Dissertations / Theses: 'Internet and activism – Egypt'

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Mooney, Shannon Michelle. "Women's activism, a case study of Egypt." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0003/MQ28902.pdf.

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Nam, Hayana. "NGO's Internet-Activism in Territorial Disputes." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/803.

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Internet has become the most efficient method in information dissemination, collaboration and interaction connecting diversity of people, places, ideas and cultures all around the world. With new communication and information technology, Internet has become a pragmatic way for NGOs to share their interests worldwide. Although NGOs have been utilizing the internet, the power of internet-activism is underestimated. Thus, this paper studies Internet-activism as the new method for NGOs to work in terms of territorial disputes. It specifically studies South Korea and Japan’s territorial disputes over Dokdo and Sea of Japan/East Sea that have been causing heated contention over a long time. It studies NGO’s different methods in raising awareness of this issue through a Korean cyber organization called VANK, Voluntary Agency Network of Korea. The purpose of this study is to prove that Internet-activism is an efficient and powerful method for NGOs.

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Farag, Ahmed M. "The internet in Egyptian society and its use as a news medium /." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84507.

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The Internet news medium has immense potential to restructure the existing media regime in Egypt. Online news sites offer new patterns for the production and consumption of media content and function as communication spaces in realms which lie beyond existing social and political constraints. This dissertation begins with an analysis of the social construction of the Internet in Egypt. It endeavours to show how certain political, economic and cultural interests and the agendas of key social actors are shaping the development of the Internet in Egypt. It also describes how institutional arrangements, the regulatory system and the communications culture are mediating the implementation and uses of the Internet. Following this analysis, the dissertation explores the nature of the Internet news medium, its communication architecture and its unique capabilities. Case studies of two Egyptian news organizations and their online news production processes are presented in order to develop an understanding of journalists' conceptions of the new medium, their work practices and the online gate-keeping processes. These case studies highlight different methods for constructing online audiences and different ways to approach the online news medium. Online news text and its structural and stylistic features are then analysed. Finally, the impact of the Internet on the mass media regime is assessed, paying particular attention to issues of access and participation, censorship and freedom of expression. The dissertation closes by considering the implications of the online medium for the emerging civil society in Egypt. The online medium permits new actors to participate freely in public debate, and could thus present a serious challenge to the dominance of the state in the public domain.

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Ahmed, Ahmed Hassan Ahmed. "Corporate Internet reporting in Egypt : practices and perceptions." Thesis, University of Dundee, 2013. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/3cd18720-8dcf-4276-9269-6cd6f706f2e6.

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The purpose of the present thesis is to provide a detailed descriptive account of recent Corporate Internet Reporting (CIR) practices amongst non-financial companies listed on the Egyptian Exchange (EGX), and explore the perceptions of both users and preparers of corporate information concerning this phenomenon in Egypt. The investigation involves: (i) a disclosure index analysis of CIR practices amongst the sampled companies at two points in time – December 2010 and December 2011 – in order to determine the extent of such practices and ascertain whether this has changed across time; (ii) interviews with users (private investors and financial analysts) and preparers (company officials) of corporate information, in order to gather the views of those individuals concerning CIR in Egypt; and (iii) a questionnaire survey of a wider sample of users and preparers of corporate information, in order to explore the perceptions of a relatively large number of users and preparers regarding CIR in Egypt and thereby complement the disclosure index and interview results. The results suggest that the extent of CIR practices amongst the sampled companies is still limited and there has been little improvement over the investigated period. The results also report great variations amongst the investigated companies concerning the extent to which they embrace the power of the internet for reporting purposes as the full possibilities of the internet in this regard appear not to have yet been realised. However, the practice is found to have a potentially positive impact on the understandability, relevance and comparability of corporate information disseminated online, while its impact on reliability is still questionable. The results from the interview analysis reveal that: (i) the majority of participants were broadly satisfied with Egypt’s internet infrastructure; (ii) interviewees were intensive users of the internet, including accessing online corporate information; and (iii) notwithstanding the previous point, hard copy reports remain the most important source of corporate financial disclosure in Egypt. Views regarding the future of CIR were mixed; participants highlighted some problems associated with CIR and indicated a belief that such practices in Egypt are still very limited compared to those found in developed capital markets. Nonetheless, CIR practices are seen as potentially having a positive impact on the understandability, relevance, and comparability of accounting information, although this was not the case with regard to reliability. The results of the questionnaire survey indicate that the need to offer an image of modernity and to provide financial information are the most important reasons for engaging in CIR practices in Egypt. The participants were reasonably satisfied with most of the investigated issues, although a significant difference was evident amongst the respondent groups concerning the security and privacy of information disseminated via the internet. The results support those from the interviews in suggesting that hard copy annual reports are viewed as the most important source of disclosure in Egypt, with the respondents viewing CIR practices as a supplement to, rather than a substitute for, hard copy reports. Finally, the findings support those from the rest of the empirical work in suggesting that, with the exception of reliability, the respondents saw CIR practices as having a potentially positive impact on the qualitative characteristics of accounting information set out in the IASC Framework (1989); this view was shared by users and preparers alike, in contrast to the interviewees, the questionnaire respondents saw CIR practices as having an impact on the cost of capital and share prices, but this view was not overwhelming.

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Hatcher, Alexandra M. "From the Internet to the streets| Occupy Wall Street, the Internet, and activism." Thesis, Northern Arizona University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1537772.

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In September of 2011 protestors filled the streets of New York City’s Wall Street Financial District as part of the social movement known as Occupy Wall Street. Prior to their protests in the streets, Occupy Wall Street was a movement that originated and spread online through various social media such as Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, and interactive webpages. The strategy of using Internet communication as a tool for activism is not new. Social movements since the 1990s have utilized the Internet.

The growing use of Web 2.0 technologies in our everyday lives is a topic that is not yet fully understood or researched by anthropologists, nor is its potential for ethnographic research fully realized. This thesis addresses both of these points by presenting a case study of how, as anthropologists, we can collect data from both the online and in-person presences of a group.

