Academic literature on the topic 'Internet in political campaigns – Great Britain'

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Journal articles on the topic "Internet in political campaigns – Great Britain"

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Blank, Grant, and Christoph Lutz. "Benefits and harms from Internet use: A differentiated analysis of Great Britain." New Media & Society 20, no. 2 (September 7, 2016): 618–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816667135.

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Recent studies have enhanced our understanding of digital divides by investigating outcomes of Internet use. We extend this research to analyse positive and negative outcomes of Internet use in the United Kingdom. We apply structural equation modelling to data from a large Internet survey to compare the social structuration of Internet benefits with harms. We find that highly educated users benefit most from using the web. Elderly individuals benefit more than younger ones. Next to demographic characteristics, technology attitudes are the strongest predictors of online benefits. The harms from using the Internet are structured differently, with educated users and those with high levels of privacy concerns being most susceptible to harm. This runs counter to intuitions based on prior digital divide research, where those at the margins should be most at risk. While previous research on digital inequality has only looked at benefits, the inclusion of harms draws a more differentiated picture.
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McAdams, A. James, Cynthia Brown, Nancy Chang, David Cole, James X. Dempsey, Nat Hentoff, and Stephen J. Schulhofer. "Internet Surveillance after September 11: Is the United States Becoming Great Britain?" Comparative Politics 37, no. 4 (July 1, 2005): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20072905.

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Sewell, Mike. "Political Rhetoric and Policy-Making: James G. Blaine and Britain." Journal of American Studies 24, no. 1 (April 1990): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800028711.

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James Gillespie Blaine has been seen by his contemporaries and historians alike as the archetypal late nineteenth-century politician. Acclaimed by supporters as the “Plumed Knight” and derided by opponents as the “continental liar from the state of Maine,” his political career was impressive. He was Speaker of the House of Representatives, Senator from Maine, came within 2,000 New York votes of winning the Presidency in 1884, and was twice Secretary of State. But his reputation endures mainly as a corrupt and unscrupulous politico. Historians have labelled him immoral, demagogic and “openly anti-British.” They have depicted him as a spokesman for a “seething” late nineteenth–century Anglophobia who was “excessively political, notably in his penchant for cultivating the Irish at Great Britain's expense.” This aspect of Blaine's reputation has been misinterpreted. However, he can still stand as the personification of politics at a time when the spread-eagle rhetoric of campaigns co-existed with pragmatism in policy formulation.
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Rachwał, Helena. "Outdoor Advertising as an Element Strengthening the Recruitment Campaigns of Universities." Marketing of Scientific and Research Organizations 32, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/minib-2019-0029.

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Summary The article puts forward the thesis that outdoor advertising is an important element that enriches college recruitment campaigns if it meets certain conditions. The basic factors determining the effectiveness of outdoor is the conciseness and simplicity of the message, the creation taking into account the proper character of the advertisement and referring to the emotions of the recipient, the composition based on the appropriate arrangement of elements, intriguing advertising text forcing the recipient to think, integrate outdoor communication with the internet transmission and the correct location of the advertising medium. The subject of outdoor advertising and its impact on candidates for studies is omitted in the literature on marketing activities of tertiare education institutions. Therefore, it was attempted to fill the cognitive gap by referring to foreign scientific research and examples of outdoor applications by universities in the United States of America and Great Britain. Also described are outdoor campaigns of the SWPS University, which cooperates with the Cityboard Media Institute in the field of external advertising research. In order to analyze outdoor polish universities, the article uses part of the photographic material collected by the author, and reflects on the basis of their own observations and in-depth interviews with employees of Marketing Departments of selected universities.
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Busch, Peter. "The “Vietnam Legion”: West German Psychological Warfare against East German Propaganda in the 1960s." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00472.

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Studies in the wake of the “cultural turn” in diplomatic history have shown that propaganda and public diplomacy were key aspects of Western Cold War strategy. This article expands recent literature by focusing on propaganda practices at the grassroots level, making use of West and East German archival records to trace information campaigns in relation to the Vietnam War. In addition to explaining the organization of East German propaganda campaigns, the article explores the methods used by the psychological warfare section of West Germany’s Ministry of Defense. This section maintained an unofficial network that helped publish “camouflaged propaganda” at home as well as in France and Great Britain. Germany’s Nazi past was an important aspect of East Germany’s campaign that accused West Germany of having deployed a “Vietnam Legion.” Interestingly, Germany’s Nazi legacy also cast a shadow over the methods West German psychological warfare experts relied on to counter East German accusations.
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Schlosser, Stephan, Daniele Toninelli, and Michela Cameletti. "Comparing Methods to Collect and Geolocate Tweets in Great Britain." Journal of Open Innovation: Technology, Market, and Complexity 7, no. 1 (January 25, 2021): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/joitmc7010044.

