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Journal articles on the topic 'Internet and activism – Egypt'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Mosa, Ahmed Ibrahem, and Mohamed El Esawey. "Design and Implementation of an Internet-Based Household Activity Scheduling Survey in Cairo, Egypt." Journal of Urban Planning and Development 140, no. 4 (December 2014): 05014005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/(asce)up.1943-5444.0000184.

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2

Abdelghaffar, Hany, and Hussien Moustafa. "Exploring the Factors Affecting the Intention to Use C2C Auction Websites in Egypt." International Journal of E-Adoption 5, no. 2 (April 2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jea.2013040101.

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Online shopping has become the third most popular Internet activity after using e-mails and entertainment. An important type of online shopping is online consumer to consumer auction (C2C) where consumers are able to sell and buy directly online. Although C2C online auctions could be an opportunity to enhance e-commerce in developing countries, many internet users are not willing to use it. This research explores the factors that could lead to more users’ intention to use C2C auction websites in Egypt as an example of the developing countries. A conceptual model is introduced based on the technology acceptance model which was tested via a survey. Findings indicate that the perceived usefulness of using C2C auction websites have a significant impact on users’ intention to use C2C website. This should be supported with appropriate security measures that could lead to more trustable C2C auction websites.

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Onodera, Henri. "The Kifaya Generation." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 34, no. 4 (January 1, 2009): 44–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.116560.

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In this paper, I aim to shed light on the lived experiences of young opposition activists in today’s Egypt. I discuss the emergence of youth-based action groups, such as Youth for Change, since the beginning of 2000s and argue that much of their grievances have to do with wider predicaments and uncertainties that Egyptian youth face in their everyday lives. The activists’ main political assets, however, pertain to a simultaneous engagement on the street—as the physical realm for public dissidence—and the internet—as the primary means and compensation for political communication in authoritarian settings. I suggest, although with reservations, that the activists’ collective actions are better viewed as ‘submerged networks’ rather than through the conventional analytical prisms of civil society and social movement. Furthermore, I argue that while the young activists assume a degree of autonomous political action from the various structures of the existing political establishment, they operate on the margins of larger processes of contentious politics and, at the same time, their social interactions continue to be structured by the prevailing social norms. Keywords: youth, social movements, political agency, generation, Egypt

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4

Howard, Philip N. "The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom. By Evgeny Morozov. New York: PublicAffairs, 2011. 432p. $27.95." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 895–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004014.

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Since early 2011 there have been significant changes in North Africa and the Middle East. Zine El Abidine Ben Ali had ruled Tunisia for 20 years, and Hosni Mubarak reigned in Egypt for 30 years. Yet their bravest challengers were 20- and 30-year-olds without ideological baggage, violent intentions, or clear leaders. Political change in these countries inspired activists across the region. Some tough authoritarian governments responded with tear gas and rubber bullets, others with policy concessions, welfare spending, and cabinet shuffles. The groups that initiated and sustained protests had few meaningful experiences with public deliberation or voting, and little experience with successful protesting. These young citizens were politically disciplined, pragmatic, and collaborative. Where did they come from? How do young people growing up in modern, entrenched, authoritarian regimes find political inspirations and aspirations? Are digital media important parts of the contemporary recipe for democratization?

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Musgrave, Paul. "The Making of the Pundit, 2010: When Strong Ties Trump Weak Ones." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 02 (March 14, 2012): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511002083.

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AbstractMany observers have argued that social media such as Facebook and Twitter will help opposition activists coordinate and overcome authoritarian regimes; others believe that such tools will have little impact. Evidence from the “Arab Spring” is inconclusive, with advocates for each position finding support in the events in Tunisia, Egypt, and elsewhere. When does social media help political movements succeed? Motivated by an experience serving as a “campaign manager” for a colleague's bid to become theWashington Post's “Next Great Pundit,” I argue that relying on Internet-based social networking tools (such as Facebook and Twitter) may lead campaigns to perform more poorly when the regime is able to change the election's rules in mid-campaign. Consequently, researchers observing only the messages broadcast by social media will miss the true coordination taking place, which happens through channels unobservable to the regime. Examples from Middle Eastern politics suggest that real-world political activists recognize these distinctions and adjust their messaging accordingly.