This thesis focuses on the social movement, Occupy Wall Street, because of its beginnings and continuing activity online. In-person data of the Occupy Wall Street movement were collected at Occupy movements in Flint, Michigan and New York City, New York using traditional ethnographic methods such as interviews and participant observation. Online data were collected using computer scripts (programs that automate computer tasks), that recursively downloaded websites onto my personal, locally owned hard drive. Once the online data was collected, I also used computer scripts to filter through data and locate phenomena on the websites that I had chosen to focus. By analyzing both online and in-person data I am able to gain a more holistic view and new ways of understanding social movements.

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Biddix, James Patrick. "The power of "ESTUDENTPROTEST" a study of electronically-enhanced student activism /." Diss., St. Louis, Mo. : University of Missouri--St. Louis, 2006. http://etd.umsl.edu/r1361.

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Moon, David B. "Cyber-herding and cyber activism countering Qutbists on the internet." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FMoon.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Information Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Arquilla, John J. ; Denning, Dorothy E. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 23, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-56). Also available in print.

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Lekakis, Eleftheria. "Politics in the pocket? : coffee activism, political consumerism and the internet." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.521806.

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This thesis examines coffee activism III the UK in order to discuss the possibilities and hindrances for civic engagement within the wider debates on the decline of political participation and the mediation of politics online. Coffee activism is an umbrella term for the fair trade movement and actors beyond the official network. This research is based on the analysis of selected activists' websites, online and offline interviews with activists and citizens, as well as events observation and survey questionnaires. I interrogate the landscape of coffee activism through spaces which allow political expression and participation to emerge, and question the possible colonisation of such spaces by consumer narratives and mobilisation calls. By portraying the online growth of both civic and consumer-related information, as well as communication and consumption flows, I argue that the internet has served mostly as an enhancer of a neoliberal consumer-driven rationale. Such narratives and directions belong in the repertoire of political consumerism, which has signalled a distance from previous types of civic engagement. There is a shift in the placement of personal experiences of political engagement from public to private spaces. Civic engagement here consists of mostly individual acts, which become politically meaningful on a collective level. This is discussed as collective individualism, signifying a mass scale of individual acts of citizenship. Distance from civic habits of the past assisted by liquid politics online and offline and infiltrated by consumer culture and the politics of neoliberalism allows for both optimism and scepticism for a politics within the capitalist modus operandi. Concurring with literature on the prolific, though fragmented, nature of citizenship and the politics of political consumerism, I argue for the restrictive enactment of forms ofparticipation and the restrained use of the internet for political revival.

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Stenlund, Per. "Politisk aktivism och Internet : En studie i hur Internet förändrar aktivism." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för informatik, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-45176.

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The integration of the Internet in our society has shaped alot of the things we do in our lives. The Web allows us to achieve certain things directly through our computers, such as reading the paper and paying our bills. But this integration has also lead to another interesting change. Activists have begun to unload their operations onto the Net instead of holding on to the more traditional demonstrations performed in squares. This study aims to look into the world of cyberactivism and examine how cyberactivists experience the way activism has changed as a result of using the Internet. The study is based on interviews with four cyberactivists operating in various fields. It points to a change in activism, not in its core or message, but in the way activism is engaged. Based on the interviews, three common categories can be found: dissemination of information, communication and new dimension. These categories show that with the use of the Internet, information dissemination, communication and acting independently of time and space has been made easier. Putting this aside, new challenges have also arisen concerning ownership of the message, uncontrolled communication and a larger distance to the activism itself. However, there is no doubt that the Internet has played a huge role in how activism is conducted today.

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Aly, Doaa Abd El Rehim Mohamed. "Assessing the development of voluntary internet financial reporting and disclosure in Egypt." Thesis, University of Hull, 2008. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:2690.

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Currently the provision of corporate financial information through the internet is a new issue confronting providers and users of financial information in Egypt. It is expected to be important as financial information would be disseminated worldwide and this availability of information could encourage people to invest in any part of the world. Studying internet reporting in Egypt will help in providing on line timely information, thus encouraging investors to invest in Egypt. It will meet stakeholders� demands for greater speed and volume of financial information. Businesses must find better and more effective ways of communicating financial information with these stakeholders. Therefore, there is a need to examine the role played by the internet in communicating financial information in Egypt, in order to find out how that role may be enhanced. The major objectives of the study were to 1) identify the extent of internet corporate financial reporting in the Egyptian companies; 2) identify factors which influence Egyptian listed companies to voluntarily adopt internet-based corporate financial reporting; 3) evaluate the effectiveness of voluntary internet financial reporting and disclosure to selected groups of users; and 4) explore the role of Investor Relations and auditors regarding internet financial reporting and their functions or procedures are affected. Innovation diffusion, institutional change, and economic-based theories were employed to explain the adoption of internet financial reporting in Egypt. To accomplish these objectives, a sequential explanatory triangulation design was employed, employing both quantitative and qualitative data collection and analysis. Quantitative methods were used to achieve the first and second objectives. A disclosure index was constructed to determine the level of voluntary internet financial reporting of the 100 most active listed Egyptian companies for the year ended 2004. Ten hypotheses were formulated to test the relationship between the level of voluntary financial internet disclosure and the company�s characteristics. It was found that 27 companies had no websites, the websites of 9 companies were under construction, 62 companies had websites and 35 companies disclosed their financial information on their websites. The average disclosure rates of financial information were 30% for the Egyptian companies which had websites and 44% for companies having websites and disclosing financial information. 100% of communication companies and 67% of financial services companies disclosed financial information on their websites and all communication companies had disclosure scores over 50%. The results of Univariate analysis revealed that firm size variables (total assets, total sales); leverage variables (Total Debt /Total Assets and Long term Debt/ Total Assets); foreign listing; industry type; and audit firm size are significantly associated with the extent of internet disclosure at least at the 5% level of significance. The results of multiple regressions indicated that profitability, foreign listing and industrial sector (communications and financial services) are important factors affecting the amount and presentation formatting of financial information disclosed on Egyptian companies� websites. Qualitative method was used to accomplish the second, third and fourth objectives. Seventeen interviews were conducted with stakeholders [Investor relations officers, financial analysts & fund managers, audit partners & key managers from Egyptian Stock Exchange]. A framework was developed which includes six main factors affecting companies� disclosure of financial information on the internet, which include companies� characteristics [Size, Foreign listing, Industrial sector (banking and communications sectors), Capital structure (Foreign investors, Governmental ownership, Number of shareholders)], management style, amount of paper-based disclosure, imitation, rules and regulations, and number of analysts covering the company. Investor relations officers should be responsible and decide upon the financial information to be published on companies� websites but this is not the case in Egypt. Auditors have no responsibility regarding internet financial reporting in Egypt. This study makes the following contribution to knowledge: - This study is the first which undertakes an empirical investigation regarding internet financial reporting and disclosure of Egyptian listed companies. - This is the first study to examine the effects of culture, organizational structure and demographic characteristics on the adoption of voluntary internet reporting and disclosure. - One of the significant features in this study is that it employed quantitative and qualitative methods to identify the factors which affect companies� adoption of voluntary internet financial reporting and disclosure in Egypt. - This study will contribute to the understanding of the concept, functions and activities of Investor Relations within companies and this might draw the attention to the importance of Investor Relations and help in the development of Investor Relations in Egypt. This is the first time that the role of Investor Relations has been investigated in Egypt, or indeed any Arab country. - The disclosure index used was modified to be suitable for companies working in the Egyptian environment context. This index could be used by other researchers to investigate internet financial reporting and disclosure for companies working in other Arab countries that are experiencing similar economic changes.

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Casey-Sawicki, Katherine Ann. "The circulation of reality tv and internet activism real world meet the Zapatistas /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0004900.

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Naeli, Mina [Verfasser]. "Exploring the Impacts of Internet-mediated Communication on Iranian Women‘s Rights Activism / Mina Naeli." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1171431325/34.

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Zinnbauer, Dieter. "Power and activism in the context of a maturing Internet : the case of Malaysia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.405778.

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Hany, George Ramzy Farah. "Renegotiating politics on campus : students in post-2011 Egypt." Thesis, Paris 10, 2019. http://faraway.parisnanterre.fr/login?url=http://bdr.parisnanterre.fr/theses/intranet/2019/2019PA100070/2019PA100070.pdf.

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Cette thèse étudie les transformations des modes d’action politique des étudiants des universités Egyptiennes. L’enquête, qui mêle entretiens et observation parmi plusieurs groupes d’étudiants actifs entre 2011 et 2015, remet en perspective la conception historique de l’action politique étudiante dans ce pays. La mise en évidence de la multiplicité de formes, niveaux et enjeux des organisations et des mobilisations étudiantes permet de souligner les transformations sur le long terme et de les situer par rapport aux changements du système d’enseignement supérieur, et des reconfigurations plus larges du système politique. Cette thèse étudie comment être étudiant en Égypte produit des manières spécifiques de dire et de faire le politique. Elle démontre que l’articulation de la charge politique historiquement associée au statut étudiant, des réformes du système d’enseignement supérieur dans les années 1990s et des dynamiques de court terme générées par la révolution de 2011 et l’intervention militaire de 2013, offre aux acteurs un espace pour négocier les significations qu’ils attribuent à leurs engagements. Le politique se manifeste alors sous des formes et à des niveaux divers, et notamment dans les interstices entre ce que les acteurs disent et ce qu’ils font, et dans les dans luttes autour de l’étiquetage politique des activités
This dissertation follows the transformation of the Egyptian university student mobilizations and other forms of political action. Interviews and observation of a variety of student groups in the period between 2011 and 2015 pave the way to put in perspective the historical conception of typical student political action; to account for the diverse forms, levels and goals of student organization and mobilization; and to situate them in line with the changes in the higher education system and the broader political reconfigurations. This thesis examines how being a student in Egypt produces specific ways to do and to say politics. It shows how the articulation of the long term political charge of the student status, the medium term higher education reform and the short term dynamics of the revolution of 2011 and the military intervention in 2013, allows actors to negotiate the meanings they attribute to their commitments. This negotiation paves the way for multiple forms and levels of “politics” to emerge among student groups, especially in the gaps between what they say and what they do, and in the debates around labelling a mobilization, an activity or a practice as political

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Arif, Rauf. "Social movements, YouTube and political activism in authoritarian countries: a comparative analysis of political change in Pakistan, Tunisia & Egypt." Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/4564.

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This dissertation explores the role of social media in political activism in authoritarian societies, using as case studies the use of YouTube as an alternative channel of communication and resistance during the political crises in Pakistan, Tunisia, and Egypt. I studied Pakistan because it is one of the few majority Muslim countries in which social media were part of the media mix during the mass uprisings that led to the overthrow of the regime of military leader, General Pervez Musharraf in 2007. Tunisia and Egypt were chosen because these two countries are seen as the iconic nations of the Arab Spring 2011. The study argues that the term "Arab Spring" itself limits the scope of ongoing online and offline political uprisings in the Muslim World, which is spreading beyond the geographical boundaries of the Middle East. The investigation uses "social movements" as defined and theorized by Hirschman (1970), Lohmann (1994), Olson (1965), and Tarrow (1994; 1998) as its theoretical foundation, in order to describe and explain how YouTube was part of the information activism of the social movements that sprang up during the revolutions in Pakistan, Tunisia and Egypt. A comparative methodological approach enables me to analyze the "most viewed" YouTube videos of political protests in the three countries. By examining a purposive sample of 60 most viewed protest-related YouTube videos, the study explores how these videos served as a "voice," (alternative channels of communication) when the authoritarian governments controlled all the media in the three countries. Using quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis approaches, the study investigates YouTube's role and content during Pakistan's political crisis of 2007, and compares it with that platform's role as an alternative avenue of communication, as well as its content in the 2011 political uprising in Tunisia and Egypt, which are the core of the Arab Spring in North Africa. Eight research questions were asked for this investigation. These questions were derived from Hirschman (1970), Lohmann (1994), Tarrow (1998), and Perlmutter's (1998) works. Issues that were investigated in these questions include: identifying the cultural and ideological frames used in the most viewed videos of each revolution, YouTube videos as "informational cascades," Al-Jazeera's role as "informational cascade," YouTube videos as a "Voice," and the most iconic images of each revolution. The findings of these research questions suggest that in the absence of traditional media sources, YouTube can serve as an alternative platform of communication and dissent. The study finds that the social movements in the three countries (The Lawyers' Movement of 2007 in Pakistan, the so-called Jasmine Revolution of Tunisia (2010), and the Arab Spring of Egypt 2011) utilized YouTube as an alternate channel of communication to disseminate information on political protests against the dictatorial regimes for purposes of promoting resistance. The visual content analysis of these videos revealed that the YouTube videos of political protests utilized common religious and national ideologies as a part of cultural and ideological frames to spread the narratives of political protests online. The findings of this study support that the most viewed videos contributed to serve as informational cascades for the observers (YouTube viewers) of these protest-related videos. The findings also highlight that the pan-Arabic TV channel Al-Jazeera utilized YouTube as an alternative platform to disseminate its protest-related videos, particularly when the channel was banned in the three countries. The visual content analysis of the most viewed videos of protests suggest that social movements in Pakistan, Tunisia and Egypt used YouTube to amplify their voice against corruption, unemployment, and authoritarianism in the three countries. The findings of this dissertation identify that three images (one from each country) were treated as the icons of outrage in the 60 most viewed protest-related videos. These icons of outrage include the images of Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation (Tunisia), torture-disfigured face of Khaled Said (Egypt), and the arrest of Pakistani Chief Justice, Iftikhar Chaudry. Based on its findings, the dissertation argues that the ongoing political struggle in Muslim-majority countries is a much bigger phenomenon than the "Arab Spring." This study also makes a strong case that Pakistan experienced online informational activism long before the Arab Spring of 2011. Since political communication in Pakistan is a relatively under-researched field, academic archives do not provide sufficient information on the role and emergence of social media in the country, including how the new modes of digital communication serve as alternative channels of political activism against dictatorship. This dissertation intends to fill this void. The study also contributes to the existing literature on communication, social movements and political activism, which is predominantly specific to Western settings. Since this study applies Western approaches of social movements to non-Western settings, it helps to explicate the applicability of such approaches to non-Western societies and contexts. Furthermore, it is important to understand the role of social media as alternative channels of communication in closed, authoritarian societies where the traditional media serve only the interests of the ruling elites. In addition, the study helps to explain how the increasingly popular social media, e.g. YouTube, are contributing to civil liberties by challenging the authoritarian regimes of the Muslim World.

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Neviani, Rodolfo Samuel da Silva. "Verdade em rede: veridicção e ativismo no contexto da internet." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-06072018-095731/.

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Neste trabalho discutimos sobre internet e verdade. Especificamente, tentamos defender que há modos singulares de produção do discurso verdadeiro, e a internet implica configurações particulares destes modos. Entendemos que as formas por meio das quais podemos lidar com a verdade são reconfiguradas por elementos que a rede faz funcionar, tais como o acesso generalizado à produção de texto, a reprodução massiva de informação, a imensa capacidade de acúmulo e distribuição de conteúdos. Por isso, afirmamos que a internet não é um meio pelo qual é transmitida uma verdade incondicional; tampouco é o meio pelo qual se perverte o verdadeiro na forma do erro. Entendemos que há diferentes modulações de discursos pretendidos como verdadeiros, cada um dos quais relativo a possibilidades inerentes às diversas plataformas na rede. Para levar a efeito tal discussão, primeiramente consideramos alguns problemas teóricos selecionados da tradição acadêmica que investigou os meios de comunicação. Posteriormente, debatemos acerca de uma noção de verdade mais adequada a nosso âmbito de problemas, de onde é derivada uma discussão a partir de textos de Friedrich Nietzsche e Michel Foucault. Advém daí o entendimento de que a verdade é um efeito de disputas, o que a inscreve no problema geral do poder. Uma vez que o ativismo em rede se apresenta como modo de produção de discurso com pretensão de verdade, propomos a discussão acerca de casos específicos em que ocorre. Sendo a educação ambiente sensível aos problemas que tocam a verdade, a política e o uso de tecnologias de informação e comunicação, a pesquisa almeja contribuir com o debate atual concernente a esta área de estudos.
In this work we discuss about the internet and truth. Specifically, we try to argue that there are singular modes of producing true discourse, and the internet implies unique configurations of these modes. We understand that the ways in which we can deal with truth are reconfigured by elements that the network makes work, such as generalized access to the word, massive reproduction of content, immense capacity for accumulation and distribution of information. Therefore, we affirm that the internet is not a means by which an unconditional truth is transmitted; nor is it the means by which the true is perverted in the form of error. We understand that there are different modulations of speeches intended as true, each of which related to possibilities inherent to the various platforms on the network. To carry out such a discussion, we first consider some theoretical problems selected from the academic tradition that investigated the media. Later, we debate about a notion of truth more adequate to our scope of problems, for this we derive a discussion from the texts of Friedrich Nietzsche and Michel Foucault. There emerges the understanding that truth is an effect of disputes, which inscribes it in the general problem of power. Since network activism presents itself as a mode of discourse production with a pretension of truth, we propose to discuss specific cases in which it occurs. Since education is sensitive to problems that touch on truth, politics and the use of information and communication technologies, the research aims to contribute to the current debate concerning this area of study.

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Abdel, Hamid Mohammad. "La médiation socionumérique du street artivisme en Egypte (2010-2013) et sa contribution à l’émergence d’un public politique : approche sémiotique d’une expérience esthétique révolutionnaire." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA024/document.

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La transgression discursive que constitue le street art peut s’exprimer dans divers espaces. Si les œuvres apparaissent tout d’abord dans la rue, leurs reprises sur les réseaux socionumériques leur octroient de nouvelles spatialité et temporalité ; elles sont alors non seulement inscrites dans la durée, mais également intégrées dans un nouvel « effet de sens ». Passant d’un mur urbain à un mur socionumérique, cet acte subversif engage à la constitution d’une communauté autour d’une thématique ou un centre d’intérêt plus ou moins politisé. L’Egypte voit le street art soudainement apparaître dans ses rues et se répandre comme une traînée de poudre sur les réseaux socionumériques dès le soulèvement insurrectionnel de janvier-février 2011. A partir de ce constat, il s’agit d’étudier la contribution de la médiation socionumérique du street art, prise en charge par des communautés activistes, à un agir des collectifs politiques. Ce travail de thèse a pour principal objectif de vérifier dans quelle mesure ces collectifs s’instituent en un public politique revendiquant la chute d’un régime ainsi que la mise en place d’un pouvoir civil et démocratique. Une approche pragmatiste, associant une « théorie de l’action » deweyienne à une sémiotique peircienne, est mise à l’œuvre afin d’observer les actions d’un public. Celles-ci sont suscitées par des dispositifs médiatiques, dont les auteurs insèrent dans leur discours des images street artivistes, générant des récits mythographiques victimaires et martyrologiques
The discursive transgression of street art can be expressed in various spaces. In the street for a first appearance, but the coverings on the social networks give new spatiality and temporality to a work, they now inscribe it in duration as well as in a new "effect of meaning". Moving from an urban wall to a sociodigital wall, subversion commits to the constitution of a community around a thematic or a more or less politicized center of interest. Egypt in 2010 sees street art suddenly appearing in its streets and spreading like wildfire on the sociodigital networks from the insurrectional uprising of January-February 2011.From this observation, it will be necessary to study the contribution of the social media mediation of street art, taken over by activist communities, to incite political collectives to an action. This work of thesis will try to verify to what extent these collectives are instituted in a political public demanding the fall of a political regime as well as the establishment of a civil and democratic power. A pragmatist approach will combine a deweyian "theory of action" with a Peircian semiotics in order to observe the actions of a political public. These are aroused by media devices, which include street artivist images in their speeches, generating victimary and martyrological mythographic narratives

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Mohamed, Ahmed Tohami Abdelhay. "The rupture in state-society relationships and the prominence of youth activism in Egypt : opportunities, strategies and new models of mobilization." Thesis, Durham University, 2013. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/8502/.

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This thesis examines the development of youth activism in Egypt as key social actors during the latter years of Mubarak’s presidency (from 2000) and leading into the tumultuous events of the Revolution in January 2011. The assessment draws on social movement theory to provide an analytical framework, specifically the political process model. It first offers an analytical narrative of the political structures which have developed within Egypt in the modern era and which have provided the structural context within which such movements have emerged and developed, notably cycles of contentious politics. The narrative identifies the impact of early Nasserist hegemony, the subsequent embedding of corporatist structures for socio-political organisation, and the inhibiting effects these had on the development of autonomous social movements until the contemporary period. Youth and Student movements remained key political actors during specific historical periods but even these were severely constrained after 1979. This provides the structural scene setting for our in-depth study of contemporary youth activism. In attempting to explain the contemporary re-emergence of youth activism during the January Revolution, the thesis proceeds to examine the political opportunities which were presented to social movements in general, and youth activism specifically, during the era of Mubarak’s rule, and with an emphasis on the period from 2000-2010. Developments in Egypt are analysed through the ordering devices offered by SMT, including the progressive rupturing of the state-society relationship, the high level of grievances among the population, the level of institutional access, and divisions among the ruling elite. The thesis adds an additional category – the role played by transnational and external factors – which emerged as an important influence in the preceding narrative of Egyptian political development but which have traditionally been neglected by SMT. The thesis further uses the analytical tools of SMT to examine two particular forms of youth mobilisation; the student movements and the April 6th movement. Successive chapters examine the strategic choices, organisation, framings and mobilisation strategies of these movements, drawing heavily on intensive semi- and un-structured interviewing and data collection, both in person and through the formats and devices of the social movements themselves (such as Facebook, Twitter and movement websites). The thesis demonstrates that these youth activism are better understood as New Social Movements (NSM) rather than conventional social movements. They have developed through horizontal networking rather than vertical and hierarchical organisations. They have drawn substantially on the political opportunities offered by transnational and external factors. In both these aspects, they have made good use of new informational and communications technologies, specifically the Internet, which create communicative linkages but do not offer a clear route to the next stage of formal political organisation (explaining in part the limitations of these movements). Finally, they demonstrate the importance of generational politics in Egypt, the grievances of which lie at the core of the rupture between state and society.

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Helmi, Amr Shoukry. "The enforcement of digital copyright in Egypt : the role and liability of internet service providers." Thesis, Brunel University, 2013. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/12628.

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The thesis examines to what extent copyright holders can enforce the online reproduction and communication rights against online service providers in Egypt. The objective of the thesis is therefore to highlight that the existing Egyptian copyright law 2002/82 is insufficient to impose liability on internet service providers, both substantively and also with regards to enforcement. Various recommendations are thus made to improve the legislative framework in Egypt, all with a view of achieving that a fair balance is struck for all those parties, who/which are involved in digital communications, particularly online end users, so that their rights to online privacy and access to information are preserved. For this purpose, a comparative methodology has been adopted and recourse is made to US and European laws. This comparative approach is further complemented by a critical examination of existing deficiencies within the legislative liability regime for internet service providers in the US and Europe in order to ensure that foreign laws are not merely transplanted, but that the best and most suitable legislative framework is adopted by the Egyptian legislator.

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Deng, Xili, and 鄧西里. "Dancing to the tunes : the state and the market in cyber-to-physical mobilisation in contemporary China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/197551.

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Situated in the contemporary debate over the implications of the Internet to the contentious politics and authoritarian states, this study is an empirical investigation into the mechanism and the determinants of cyber-to-physical mobilisation in contemporary China. This research compares the mobilization processes of the two cyber-contentious episodes in China, namely the Xiamen PX Event in 2007 and the Sanlu Milk Scandal in 2008. It is grounded on a two-year cyber-ethnographic investigation and in-depth interviews with 14 people differently involved in the respective cyber-contentious episodes. In order to find out why some contentious activities are able to transform into street protests while others of similar nature are contained or even vanish in the cyberspace, this study examines the interactions between the four stakeholders in each contentious episode (i.e., the cyber-protesters, the media, the state power, and the market forces). It highlights the importance of the state power and the market forces in cyber-to-physical mobilisation, and determines the conditions under which cyber-to-physical mobilisation is feasible. This thesis elucidates how the state power and the market forces collectively condition cyber-to-physical mobilisation through the media (both the print and the digital media). The entire mechanism is powered by the tensions between cyber-protesters, the media, the state power and the market forces. The media framing of an incident influences the grievance formation of cyber-protesters, which further determines cyber-to-physical mobilisation. Thus, by manipulating the media framing, the state power or the market forces may control cyber-to-physical mobilisation, although it is not always a success. Based on the mechanism for cyber-to-physical mobilisation, this thesis further ascertains the conditions for cyber-to-physical mobilisation. The two contentious episodes show that cyber-to-physical mobilisation is prohibited when the respective core interests of the state power and the market forces are in complete unity (i.e., national mobilisation and industrial damage are eminent). On the contrary, if cyber-to-physical mobilisation merely triggers controllable regional mobilisation, the state will tolerate it; and if cyber-tophysical mobilisation only costs limited corporate damage, the market forces will allow it. Under such circumstances, cyber-to-physical mobilisation is possible.
published_or_final_version
Sociology
Master
Master of Philosophy

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Müller-Funk, Lea. "Transnational politics beyond the Arab uprisings : Egyptian activism in Vienna and Paris." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0005.

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Cette recherche de doctorat interdisciplinaire examine ce qu’Østergaard-Nielsen (2003) a appelé « homeland politics », c’est-à-dire les activités politiques des migrants et des réfugiés relatives à la politique intérieure ou extérieure de leur pays d’origine. Cette thèse se concentre sur deux études de cas, Vienne et Paris, et les personnes et les groupes qui ont tenté d'influencer la politique pendant et après les soulèvements en Egypte (2011-2013). Mon intérêt porte notamment sur l'identification de ces activistes, de leurs réseaux et des raisons de leur participation politique. Mon deuxième intérêt vise le rôle des médias sociaux comme outil de la contestation transnationale. La thèse est divisée en trois parties. La première adopte une approche macro et trace le contexte dans lequel les pratiques transnationales des migrants égyptiens et leurs enfants ont eu lieu, en mettant l'accent sur les politiques d'émigration, d'immigration et d’intégration. La deuxième partie contient l’analyse de mes données empiriques à un niveau micro et décrit les différents types d’activistes transnationaux, leurs argumentations politiques, leurs réseaux et stratégies. Elle donne également un aperçu de leur utilisation Facebook. La troisième partie est une contribution théorique au transnationalisme politique : elle soulève la question de savoir si nous assistons aujourd'hui à l'émergence d'une société civile transnationale égyptienne et développe ensuite un cadre analytique des déterminants qui influencent la « politique de la patrie »
This interdisciplinary PhD project examines what Østergaard-Nielsen (2003) calls ‘homeland politics’, namely the political activities of migrants and refugees who aim to influence the domestic or foreign policy of their country of origin. It focuses on two case studies, Vienna and Paris, and examines the people and groups who tried to influence politics during and after the uprisings in Egypt (2011-2013). It focuses particularly on the identification of transnational activists, their networks and their motives of their political participation. It further analyzes the role of social media as a tool for transnational politics. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first adopts a macro-level approach and traces the context in which transnational practices of Egyptian migrants and their children take place, by focusing on emigration, immigration and immigrant policies. The second is an empirical analysis on the micro-level and describes different types of transnational activists, their argumentations, networks, and strategies. This includes a comprehensive analysis of their use of Facebook. The third part is a theoretical contribution to political transnationalism by discussing the limits of Egyptian transnational civil society today and by developing an analytical framework for factors which influence homeland politics

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Gu, Xiaoting. "The influence of social media on chinese college students' social activism." Scholarly Commons, 2012. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/839.

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Guided by Uses and Gratifications Theory, this study investigated the relationship between Chinese college students' use of social media and their social activism. Data collected from a goup-administered survey of 309 undergraduate students at a large university in eastern China was used to answer four research questions. The results indicated that Chinese college students who used social media for information seeking were likely to participate in individual social activism. Besides, students who used social media for self-status seeking and information seeking were likely to participate in collective social activism. No significant correlation between entertainment motivation and social activism were found. Neither can socializing motivation predict Chinese college students' social activism. In addition, gender had an impact on individual social activism and frequency of social media use could affect both individual and collective social activism.

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23

Adams, Sarah Jane. "Hell Hath No Fury like a Scorned Soap Fan: A Case Study of Soap Opera Fan Activism." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/26500.

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Soaps operas, or daytime serials, have long been a staple of American culture. In April 2011, ABC-Disney announced the cancellation of All My Children and One Life to Live. Cancellations propelled the fans of these programs to launch efforts to save not only the shows, but the genre. Through the use of social media, websites, and traditional off-line activities that included calling and letter-writing, fans strived to make their voices heard. The study examines the creation of an online community and discourse through a textual-analysis case study of blogs on two fan activist websites. Dahlberg?s criteria for presence in an online public space and Habermas? public sphere allows for the presentation of ideas within a group to encourage a sense of democracy in a grassroots effort to be heard against corporate interests. The case study will examine a fan website, Sudz.Tv, as a group organized in a virtual public space.

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Galusky, Wyatt. "Virtually Uninhabitable: A Critical Analysis of Digital Environmental Anti-Toxics Activism." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/28117.

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In this dissertation, I analyze online environmental anti-toxics activism. Environmental activist groups have created a presence on the World Wide Web to help empower people to become aware of and struggle against pollution. The sites that I explore (http://www.epa.gov/tri/, http://www.epa.gov/enviro/wme/, http://www.rtknet.org/, and http://www.scorecard.org/) serve as devices of this empowerment and by extension recruit people to the political goals of anti-toxics activism. In my analysis, I focus on a series of questions germane to this context. How can/does this movement go online and utilize that presence to sway others to their cause and ideology? How then is that cause represented digitally, in the online medium? What are the reciprocal impacts of that representation on the movement itself? Most importantly, what form of activist identity is being promoted through the mediation of the online interface? That is, how are the identity of the self as activist and the related understanding of space and place altered through their translation into a digital environment? What are the parameters and limitations of digitally mediated, informed empowerment? I undertake to critique empowerment as found through the digital translation of environmental anti-toxics activism into the virtual space of the Web. I show that particular uses of this Internet application invent (reinvent/reinforce) versions of environmental anti-toxics activism, digitized versions which must be understood in terms of their wider assumptions and implications. I break the study into three main parts. The first part lays theoretical groundwork for studying Web-based entities. The second part deals with more particular foundational elements for digital environmental anti-toxics activism, especially in terms of information. In the final section, I analyze and critique the forms of digital identity and empowerment that the websites create. I conclude that digital empowerment, defined primarily through access to expert information, actually represents an impoverished version of empowerment which may do little to aid real-world toxic struggles.
Ph. D.

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25

Ahmed, Mohamed. "Students’ Exposure to Political News on the Internet and Political Awareness: A Comparison between Germany and Egypt." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2012. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-84412.

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The recent political events in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Tunisia (2011) have confirmed the key role of social networks (SNSs), as well as online political news in supporting citizens with their self-determination. Furthermore, “changes in the media landscape present new challenges for scholars interested in the relationship between the media and civil society. Additionally, the explosion of the Internet that started in advanced democracies and has spread through much of the globe provides new and unexplored pathways for communication. Moreover, the inclusion of the Internet in the media environment raises new questions for citizens, politicians, researchers, journalists, and government” (Oates, Owen & Gibson, 2006, p. 1). This study looks at the relationships between young people’s exposure to political news on the Internet and their political awareness. It develops and applies an index for political participation composed of several variables measuring political interest, discussion, knowledge, and participation. The survey among students in both countries was administered in Arabic and German, while the master questionnaire was developed in English. The survey was conducted between April and June 2010 in Egypt at Minia University and in Germany at Technical university of Dresden. The sample size was 1000 (500 in each country) students from several departments representing different academic fields: three departments of Engineering, three departments of Humanities and Social Science, and finally three departments of Natural Science. The study’s main research question was: “What is the impact of students’ exposure to political news on the Internet on their political awareness and civic activities?” The researcher started from the hypothesis that heavy use of political news on the Internet is positively related to political awareness. A further research question aimed at gauging the role of intervening variables such as gender and field of study for the relationship between the use of political news on the Internet and the level of political awareness. Results show that there is a positive relationship between using political online news and political awareness. German students’ political awareness for German students was higher than Egypt student’s political awareness (M=63.02, SD=15.65, comparing to M=45.72, SD= 17.65 for Egyptians).

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26

Schindehutte, Genevi. "Remembering is Resistance: In Physical and Virtual Places of Downtown Cairo." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1438346291.

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27

Saleh, Adel. "Uses and effects of new media on political communication in the United States of America, Germany and Egypt." Marburg Tectum-Verl, 2005. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2687690&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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28

Chaban, Stephanie. "Women's organisations, international norms and the emergence of domestic violence legislation in the Middle East and North Africa : an examination of activism in Egypt and Lebanon." Thesis, Ulster University, 2016. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.739371.

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While there has been a general feminist unease with law’s (in)ability to intervene in violent situations in the private sphere, some scholars argue that law not only makes public what occurs in the private, but may also shift gender norms. For the most part, states in the Middle East and North Africa region, while eagerly adopting international frameworks, have been delayed in their efforts to adopt gender-sensitive or women-specific domestic violence legislation. Employing qualitative research methods, this thesis examines how women’s organisations accept, reject or reinterpret international frameworks in the criminalisation of domestic violence in the Middle East and North Africa region. The research also examines the role that transnational or regional women’s networks play in the activism of women’s organisations in Egypt and Lebanon, and the Middle East and North Africa region more broadly. Through the use of the case studies, this research compares and contrasts the debates taking place within the respective sites in order to better understand how women’s organisations and their allies engage with, reject, or reinterpret international norms in their activism to criminalise domestic violence. This thesis argues that women’s organisations and their allies who are responsible for domestic violence laws in Egypt and Lebanon engage with international norms and frameworks when creating such legislation. This is done in different ways. While each law makes specific reference to international frameworks, each engages with international norms concerning violence against women and domestic violence in direct and indirect ways. In Lebanon, this means defying social, religious and political norms and steadfastly engaging with international frameworks and discourse. In Egypt, this involves engaging with international norms coupled with partial vemacularization. Both case studies reveal: (1) the history of domestic violence legal activism in the region is not a new phenomenon; and (2) that such activism is highly contextual.

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Delorenzo, Adriana Garcia Torres. "Internet e ativismo : os protestos de junho de 2013 no Brasil." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFABC, 2015.

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Orientador: Prof. Dr. Sérgio Amadeu da Silveira
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2015.
As chamadas Jornadas de Junho de 2013, que levaram milhões às ruas em diversas cidades brasileiras, são o objeto de estudo desta pesquisa. São analisadas as 27 principais páginas no Facebook de junho de 2013, chamadas de autoridades de rede, devido à grande influência que exercem entre os nodos. Analisamos dez publicações no Facebook de cada página que geraram maior engajamento no período, buscando identificar quais foram as estratégias utilizadas por elas. Discutimos esse novo ativismo que surgiu na chamada era da sociedade informacional, principalmente, com a democratização da internet e dispositivos móveis, e as consequentes mudanças no ecossistema comunicacional, conforme apontam Castells, Ugarte e outros autores. O modo de circulação da informação tem alterado as relações sociais, a organização e estruturação das manifestações, como as ocorridas em diversos países do mundo, inclusive no Brasil, convocadas e articuladas essencialmente por meio de plataformas de redes sociais digitais, como o Facebook. Memes e virais se constituem como uma nova forma de linguagem, capazes de engajar centenas de milhares de pessoas. Esse número ilimitado de memes e virais dão vida à memesfera, como conceitua Fernando Fontanella, ou ainda uma lógica hipermemética, segundo Limor Shifman. Por fim, são apontadas as limitações que o Facebook impõe para a circulação das informações, confirmando o potencial de controle das redes digitais.
The protests of June 2013, which brought millions to the streets in several Brazilian cities, are the object of study of this research. Analyzes the 27 main pages on Facebook at June 2013, called authorities, because of the great influence exerted between nodes. We have analyzed ten Facebook posts of each page that generated greater engagement in the period, trying to identify what were the strategies used by them. We discussed this new activism that emerged in the era of so-called information society, especially with the democratization of the Internet and mobile devices, and the consequent changes in the communication ecosystem as point Castells, Ugarte and other authors. The flow of information so has changed social relations, organization and structuring of events such as those that occurred in several countries, including Brazil, convened essentially and articulated through digital social networking platforms such as Facebook. Memes and virals constitute themselves as a new form of language, able to engage hundreds of thousands of people. This unlimited number of virals and memes give life to memesfera, as conceptualized Fernando Fontanella, or a hipermemetic logic, according to Limor Shifman. Finally, the limitations are pointed out that Facebook imposes to the circulation of information, confirming the potential control of digital networks.

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Lemos, Marina Gazire. "Ciberfeminismo: novos discursos do feminino em redes eletrônicas." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/5260.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:18:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marina Gazire Lemos.pdf: 3920643 bytes, checksum: f5c5b9210e9e6909383314384ce4121e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-22
The communication technologies enables a new configuration in the process of organization of several social movements for instance the feminist movement, that after incorporating the new electronics networks has gained a new practice called Cyberfeminism. This dissertation intent to investigate how the appropriation of electronic networks allows Cyberfeminist groups to build new approaches in the feminist discourse. Many of these groups utilizes the communication technologies, such as the Internet, not just to politically organize their selves, but use these mediums as an instrument to question the woman condition through works that connect art with activism. The actions of groups like Old Boys Network (Germany), VNS Matrix (Australia) and the Brazilian artist, Helga Stein are investigated as a social phenomena and new way of modal discourses under the communication theories lens. From this theoretical point of view, this research uses the Cyborg Theory (1984) by Donna Haraway and the post-human studies developed by Mark Dery (1995) and Lúcia Santaella (2003 and 2008). We will present the examples described above as much as a in its theoretical as in its empiricist scope and their relation to the technologies
As novas tecnologias de comunicação possibilitam um redimensionamento dos modos de organização de inúmeros movimentos sociais como, por exemplo, o feminismo que, a partir da popularização de redes eletrônicas de comunicação, apresenta uma nova prática denominada Ciberfeminismo. A dissertação pretende investigar como a organização em redes eletrônicas permite aos grupos ciberfeministas novas construções do discurso feminista. Muitos dos grupos ciberfeministas utilizam as tecnologias de comunicação, como por exemplo, a Internet, não só para se organizarem politicamente, mas também para problematizar a questão da mulher através de trabalhos que mesclam ativismo e arte. As atuações de grupos como as Old Boys Network (Alemanha) , VNS Matrix (Austrália) e da artista brasileira Helga Stein são investigadas aqui como fenômenos sociais e manifestações dos novos discursos feministas sob viés das teorias da comunicação. Do ponto de vista teórico, a pesquisa se apoia na Teoria do Ciborgue de Donna Haraway (1984), nos estudos sobre o Pós-Humano de Mark Dery (1995) e Lúcia Santaella (2003 e 2008). Apresentaremos os fenômenos descritos acima tanto em âmbito teórico quanto empírico, procurando investigar as diferentes possibilidades do discurso ciberfeminista e sua relação com a tecnologia

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AraÃjo, Leonardo Vasconcelos de. "ComunicaÃÃo para mobilizaÃÃo: quem dera ser um peixe, internet e ativismo polÃtico." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2016. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=16741.

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FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico
Essa dissertaÃÃo pretende investigar como o Quem dera ser um peixe (QDSP) â grupo que se constituiu com o objetivo de se colocar contra a construÃÃo de um oceanÃrio milionÃrio na orla de Fortaleza â utilizou as redes sociais em sua prÃtica comunicativa, a fim de mobilizar os usuÃrios da internet em torno da questÃo do Acquario CearÃ, instituindo, no percurso, novos processos de resistÃncia e novos paradigmas de aÃÃo coletiva em nosso estado. Para tanto, estabelecemos como corpus da pesquisa a fan page âQuem dera ser um peixeâ e o perfil âPeixuxa Acquarioâ, ambas do site Facebook â a plataforma mais frequentada pelo Quem dera ser um peixe. Escolhemos limitar nossa pesquisa a 2012, perÃodo de maior incidÃncia do grupo na internet, ano que contou com um grande nÃmero de simpatizantes produzindo conteÃdo e auxiliando a amplificar as denÃncias contra a obra. A metodologia usada para abordar essa questÃo, alÃm da descriÃÃo da prÃtica comunicativa do Quem dera ser um peixe, tanto no espaÃo virtual, como no espaÃo real, foi a AnÃlise de MobilizaÃÃo de quadros, a qual busca compreender como se dÃ o alinhamento entre o enquadramento de uma instituiÃÃo ou movimento social, por exemplo, e os atores sociais que a compÃe, elemento essencial para se entender o processo de mobilizaÃÃo polÃtica. AlