the legal framework for the use of force in international relations. It then looks at the role of sovereignty in the allocation of natural resources among states, the interaction between jus ad bellum and jus in bello with respect to the exploitation of natural resources in occupied territories, , and the effect on transactions in natural resources of the duty of non-recognition of unlawful territorial situations. Finally, it describes the initiatives of the United Nations in addressing the issue of natural resources and their relation to interstate conflicts.
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Hernández, Gleider I. Sources and the Systematicity of International Law. Edited by Samantha Besson and Jean d’Aspremont. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198745365.003.0029.
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This chapter illuminates the role that sources doctrine plays in construing international law as a system. It frames international law’s systemic qualities within the recursive relationship between sources doctrine and debates over international law’s systematicity. Sources doctrine reinforces and buttresses international law’s claim to constitute a legal system; and the legal system demands and requires that legal sources exist within it. International law’s systematicity and the doctrine of international legal sources exist in a mutually constitutive relationship, and cannot exist without one another. This recursive relationship privileges unity, coherence, and the existence of a unifying inner logic which transcends mere interstate relations and constitutes a legal structure. In this respect, the social practices of those officials who are part of the institutional workings of the system, and especially those with a law-applying function, are of heightened relevance in conceiving of international law as a system.
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Bechtel, Bettie Ann. Relationships among rainfall, soil moisture, and landslides along Interstate 275, Hamilton County, Ohio. 1994.
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9
Klabbers, Jan. Intervention, Armed Intervention, Armed Attack, Threat to Peace, Act of Aggression, and Threat or Use of Force. Edited by Marc Weller. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780199673049.003.0023.
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This chapter examines the international law on the use of force and related terms such as intervention, armed intervention, armed attack, threat to peace, act of aggression, and threat of force. It considers the different ways in which the use of force can be classified and explains why this occurs. The discussion begins by analysing the variety of terms used in the UN Charter and other security arrangements. It then looks at the relevant practice of states when concluding agreements on the use of force, as well as the practice of the UN Security Council and the International Court of Justice when dealing with interstate conflicts. The chapter concludes by evaluating the relationship between language and law with respect to the use of force.
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Alexandrowicz, C. H. ‘Jus Gentium’ and the Law of Nature in Asia (1956). Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198766070.003.0005.
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This chapter discusses the development of the law of nations in Asia. China, for instance, developed their own notions of inter-state law and practice with a strong emphasis on the institution of vassal states who acknowledged the supreme authority of the imperial suzerain. There seems to have been legal equality among these mutually independent states in the Chinese Commonwealth. Diplomatic intercourse was well known and envoys enjoyed immunity, though to a lesser degree than in the West. In India, the relations between rulers led to the development of principles of an international or quasi-international character. Kautilya’s Arthashastra bears witness to the existence of a well-defined set of rules which prevailed in the various ‘circles’ of states. Interstate law in India knew humanitarian rules of warfare, the inviolability of envoys, the vassal–suzerain relationship, and principles relating to maritime intercourse.
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Milanovic, Marko. Jurisdiction and Responsibility. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198830009.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the overarching trends in the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights on questions of State jurisdiction in the sense of Article 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and State responsibility, after its seminal judgment in the Al-Skeini case. While the chapter makes no claim to comprehensiveness of coverage, it first discusses the threshold question of the extraterritorial applicability of human rights treaties, and analyses the relationship between the notions of jurisdiction and responsibility, specifically looking at the recent Jaloud v Netherlands case. It then examines the issue of the relationship between human rights and international humanitarian law and the European Court’s judgment in Hassan v The United Kingdom. This chapter’s main thesis is that the Court is growing increasingly comfortable with applying the Convention extraterritorially and in armed conflict, as well as in directly invoking rules of international humanitarian law. However, a number of important caveats and uncertainties remain in the Court’s jurisprudence, which will inevitably be at issue in important cases currently pending or soon to be pending before it, eg the many interstate and individual applications dealing with the conflict in Ukraine.
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Zagare, Frank C. Game Theory, Diplomatic History and Security Studies. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831587.001.0001.
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The main purpose of this book is to demonstrate, by way of example, the several advantages of using a formal game-theoretic framework to explain complex events, diplomatic history, and contentious interstate relationships, via causal mechanisms and rationality. Chapter 1 lays out the broad parameters and major concepts of the mathematical theory of games and its applications in the security studies literature. Chapter 2 explores a number of issues connected with the use of game-theoretic models to organize analytic narratives, both generally and specifically. Chapter 3 interprets the Moroccan crisis of 1905–6 in the context of an incomplete information game model. Chapter 4 surveys and evaluates several prominent attempts to use game theory to explain the strategic dynamic of the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. Chapter 5 offers a general explanation that answers all of the foundational questions associated with the Cuban crisis within the confines of a single, integrated, game-theoretic model with incomplete information. Chapter 6 uses the same game form to develop a logically consistent and empirically plausible explanation of the outbreak of war in Europe in early August 1914. Chapter 7 introduces perfect deterrence theory and contrasts it with the prevailing realist theory of interstate war prevention, and classical deterrence theory. Chapter 8 addresses the charge made by some behavioral economists (and many strategic analysts) that game theory is of limited utility for understanding interstate conflict behavior.
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Bobić, Marinko. Why Minor Powers Risk Wars with Major Powers. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529205206.001.0001.
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Major powers have immense resources at their disposal, while minor powers are assumed to avoid wars and power politics due to structural and material constraints. This provokes the question why do some minor powers nonetheless decide to militarily engage their vastly stronger opponents, particularly major powers? Inspired by several theoretical insights, this book proposes a more complex framework of minor powers in interstate asymmetric conflict. It analyses five conditions highlighted by previous studies: domestic crisis, foreign support, window of opportunity, anomalous beliefs, and regime stability. The theoretical framework works well with a mixed-methods approach, a medium-N research design (Qualitative Comparative Analysis), and three case studies: Iraq (1990), Moldova (1992), and Serbia (1999). The book finds that by looking through the lenses of multiple theories, one can observe a more nuanced relationship how different conditions interact in impacting minor powers’ decisions. Ultimately, minor powers militarily engage major powers when facing a more important domestic crisis and when they also believe that they have a window of opportunity or support from another major power in order to constrain major powers’ capability and resolve. Looking at the current conflict in Syria, there are important policy implications given the observation that minor powers do and will continue to challenge major powers in the future.
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Browning, Christopher S., Pertti Joenniemi, and Brent J. Steele. Vicarious Identity in International Relations. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197526385.001.0001.
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This book theorizes and problematizes the politics of vicarious identity in international relations, where vicarious identity refers to processes of “living through the other.” While prevalent and recognized in family and social settings, the presence and significance of vicarious identification in international relations has been overlooked. Vicarious identification offers the prospect of bolstering narratives of self-identity and appropriating a sense of reflected glory and enhanced self-esteem, but insofar as it may mask and be a response to emergent anxieties, inadequacies, and weaknesses it also entails vulnerabilities. The book explores both its attraction and potential pitfalls, theorizing these in the context of emerging literatures on ontological security, status, and self-esteem, highlighting both its constitutive practices and normative limits and providing a methodological grounding for identifying and studying the phenomenon in world politics. Vicarious identification and vicarious identity promotion are shown to be politically salient and efficacious across a range of scales, from the international politics of the everyday evident, for instance, in practices associated with (militarized) nationalism, through to interstate relations. In regard to this latter the book provides case analyses of vicarious identification in relations between the United States and Israel, the UK–US special relationship, and between Denmark and the United States, and it develops a framework for anticipating the conditions under which states may be more or less tempted into vicarious identification with others.
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Edwards, Martin S., and Jonathan M. DiCicco. International Organizations and Preventing War. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.407.
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International organizations (IOs) such as the United Nations play an important role in war prevention. In theory, IOs reduce the risk of war between belligerents by improving communication, facilitating cooperation, and building confidence and trust. In practice, however, IOs’ war-preventing capacities have sparked skepticism and criticism. Recent advances in the scholarly study of the causes of war have given rise to new and promising directions in research on IOs and war prevention. These studies highlight the problems of interstate and intrastate wars, global and regional organizations, preventive diplomacy and peacekeeping, and the relationship between IOs and domestic institutions. They also offer novel insights that both complement and challenge studies of traditional concepts such as collective security. An interesting work is that of J. D. Fearon, who frames war as a bargaining process between rational states. Fearon articulates a central puzzle of international relations: since war is costly, the question that arises is why rational leaders of competing states choose to fight instead of pursuing less costly, nonviolent dispute settlements. Three general mechanisms account for rational, unitary states’ inability to identify an alternative outcome that both would prefer to war: bluffing about private information, commitment problems, and indivisibility of stakes. Despite the obvious progress in research on IOs and war prevention, there remain methodological and theoretical issues that deserve consideration for further investigation, two of which are: the interaction of domestic and international organizations, and the implications of variations in IO design.
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Krishna-Hensel, Sai Felicia. Technology and International Relations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.319.
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Throughout history, technology has played a significant role in international relations (IR). Technological development is an important factor underlying much of humanity’s social, economic, and political development, as well as in interstate and interregional relationships. Beginning with the earliest tool industries of the Paleolithic and Neolithic periods to the present time, technology has been an integral component of the transformative processes that resulted in the organization, expansion, and establishment of distinctive societies. The presence or absence of equal access to technology has often determined the nature of relationships between societies and civilizations. Technology increases the options available to policymakers in their pursuit of the goals of the state, but also complicates their decision making. The question of whether, and how much, technological change has influenced IR has been the subject of considerable debate. Scholars are divided on the emphasis that should be placed on technological progress as an independent variable in the study of relations between states and as a factor in analyzing power configurations in the international system. Among the scientific and technological revolutions that are believed to have contributed to the changing nature of power and relations between states are transportation and communication, the industrial revolution, the nuclear revolution, and the contemporary information revolution. Future research should focus on how these technological changes are going to influence the debates on power, deterrence, diplomacy, and other instruments of IR.
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Department of Defense. Effects of UAVs on Interstate Relationships: A Case Study of U. S. Relations with Pakistan and Yemen - Topics Include UAS, Drones, Al-Qaeda, AQAP, Saudi Arabia, Arab Spring, and Collateral Damage. Independently Published, 2018.
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18
Volgy, Thomas J., Kelly Marie Gordell, Paul Bezerra, and Jon Patrick Rhamey, Jr. Conflict, Regions, and Regional Hierarchies. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.310.
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Despite decades of scholarly attention to conflict and cooperation processes in international politics, rigorous, comparative, large-N analyses of these questions at the region level are difficult to find in the literature. Although this relative absence may stem in part from the difficulties related to the theoretical conceptualization or methodological operationalization of regions, it certainly is not for lack of interesting variation in terms of conflict and cooperation processes across regions. Between this variation and recent contributions toward a dynamic identification of regions, comparative analysis of conflict and cooperation outcomes at the region level are primed for exploration and increasingly salient as recent political elections in the United States (Trump election) and the United Kingdom (Brexit) have demonstrated a willingness on the part of policymakers to scale back efforts toward global interdependence.Turning attention to a region level unit of analysis, however, does not require abandoning decades of scholarship at the state or dyad levels. Indeed, much of this work may be viewed as informing or complementary to comparative regional analyses. In particular, regional propensity for cooperation or conflict is likely to be conditioned by a number of prominent explanations of these phenomena at state and dyad levels, which may usefully be conceived in their regional aggregates as so-called regional fault lines or baseline conditions. These include the presence of major and/or regional powers, interstate rivalries, unresolved territorial claims, civil wars, regime similarity, trade relationships, and common membership in intergovernmental organizations.Of these baseline conditions, the impact of major and regional powers on regional patterns of cooperation and conflict is notable for both its theoretical and practical implications. Power transition theory, hegemonic stability theory, hierarchical theory, and long cycle theory all suggest major—and to a lesser extent regional—powers will seek to establish order within areas under their influence; alternatively, the overwhelming capabilities these states bring to a region arguably act as a deterrent inhibiting conflict. Empirical analysis reveals—irrespective of the causal mechanism at hand—regions characterized by the presence of a major or regional power experience less conflict. Moving forward, future research should work to test the two plausible causal mechanisms for this finding—order building versus deterrence—to determine the true nature of hierarchy’s pacifying influence.