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6

Madmalil, Ehsan, and Hamed Mohagheghnia. "Role of Social Networks in the Spread of the Arabic Revolutions." Environment Conservation Journal 16, SE (December 5, 2015): 309–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.36953/ecj.2015.se1636.

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Recent political developments in the Middle East and North Africa have been occurred in the globalization era. With the advent of globalization and the information revolution, human relations have been greatly altered. The impact of these developments is in such a way that the policy can be analyzed and classified into the periods of before and after the advent of the information technology. Accommodating a wide range of social and political actors in cyberspace, internet and social networks are means to advertise and promote political, social and cultural entities on the one hand and provide a source of political and social awareness on the other hand. They link the political activists to people, and finally provoke the actions of protest and mobilize protests. Hence, the role of the new social media such as the internet and social networks in the acceleration and continuity and expansion of the revolutionary developments in the Middle East and North Africa cannot be ignored. The role of the internet and new media in these revolutions has been so strong that some of them are called revolutions of Facebook and Twitter. Thus, in order to access the right results, you should understand the features and functions of social media, analyze their role in the development of revolutionary upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa. The current study is trying to explain the effect of social networks in the context of globalization on the formation and expansion of recent political developments in the Middle East and North Africa, for instance, in Tunisia, Egypt and Bahrain.

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7

Yang, Guobin. "Internet Activism & the Party-State in China." Daedalus 143, no. 2 (April 2014): 110–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00276.

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The history of Internet activism and Internet control in China is one of mutual adaptation between citizen activists and party authorities. The party-state initially reacted to Internet activism with alarm, but has since built a comprehensive approach combining repressive policing with gentler methods of social management. This approach has evolved in response to the diverse forms of and participants in Internet activism. But the adaptability of the Chinese Internet control regime does not mean that it will root out Internet activism. On the contrary, Internet activism will continue to grow and will itself adapt to the changing forms of control. Comparisons with Russia and the United States highlight how political economy, history, and everyday practice shape the forms of Internet activism and control.

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8

Smith, Peter J., Maude Barlow, Tony Clarke, Jeremy Brecher, Tim Costello, Brendan Smith, and Craig Warkentin. "Social Activism and the Internet." Labour / Le Travail 51 (2003): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149341.

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9

Pickerill, Jenny. "Environmental Internet Activism in Britain." Peace Review 13, no. 3 (September 2001): 365–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13668800120079063.

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10

Earl, Jennifer, Katrina Kimport, Greg Prieto, Carly Rush, and Kimberly Reynoso. "Changing the World One Webpage at a Time: Conceptualizing and Explaining Internet Activism." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2010): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.4.w03123213lh37042.

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Researchers studying Internet activism have disagreed over the extent to which Internet usage alters the processes driving collective action, and therefore also over the utility of existing social movement theory. We argue that some of this disagreement owes to scholars studying different kinds of Internet activism. Therefore, we introduce a typology of Internet activism, which shows that markedly different findings are associated with different types of Internet activism and that some types of Internet activism have been studied far more frequently than others. As a consequence, we ask an empirical question: is this skew in the selection of cases, and hence apparent trends in findings, a reflection of the empirical frequency of different types of Internet activism? Troublingly, using unique data from random samples of websites discussing 20 different issue areas commonly associated with social movements, we find a mismatch between trends in research cases studied and empirical frequency.

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11

Tohamy, Ahmed. "Youth Activism and Social Networks in Egypt." CyberOrient 11, no. 1 (January 2017): 86–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.cyo2.20171101.0004.

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12

Zhou, Yining. "Internet Censorship in the Digital Divide." Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no. 3 (2017): 340–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04503006.

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The tentative study explores why information and communication technology (ICT) does not show effective power in increasing Chinese worker activism publicity with the digital divide framework. I conducted in-depth interviews with worker activism participants that are motivated to adopt ICT for mobilising and gaining public awareness and support for their collective actions. The study found that in addition to strategic skills and motivations, perceived importance of the media in activism as well as media censorship and users’ coping strategies are influential in preventing them from effectively using ICT for activism. A typology is accordingly developed to position workers’ perception of adopting the Internet and mass media in activism. The two constructs are then incorporated into a revised pyramid model of the digital divide to describe two advanced divides when people already have access, skills and motivations to use ICT for political pursuits in societies with media censorship.

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13

Bronnikov, I. A. "Civil Internet Activism: Trends and Prospects." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 17, no. 4 (2017): 94–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2017-4-94-102.

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Eli Erlick. "Trans Youth Activism on the Internet." Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 39, no. 1 (2018): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5250/fronjwomestud.39.1.0073.

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15

Qureshi, Muhammad Tehseen, Amir Mushtaq, Danyal Ahmed, and Ayesha Saleem. "Blogging – Future Media and Internet Activism." International Journal of P2P Network Trends and Technology 8, no. 4 (August 25, 2018): 11–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14445/22492615/ijptt-v8i4p403.

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16

Tatarchevskiy, Tatiana. "The ‘popular’ culture of internet activism." New Media & Society 13, no. 2 (December 6, 2010): 297–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444810372785.

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17

Momah, Pamela Ogwuazor. "Tunisia, Egypt, the Social Media and Political Activism." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 6, no. 6 (2013): 45–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-0664547.

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18

Dowell, Anna. "Landscapes of Belonging: Protestant Activism in Revolutionary Egypt." International Journal of Sociology 45, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 190–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2015.1045345.

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19

Luo, Xiaowei Rose, Jianjun Zhang, and Christopher Marquis. "Mobilization in the Internet Age: Internet Activism and Corporate Response." Academy of Management Journal 59, no. 6 (December 2016): 2045–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/amj.2015.0693.

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20

Barnes Leetal, Dean. "Those Crazy Fangirls on the Internet: Activism of Care, Disability and Fan Fiction." Canadian Journal of Disability Studies 8, no. 2 (April 28, 2019): 45–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cjds.v8i2.491.

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This article explores Activism of Care, a form of activism offering strategies, implementation of skills and accessibility different from those offered by traditional activism. Activism of Care suggests that activist strategies are not universal, but instead should be tailored for specific communities’ structures, skills and intersectional positionings. This paper focuses on the implementation of Activism of Care by and for neurodivergent participants in fan fiction communities on Tumblr. It demonstrates ways Activism of Care is implemented to promote destigmatization of mental illnesses, and to celebrate participants with depression, anxiety or PTSD. This article describes how Activism of Care implements elements of Care Ethics in fan fiction communities to promote social change. Emotional, literary and social structures of these communities are used to promote the rights, well-being and pleasure of neurodivergent participants. Finally, this paper provides characteristics by which to recognize or create this type of activism, alongside or as an alternative for traditional activism.

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21

Sullivan, Jonathan, and Lei Xie. "Environmental Activism, Social Networks and the Internet." China Quarterly 198 (June 2009): 422–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009000381.

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AbstractSocial networks and the internet both have a substantial individual effect on environmental activism in China. In this article, we speculate that social linking patterns between environmental actors, which often facilitate activism on the ground, may also exist in cyberspace in the form of an online network. The article addresses the following empirical questions. Does such an online network exist? If so, who are the constituent actors? Are these the same actors observed on the ground? In addressing these questions the article aims to contribute to the growing debate on the implications of the internet for the potential emergence of social movements in China.

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22

Menteş, Süleyman Ahmet. "Online Environmental Activism: The Case of Iğneada Floodplain Forest." SAGE Open 9, no. 3 (July 2019): 215824401987787. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244019877877.

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The Internet has changed the ways and conditions of activism. Especially over the last three decades, online activism has been prevalently used for sharing information, connecting people, and mobilizing crowds to express their discontent. The Internet is often referred to as a new form of public sphere, which demonstrates many distinctive and advantageous features compared with traditional types of public spheres. By following public sphere theory, this study examines online activism in the context of environmental activism and aims to understand the potential of the Internet within online activism practices. The studied website “Save the Floodplain Forest” ( www.longozukoru.org ) is an environmentalist activist platform dedicated to saving the Iğneada floodplain forest. The study employed the five-dimensional content analysis scale developed by Kavada to evaluate and analyze the campaign website. The results exhibit inadequacies and point out the potential rooms for improvement for the campaign website.

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23

Gonçalves, Alexandra Rodrigues, Laura Lou Peres Dorsch, and Mauro Figueiredo. "Digital Tourism: An Alternative View on Cultural Intangible Heritage and Sustainability in Tavira, Portugal." Sustainability 14, no. 5 (March 2, 2022): 2912. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14052912.

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The digitalization of cultural routes and virtual storytelling has emerged as a way of showcasing to individuals the heritage of different cultural universes. Regarding this fractional environment, and as a by-product of the international EU funded iHERITAGE project, (B_A.2.1_0056), the goal is to create, through an innovation-driven growth process and technological transfer, brand strategies for the affirmation and better knowledge of intangible realities in the Mediterranean region. The Sicilian Tourism Department in Italy is the project’s lead beneficiary, with representative partners throughout six Mediterranean countries (Italy, Egypt, Spain, Jordan, Lebanon, Portugal). The case study in Portugal is being developed in Tavira, through the intangible cultural heritage of the Mediterranean diet. The research based on the cultural experience, the history of the landscape and the sense of identity and continuity of knowledge is reassigned into a digital platform—the creation of apps and, within this, the design of a virtual route that navigates key geographical places. These apps will later revolve around one of the cultural elements of the Mediterranean, namely, the olive oil activity, with a detailed presentation of the manufacturing process, as well as its didactic interpretation and dissemination about the protection and conservation of Mediterranean research. The methodological approach is developed through the analysis and interpretation of a detailed list of references, fieldwork in a plurality of sites, contextual inquiries and interviews. As a powerful tool for internet marketing and research, these apps will reinforce identity, hospitality and tourism enterprises connected through the virtual itinerary, allowing a closer interaction between tourists and locals, endorsing the rise of technological development, as well as to drastically reduce environmental and ecological risks.

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24

Bubnov, A., and S. Kozlov. "Political activism in social media (e.g. of Moscow, Ekaterinburg and Shies)." Journal of Political Research 5, no. 1 (March 26, 2021): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-1-54-64.

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The purpose of the research is to study the practice of its manifestation in the modern political process of Russia, in particular in Moscow, Yekaterinburg and Shies, based on the analysis of scientific ideas about political activism in social networks. The main methods in the work are the comparative political science approach, case-study and content analysis. The analysis of recent political events shows that modern online technologies and forms of civic participation are gaining great importance in political discourse. With the advent of the Internet, the approach to an audience in the media space and the forms of interaction have changed. There are spontaneous emergence of Internet activism in Russia and the growth of its influence which were described. The role of the Internet in activating citizenship was examined, the main channels / Internet platforms (YouTube, telegram channels, etc.) and their functions in Internet activism were highlighted. It is argued that online activism and subsequent offline actions were shaped by network structures as unique events open to any participant. A study of political protest actions in recent years shows that, at this stage of the developing civil society in Russia, Internet activism, which has consolidated various segments of the locals around solving political issues, contributes to civil mobilization and raises awareness of protests. In some cases, the agenda in the Russian media can be formed mainly due to the activation of the masses in the digital environment. It is concluded that in the short term because of the growing dissatisfaction with conventional forms of political participation, the confrontation between authorities and society in the Internet can create a new political reality in Russia. Protest actions organized using the Internet, previously not frequent, have become very common in Russian politics in recent years. The practical significance of the work lies in the area that the results of the study make a certain contribution to development of the theoretical base of researches on Internet activism.

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25

Abdelrahman, Maha. "In Praise of Organization: Egypt between Activism and Revolution." Development and Change 44, no. 3 (May 2013): 569–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dech.12028.

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26

Sowers, Jeannie. "Activism and Political Economy in the New–Old Egypt." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 1 (February 2015): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001500.

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Under President al-Sisi, Egypt has revealed itself to be less tolerant of dissent and more successful at cloaking itself in nationalist sentiment than under either the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces or Husni Mubarak. The massacre at Rabʿa al-ʿAdawiyya, the arrests, detention, and torture of youth and prominent activists, the proliferation of criminal and treason charges against journalists, nongovernmental organizations, and Muslim Brotherhood figures, the banning of various organizations, and the passage of restrictive laws on basic civil rights—these practices make clear that the regime has no commitment to democratization understood either as substantive participation or the safeguarding of basic civil liberties.