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In the era of Big Data, the Internet has become one of the main data sources: Data can be collected for relatively low costs and can be used for a wide range of purposes. To be able to timely support solid decisions in any field, it is essential to increase data production efficiency, data accuracy, and reliability. In this framework, our paper aims at identifying an optimized and flexible method to collect and, at the same time, geolocate social media information over a whole country. In particular, the target of this paper is to compare three alternative methods to collect data from the social media Twitter. This is achieved considering four main comparison criteria: Collection time, dataset size, pre-processing phase load, and geographic distribution. Our findings regarding Great Britain identify one of these methods as the best option, since it is able to collect both the highest number of tweets per hour and the highest percentage of unique tweets per hour. Furthermore, this method reduces the computational effort needed to pre-process the collected tweets (e.g., showing the lowest collection times and the lowest number of duplicates within the geographical areas) and enhances the territorial coverage (if compared to the population distribution). At the same time, the effort required to set up this method is feasible and less prone to the arbitrary decisions of the researcher.
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Shevchenko, Oleg K. "Foreign Internet Archives on the Yalta Conference: Revisiting the Theory of ‘Communication Power’: The National Archives (TNA) (Great Britain)." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2018): 750–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-3-750-760.

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The article deals with the problems of uploading archival materials on the Yalta conference to open-source websites. The author focuses on the UK experience. The significance of studying open-source archival documents as historical sources is not of purely archival or, rather, source-studies nature, but has a serious political background. The author demonstrates the potential of publication of the ‘Yalta-1945’ archival documents for solving important issues connected to geopolitical interests of various states. The textual analysis of documents and detailed analysis of their structure allow to conclude that national scholars can now access foreign documents on the ‘Yalta-1945,’ and yet they should beware of the ‘communication power’ technologies used by the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzes key series of English-language documents available on The National Archives official website. There are available on-line various catalogues, files descriptions, etc. Great Britain has uploaded a great number of digitized documents and microfilms on Yalta-1945. Most of these are open-sourced. Studying these documents adds to our knowledge of the Yalta Conference and allows to conduct a cross-sectional analysis of documents on the ‘Yalta-1945’ in the United States, Great Britain, and the USSR. However, the way documents are placed and presented and the nature of tools created for primary generalization of the documentation allow to assert that the authorities attempt to manipulate the public conscience.
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Katermina, Veronika V., and Boris G. Vulfovich. "Methods of a Three-Component Analysis of Linguopragmatic Potential of an Internet Commentary in Political Internet Discourse." Current Issues in Philology and Pedagogical Linguistics, no. 4 (December 25, 2021): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/2079-6021-2021-4-83-89.

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This article is devoted to the representation of the method of a three-component analysis of Internet commentary. Commentary is a special component of Internet discourse which is the reaction of representatives of society to any external or internal stimulus expressed linguistically, i.e. through the use of linguistic means. Due to insufficient coverage (for example, unlike Internet posts), commentary as a component of political Internet discourse represents a wide field for the study of linguists since, being a speech work, it can be analyzed from at least three positions, namely: the strategy and tactics used by the author, the means of stylistic expressiveness used and the type of speech act through which this commentary is put into use. A comprehensive analysis of these parameters makes it possible to establish the attitude of the audience (in this case, the electorate) to the personality of Boris Johnson, the Prime Minister of Great Britain. Practical material for the study was the comments on the posts of Boris Johnson regarding Brexit (one of the key events in the political and public spheres of Great Britain’s life). The relevance of this work is due to the current anthropocentric paradigm in linguistics and the increased interest of linguists not only in humans as a participant of speech actions, but also in the interdisciplinary synthesis of scientific research methods to achieve the most voluminous, full-fledged, and complete results. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate an example of the implementation of the three-component analysis methodology for Internet commentary on the example of some of the most striking and connotatively colored linguistic materials selected by the method of continuous sampling in the social network “Twitter”.
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Chadwick, Andrew, and James Dennis. "Social Media, Professional Media and Mobilisation in Contemporary Britain: Explaining the Strengths and Weaknesses of the Citizens’ Movement 38 Degrees." Political Studies 65, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321716631350.

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Digital media continue to reshape political activism in unexpected ways. Within a period of a few years, the internet-enabled UK citizens’ movement 38 Degrees has amassed a membership of 3 million and now sits alongside similar entities such as America’s MoveOn, Australia’s GetUp! and the transnational movement Avaaz. In this article, we contribute to current thinking about digital media and mobilisation by addressing some of the limitations of existing research on these movements and on digital activism more generally. We show how 38 Degrees’ digital network repertoires coexist interdependently with its strategy of gaining professional news media coverage. We explain how the oscillations between choreographic leadership and member influence and between digital media horizontalism and elite media-centric work constitute the space of interdependencies in which 38 Degrees acts. These delicately balanced relations can quickly dissolve and be replaced by simpler relations of dependence on professional media. Yet despite its fragility, we theorise about how 38 Degrees may boost individuals’ political efficacy, irrespective of the outcome of individual campaigns. Our conceptual framework can be used to guide research on similar movements.
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Pattie, Charles, Todd K. Hartman, and Ron Johnston. "Not all campaigns are created equal: Temporal and spatial variability in constituency campaign spending effects in Great Britain, 1997–2015." Political Geography 71 (May 2019): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.02.010.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Internet in political campaigns – Great Britain"

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Richardson, David William. "Non-party organisations and campaigns on European integration in Britain, 1945-1986 : political and public activism." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5266/.

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This thesis is about non-party and non-governmental organisations campaigning for and against European integration in Britain between 1945 and 1986. These groups have been largely overlooked by studies on Britain’s relationship with Europe. The thesis will examine how these groups operated between the spheres of public activism and institutional politics. They targeted the general public directly with the aim of becoming popular mass movements, and focused on emotive and populist themes and adopted a moralistic tone as part of a broad non-party or cross-party appeal. Old-fashioned methods of activism, including pamphleteering and mass meetings, were used to cultivate a groundswell of support. However, these groups were not able to wrest control of the EEC membership issue away from Westminster. In the case of anti-EEC groups, attempts to acquire political influence and attract more parliamentarians to the campaign were at odds with the “anti-establishment” or “anti-political” tone adopted by sections of their support. Divisions over whether to adopt a more “insider” strategy of lobbying and adopting the model of a research-based think-tank or whether to continue seeking mass support stifled the campaign. Disagreement over strategy, and the confused position between public protest and Westminster politics, caused the anti-EEC campaign’s to fail.
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Dekavalla, Marina. "General elections in the post-devolution period : press accounts of the 2001 and 2005 campaigns in Scotland and England." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2301.

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This thesis examines and compares newspaper coverage of the first two general elections after Scottish devolution, looking at both the Scottish and English/UK press. By considering the coverage of a major political event which affects both countries, it contributes to debates regarding the performance of the Scottish press within an arguably distinct Scottish public sphere as well as that of the press in England within a post-devolution context. The research is based on a content analysis of all the coverage of the 2001 and 2005 elections in seven Scottish and five English and UK daily morning newspapers, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in each campaign and a small set of interviews with Scottish political editors. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on theories of national identity and deliberative democracy in the media. It finds that the coverage of elections in the two countries has a similar issue agenda, however Scottish newspapers appear less interested in the UK aspect of the elections and include debates on Scottish affairs which are discussed in isolation, within an exclusively Scottish mediated space. These issues are constructed as particularly relevant to a Scottish readership through references to the nation, inclusive modes of address to the reader and the inclusion of exclusively Scottish sources, which contrast with the Scottish coverage of “UK” issues. This distinction between “Scottish” and “UK” topics emerges as the key differentiating factor in the discursive construction of election issues in the Scottish press, rather than that between devolved and reserved issues. Newspapers in England on the other hand, report on the two campaigns without taking into consideration the post-devolution political reality. These core questions are contextualized within the thesis by reference to relevant dimensions of Scottish culture and politics, and interpreted in the light of events since 2005.
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Escher, Tobias. "Does the use of the Internet further democratic participation? : a comparison of citizens' interactions with political representatives in the UK and Germany." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669872.

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This thesis explores the implications of the Internet for democracy, re-evaluating the various claims and counter-claims that have been made for the Internet's democratic potential. Based on a framework to measure democracy that emphasises popular control and political equality, it assesses whether the Internet gives a greater and more representative share of the population the opportunity to participate in the political process by focusing on use of the Internet to contact political representatives. The analysis combines secondary analysis of population surveys with original data collected in two online surveys from more than 14,000 users of successful contact facilitation platforms in the UK (WriteToThem.com) and Germany (Abgeordnetenwatch.de) that enable sending messages to representatives. The results show that in both countries the Internet in general has only marginally increased the number of people engaged in contacting. At the same time, contact facilitation platforms as specific online applications have attracted large numbers of people who have never before contacted a representative. While all online means of contacting primarily amplify traditional participatory biases, such as for gender and education, they can at least selectively engage traditionally under-represented parts of the population, for example young people or low-income groups. The processes that shape these patterns are identified by developing a basic theory of contacting and using the similarities and differences between the findings for the two countries. It demonstrates not only that participation continues to be dominated by traditional determinants that cannot be completely overcome by technology, but also that Internet applications can shape participation patterns – if designed to appropriately adapt to the context in which they operate, which is rarely the case. This highlights the need to think carefully about how online platforms can be used, building on the – albeit limited – gains identified here, to strengthen them as a means of ensuring democratic participation.
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Koštel, Jakub. "K proměně politického prostředí ve Velké Británii v důsledku nástupu masových médií (60.-70. léta 20. století)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165672.

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The main theme of this thesis is the relationship between media and politics in Great Britain mainly in the twentieth century. The research is based on the fact that dynamic post-war growth in technological and economical areas resulted in the development and mass expansion of new media, especially radio and television broadcasting. The main goal of the thesis is to analyze the transformation of British political environment and to verify the hypothesis arguing that this transformation was primarily caused by the development of new media. Changes in the British politics during the twentieth century are demonstrated especially by the election campaigns and methods of political communication. Another part of this work is also the brief analysis of the development of British mass media (press, radio and television) which provides an important context for achieving the stated objectives. The thesis is methodologically based on the research from fields of media history, political history and sociology which concentrates on political communication.
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Desrumaux, Clément. "Contes de campagne : sociologie comparée des conjonctures électorales législatives en France et en Grande-Bretagne (1997-2007)." Thesis, Lille 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LIL20008.

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Qu'est-ce qu'une campagne électorale ? Entendue tantôt comme une période, parfois comme unecompétition ou encore comme un ensemble de techniques de sollicitation des suffrages, la notion de"campagne électorale" est difficile à circonscrire. Cette thèse se propose d’analyser comment semodifient les pratiques des agents, leurs interactions et les structures du jeu politique pour former cequi se présente et s’interprète comme étant une "campagne électorale". Il s'agit alors d'analyser uneconjoncture particulière du politique, coproduite par les agents de champs différents (notammentpolitique et journalistique). Cette conjoncture se décline pratiquement en un ensemble de jeuxélectoraux plus ou moins compétitifs en fonction des propriétés sociales et politiques des candidats etdes représentations qu’ils se font du jeu. Ces jeux déterminent en grande partie les mobilisationsélectorales menées, tant dans l’adaptation du programme électoral défendu, que dans les modesd’action mis en oeuvre. Au final, l'espace politique des conjonctures électorales s'analyse comme unensemble de configurations d'agents plus ou moins liées et imbriquées. Cette approcheconfigurationnelle des conjonctures électorales se fonde sur l'analyse empirique des campagnesélectorales législatives en France et en Grande-Bretagne et se concentre sur les candidats de quatrepartis politiques (Parti socialiste, Union pour un mouvement populaire, Parti travailliste et Particonservateur)
What is exactly an electoral campaign? Sometimes understood as a period, occasionally as acompetition or as a set of techniques to get out the vote, the notion of "electoral campaign" is hard toclarify. The core of this work is to analyse changes in the practices of social agents, in theirinteractions and in the structures of the political game that, in the end, form what looks like - and isinterpreted as- an "electoral campaign". Thus, a campaign is conceived as a particular politicalconjuncture constructed jointly by agents, belonging to different fields (notably the political and thejournalistic ones). This conjuncture presents itself as a set of electoral games, which are more or lesscompetitive according to the social and political properties of candidates and the representations theyhave concerning the game. These games largely determine how electoral mobilisations are carriedout, both regarding the adaptation of manifestos and the means of action implemented. Eventually, thepolicy space during electoral conjunctures can be analysed as a set of configurations of agents thatare more or less linked and intertwined together. The configurational approach of electoralconjunctures is based on the empirical analysis of parliamentary campaigns in France and GreatBritain and focuses on the candidates of four political parties (French Socialist Party, French Union fora Popular Movement, British Labour Party and British Conservative Party)
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Books on the topic "Internet in political campaigns – Great Britain"

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Pippa, Norris, and Hansard Society for Parliamentary Government., eds. Britain votes, 2001. Oxford: Oxford University Press in association with Hansard Society series in politics and government, 2001.

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Campaign!: The selling of the Prime Minister. London: Grafton Books, 1987.

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Gordon, Hands, ed. Modern constituency electioneering: Local campaigning in the 1992 general election. London: F. Cass, 1997.

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Stephen, Fuller. The correspondence of Stephen Fuller, 1788-1795: Jamaica, the West India interest at Westminster and the campaign to preserve the slave trade. Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley Blackwell for The Parliamentary History Yearbook Trust, 2014.

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Political marketing and British political parties. 2nd ed. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008.

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From soapbox to soundbite: Party political campaigning in Britain since 1945. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1997.

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Political marketing and British political parties: The party's just begun. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2001.

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Campaign 2001. London: Politico's, 2001.

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Campaign 2010: The making of the Prime Minister. London: Biteback, 2010.

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Joey, Jones, ed. Hung together: The 2010 election and the coalition government. London: Simon & Schuster, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Internet in political campaigns – Great Britain"

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Lilleker, Darren G., and Nigel A. Jackson. "Elections 2.0: Comparing E-Campaigns in France, Germany, Great Britain and the United States." In Das Internet im Wahlkampf, 96–116. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-92853-1_3.

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Novais, Rui Alexandre, and Álvaro Cúria. "A Diachronic Analysis of Portuguese Digital Campaigning." In Political Campaigning in the Information Age, 210–25. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6062-5.ch012.

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Bearing in mind the dearth of inquiry about new media and political campaigns in Portugal, this chapter proposes an unprecedented cross-cutting analysis of the nature of online communication during the period of explosion of the e-campaigns. Such a topography and cartography for Internet communications and political campaigning, comprising distinct elections over time, allows for assessing both the evolution of the campaign online and the most influential contributions of the Internet to those evolving trends. The multiple wave nature of the data involved in the chronological study of the 2000 campaigns in Portugal is further complemented with extensive in-depth interviews conducted with different actors from the limited universe of key respondents with direct involvement in the episodes under analysis. It concludes that the Internet went from a separate operation in previous campaigns to a more central role within all Portuguese campaign divisions. Despite being touted as a revolution and a great communication tool, the core features of the Internet have reinforced the continuity of previous tendencies rather than precipitating a radical break with the past. Moreover, although important interaction flows were created with the voters, those were discontinued once the campaign was over, thus making Websites, online platforms, social networks profiles, and video sharing channels used during campaign as obsolete as old leaflets left on the floor after the rally has ended.
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Norris, Pippa, and John Curtice. "If You Build a Political Web Site, Will They Come? The Internet and Political Activism in Britain." In E-Government Research, 183–204. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-913-7.ch008.

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This study focuses on the capacity of the Internet for strengthening political activism. The first part summarizes debates about these issues in the previous literature. This study starts from the premise that political activism is a multidimensional phenomenon and that we need to understand how different channels of participation relate to the social and political characteristics of the online population. We predict that certain dimensions of activism will probably be strengthened by the rise of the knowledge society, particularly cause-oriented forms of political participation, reflecting the prior social and political characteristics of the online population. By contrast, we expect the Internet to have far less impact upon conventional channels of political participation, exemplified by election campaigns. The second part summarizes the sources of data and the key measures of political activism used in this study, drawing upon the British Social Attitudes Survey from 2003. The third part examines the evidence for the relationship between use of the Internet and patterns of civic engagement in the British context. The conclusion summarizes the results and considers their broader implications.
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Shepherd, John. "‘We never trained our children to be socialists’: the next Lansbury generation and Labour politics, 1881–1951." In Labour and Working-Class Lives. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784995270.003.0011.

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George Lansbury, the Leader of the Labour Party from 1932-1935, and his wife Bessie had twelve children – ten surviving into adulthood - many of whom played a significant role in the history of the British Labour movement in the early and mid-twentieth century.This Lansbury generation is the focus of the essay by John Shepherd, whose monumental study of the life and political career of George Lansbury is well known and highly respected. In the early 1920s members of the Lansbury family for a time became members of the Communist Party of Great Britain - a factor that weighed against their father’s inclusion in Ramsay MacDonald’s first Labour Cabinet in 1924. Others became important pioneers in various campaigns in working-class politics, including women’s enfranchisement, birth control and abortion law reform. Altogether, they created something of a memorable Lansbury Labour dynasty in the East End, as well as in national political life. Nevertheless, what emerges from John Shepherd’s detailed and meticulous work is that, although the influence of this Lansbury generation was noteworthy in Labour politics, they never reached the political heights of their popular father. Like Herbert Gladstone, in an earlier essay, they played a very important role but in the shadow of their father’s dominating presence.
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"Scanning for argument: the argument was relatively well signalled by the introduction and the headings. What is the main argument? The following has been divided into proposition and evidence supporting it. Many readers do not differentiate the two which is a major error and leads to confusion and misunderstanding. A proposition is a statement being put forward as a point in argument construction. It can be given strength by evidence supporting it. • Proposition 1, para 2: The Maastricht Treaty was not the remarkable diplomatic achievement it was claimed to be. Evidence: street reaction apathetic, confused, hostile, fearful: (i) Danes voted against it; (ii) French approved it marginally (1%); (iii) commentators at the time said that if there had been greater scrutiny in Great Britain and Germany the outcome would have been uncertain; (iv) even those supporting it were just plain greedy. • Proposition 2, para 3: There was a ‘growing disillusionment with the European construct as a whole’. • Proposition 3, para 3: The ‘moral and political legitimacy’ of the European construct is in decline. Evidence: There is ‘a sense of disempowerment of the European citizen’ which has many roots, but three stand out: (i) democratic deficit; (ii) remoteness; (iii) competencies of union. • Conclusion: a package of three proposals (a limited ballot by citizens concerning legislation; internet access to European decision making; establishment of a constitutional council), taken from research, initiated by the European Parliament, can make a real difference to increase the power of the European citizen without creating a political drama. The argument as set out in the introduction (in paras 1–3) The Maastricht Treaty was not the diplomatic achievement it was claimed to be. The European citizen continues to be disempowered. There remains a growing disillusionment with the European construct as a whole which is suffering from a decline in its moral and political legitimacy. However, a package of three proposals (a limited ballot by citizens concerning legislation; internet access to European decision making; establishment of a constitutional council), taken from research, initiated by the European Parliament, can make a real difference to increase the power of the European citizen without creating a political drama." In Legal Method and Reasoning, 197. Routledge-Cavendish, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781843145103-150.

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Reports on the topic "Internet in political campaigns – Great Britain"

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Hotsur, Oksana. SOCIAL NETWORKS AND BLOGS AS TOOLS PR-CAMPAIGN IMPLEMENTATIONS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11110.

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The article deals with the ways in which social networks and the blogosphere influence the formation and implementation of a PR campaign. Examples from the political sphere (election campaigns, initiatives), business (TV brands, traditional and online media) have revealed the opportunities that Facebook, Telegram, Twitter, YouTube and blogs promote in promoting advertising, ideas, campaigns, thoughts, or products. Author blogs created on special websites or online media may not be as much of a tool in PR as an additional tool on social media. It is noted that choosing a blog as the main tool of PR campaign has both positive and negative points. Social networks intervene in the sphere of human life, become a means of communication, promotion, branding. The effectiveness of social networks has been evidenced by such historically significant events as Brexit, the Arab Spring, and the Revolution of Dignity. Special attention was paid to the 2019 presidential election. Based on the analysis of individual PR campaigns, the reasons for successful and unsuccessful campaigns from the point of view of network communication, which provide unlimited multimedia and interactive tools for PR, are highlighted. In fact, these concepts significantly affect the effectiveness of the implementation of PR-campaign, its final effectiveness, which is determined by the achievement of goals. Attention is drawn to the culture of communication during the PR campaign, as well as the concepts of “trolls”, “trolling”, “bots”, “botoin industry”. The social communication component of these concepts is unconditional. Choosing a blog as the main tool of a marketing campaign has both positive and negative aspects. Only a person with great creative potential can run and create a blog. In addition, it takes a long time. In fact, these two points are losing compared to other internet marketing tools. Further research is interesting in two respects. First, a comparison of the dynamics of the effectiveness of PR-campaign tools in Ukraine in 2020 and in the past, in particular, at the dawn of state independence. Secondly, to investigate how/or the concept of PR-campaigns in social networks and blogs is constantly changing.
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