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27

Azzam, Ahmed Ezz Eldin. "Online Activism in Egypt : The Case of January 2011." عالم التربية 16, no. 51 Part 1 (July 2015): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0031793.

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28

Norris, Pippa. "The Impact of the Internet on Political Activism." International Journal of Electronic Government Research 1, no. 1 (January 2005): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jegr.2005010102.

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29

Rutherford, Kenneth R. "Internet activism: NGOs and the Mine Ban Treaty." International Journal on Grey Literature 1, no. 3 (September 2000): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/14666180010345528.

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30

Tierney, Thérèse F. "Disentangling Public Space: Social Media and Internet Activism." Thresholds 41 (January 2013): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/thld_a_00096.

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31

Longan, Michael. "Spatializing International Politics: Analyzing Activism on the Internet." Political Geography 23, no. 8 (November 2004): 1058–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2004.05.003.

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Monk, Janice. "Spatializing International Politics: Analysing Activism on the Internet." Professional Geographer 57, no. 3 (August 2005): 480–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0033-0124.2005.493_5.x.

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33

Rennie, Elinor. "Review: Future Active: Media Activism and the Internet." Media International Australia 106, no. 1 (February 2003): 164–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310600123.

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Sokolov, Alexander, Catherine Olenitskaya, and Yuri Golovin. "Success Factors of Internet-Activism in Social Networks." SHS Web of Conferences 50 (2018): 01175. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185001175.

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Social networks are gradually becoming a space for organizing and conducting civil campaigns. Authors analyze the factors that contribute to the organization of a successful campaign in social networks. They identify social groups that are most susceptible to influence in social networks. The authors also for-mulate a methodology for assessing the involvement of citizens in a civil campaign in social networks.The paper provides the results of a survey of experts to evaluate the factors that enable to ensure the success of the civil campaign on the Internet.

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Lonkila, Markku. "The Internet and Anti-military Activism in Russia." Europe-Asia Studies 60, no. 7 (August 18, 2008): 1125–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130802230671.

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36

Clark, Janine A. "The Paradox of Islamic Activism and Economic Reform in Egypt." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 4, no. 2 (September 1996): 35–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1996.11014327.

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Said, Mohamed El Sayed. "Review: Mobilizing Islam: Religion, Activism, and Political Change in Egypt." Journal of Islamic Studies 16, no. 2 (May 1, 2005): 245–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/eti141.

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38

ElMasry, Sarah, and Neil Ketchley. "After the Massacre: Women’s Islamist Activism in Post-Coup Egypt." Middle East Law and Governance 12, no. 1 (April 24, 2020): 86–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201007.

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This paper draws on event data and interviews to examine the effects of repression on the gendered dynamics of Islamist mobilization in Egypt following the 2013 military coup. Our analysis shows that women’s anti-coup groups were more likely to mobilize following the killing of up to 1,000 anti-coup protestors at Rabaa al-Adawiyya in August 2013. Women’s protests were also more likely in the home districts of those killed at Rabaa. Informant testimony indicates that the Rabaa massacre figured as a transformative event that female activists drew on to motivate their involvement in street protests. Taken together, our findings suggest that very harsh repression can enable women’s participation in Islamist street politics – but this activism can come at a considerable personal cost for participants. Women who joined anti-coup protests were subjected to calibrated sexual violence by Egyptian security forces as well as other social penalties.

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Atef, Noha. "Why Qualitative Research about Media Activism Could be Hard?" Communication & Methods 1, no. 2 (December 29, 2019): 221–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35951/v1i2.41.

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This article discusses the challenges the researcher often encounter when they conduct qualitative research. The data were collected through in-depth interviews with a sample of researchers who did their qualitative research about media activism in Egypt between 2008 and 2018. In this context, media activism is a broad term to include new media, digital media and community media. Egypt was selected for this article as the case of the global south, where the research field is politically unstable, and the results may apply other countries of the global south. The article concludes that there are three main variables to determine the difficulty of completing a qualitative research; the identity of the researcher or the research team; the time of carrying out the research and the connections between the researcher and participants.

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40

Lockman, Zachary. "British Policy Toward Egyptian Labour Activism, 1882–1936." International Journal of Middle East Studies 20, no. 3 (August 1988): 265–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800053629.

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In May 1896 Lord Cromer, the British Agent and Consul-General in Egypt and that country's de facto ruler, received a “very numerously signed petition” from the coalheavers of Port Said. These workers, most of them migrants from Upper Egypt, were employed through labor contractors by several English and other foreign-owned companies to carry coal onto ships transiting the Suez Canal. The coalheavers complained of ill-treatment by the contractors (shuyuūkh), who “buy and sell us like slaves”, stealing part of their wages and forcing them to buy all they needed at stores owned by the contractors. Cromer acknowledged receipt of the petition in a letter to the coaling companies, commenting that the workers “seem to have some real grievances, notably in connection with the truck system”. Suggesting that the employers seek to avoid a strike, he expressed the opinion that the government “should deal with a strike at Port Said on the same lines as a strike in England, that is to say, that they should preserve order and not interfere to any serious extent between employers and labourers.”

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Luvizotto, Caroline Kraus. "Citizenship, activism and participation on the internet: brazilian experiences." Comunicação e Sociedade 30 (December 29, 2016): 313–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17231/comsoc.30(2016).2500.

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A number of social and political actions have been strengthened and potentiated by internet support, with use of its network architecture to disseminate information, promote collective discussion and support activism. In order to discuss how internet tools can contribute to political and social participation in Brazil, were identified on two websites: Vote on the Web (Vote na Web), which is privately owned, and Participatory – Youth Participatory Surveillance (Participatório – Observatório Participativo da Juventude), which is the result of an initiative by the government through the National Youth Secretariat (Secretaria Nacional da Juventude - SNJ). From these examples, this study aims to analyze the use of the internet for the creation, organization and dissemination of social and political participation and online activism in Brazil. It is understood that the websites are limited and that online tools are not used to their full potential. However, considering a context of citizenship and online participation, it is possible to verify that the architecture of those websites encourages participation - even without civic engagement - and can be a step forward towards an enhanced civic practice.

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42

Bernal-Triviño, Ana, and Sandra Sanz-Martos. "Las Periodistas Paramos in Spain: Professional, feminist Internet activism." European Journal of Communication 35, no. 4 (February 7, 2020): 325–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323120903687.

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This article analyses how the group Las Periodistas Paramos (We the Women Journalists Stop) arose and developed within the context of the feminist strike that took place in Spain on 8 March 2018 (‘8M’). The purpose of this research is to understand how this community began and its typology, to analyse the selection of digital tools in the process and to outline the strengths and weaknesses of the group on the basis of participants’ experiences. Using three qualitative methods, specifically an interview, non-participant observation and focus groups, the group’s collective work dynamics and its evolution are defined. The results obtained show that this is a community of interest that has collaboratively broadened its initial objectives, surmounted ideological differences, contributed to the feminist movement and grown exponentially by expanding its activities to embrace other Spanish cities and foreign correspondents.

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Boykoff, Maxwell T. "Digitally Enabled Social Change: Activism in the Internet Age." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 41, no. 4 (June 27, 2012): 486–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306112449614h.

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Barnard, Stephen R. "Digitally Enabled Social Change: Activism in the Internet Age." New Media & Society 14, no. 5 (July 12, 2012): 894–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444812444415d.

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Rawson. "Transgender Worldmaking in Cyberspace: Historical Activism on the Internet." QED: A Journal in GLBTQ Worldmaking 1, no. 2 (2014): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/qed.1.2.0038.

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Arafa, Ahmed, Omaima Mahmoud, and Entisar Abu Salem. "Excessive Internet use and self-esteem among Internet users in Egypt." International Journal of Mental Health 48, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207411.2019.1611167.

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Postill, John. "A Critical History of Internet Activism and Social Protest in Malaysia, 1998-2011." Asiascape: Digital Asia 1, no. 1-2 (January 30, 2014): 78–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142312-12340006.

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Abstract This article asks two related questions. First, to what extent has internet activism shaped social protest in Malaysia from the late 1990s to the present? Second, what can the history of internet activism and social protest in Malaysia tell us, if anything, about the 2011 global wave of protests? To address these questions I distinguish three key moments in Malaysia’s eventful history of internet activism and social protest, namely the 1998-1999 reformasi movement, the electoral ‘tsunami’ of 2008 (in which the ruling coalition lost its two-thirds majority), and the Bersih 2.0 rallies of 2011. I argue that Bersih 2.0 is best explained as both the latest episode in a series of uniquely Malaysian techno-political events and as a local variant of the global wave of protests of 2011 – a wave in which hackers, online journalists, and technology lawyers, as well as ordinary citizens using digital media, played an important part. The article ends with a summary and with suggestions for further research.

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Ahmed, Ahmed H., Ghassan H. Mardini, Bruce M. Burton, and Theresa M. Dunne. "Is internet reporting useful? Evidence from Egypt." Journal of Applied Accounting Research 19, no. 4 (November 12, 2018): 574–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jaar-03-2017-0042.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the views of 18 users and preparers regarding the corporate internet reporting (CIR) practices of companies listed on the Egyptian Stock Exchange (EGX). Design/methodology/approach A decision-usefulness theoretical framework is used as a lens for the study, in order to shed light on: internet infrastructure and its use for disclosure purposes in Egypt; the benefits of and trends in practices relating to CIR in Egypt; how the information presented accords with the qualitative characteristics of “usefulness” set out in the IASB’s conceptual framework of 2010; and the potential economic consequences of CIR. Findings The results indicate reasonable satisfaction with internet infrastructure in Egypt. The interviewees are intensive users of the internet, including accessing electronic sources of corporate information, but the perception remains of hard copy financial reports as the most important source of disclosure. With the exception of verifiability, the majority of respondents viewed CIR as having a (potentially) positive impact on the qualitative characteristics of accounting information as set out in the IASB framework. Research limitations/implications The use of the interview method is subject to some limitations. These include: the perceived lack of anonymity, which may restrict the extent to which participants speak honestly or openly about the topic being investigated; the non-standardisation of responses – which can result in the inability to make systematic generalisations; and interviewees’ perceptions being influenced by events which have taken place prior to the discussion. Practical implications This research provides substantive insights for policy makers about the current attitudes of interested parties concerning CIR in Egypt. Originality/value This study contributes to our knowledge in a number of ways, as it provides up-to-date evidence of interested parties’ views concerning CIR practices and it indicates how CIR has affected the quality of financial information disclosure practices. Moreover, this study extends prior research on the use of the internet as a disclosure channel by considering a different empirical site, namely Egypt, and also by adopting a different theoretical framework.

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Schaefer, Brian P., and Kevin F. Steinmetz. "Watching the Watchers and McLuhan's Tetrad: The Limits of Cop-Watching in the Internet Age." Surveillance & Society 12, no. 4 (June 19, 2014): 502–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v12i4.5028.

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Video-taping police actions as a form of political activism—also known as “cop watching”—has been an activity which has garnered much scrutiny and media attention in recent years. Many hold the idea of cop watching as a realization of the democratic potential promised to us by the Internet. Primarily drawing from the theoretical lens provided by Marshall McLuhan, however, this essay argues that the medium is the message or, rather, the use of video clips shared through the internet may actually neutralize to some extent the political potential of this form of activism in many ways. As such, caution is warranted in over-emphasizing the power that video-activism may bring in halting or at least drawing attention to acts of police brutality and corruption.

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Earl, Jennifer, and Alan Schussman. "Cease and Desist: Repression, Strategic Voting and the 2000 U.S. Presidential Election." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 2 (June 1, 2004): 181–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.2.j1uq072540827q77.

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Online political activism has rapidly increased over the past decade, forcing state authorities to adapt repressive strategies to handle this change. Few researchers, however, have explored hostile state reactions to unconventional online political activity and fewer still have tried to analyze the impacts of state repression on internet-based activism. In this article, we use data on strategic voting, which occurred during the 2000 U.S. presidential election, to examine two core concerns of social movements scholars: (1) the effects of repression on movement mobilization; and (2) the effects of repression on tactical choices. Our findings suggest that researchers must account for core technological and social features of the internet as an activist environment in explaining repression's effects in the twenty-first century. We argue that this is particularly true when researchers study activism that emerges and thrives online, as compared to activism that begins offline and migrates online at a later point.

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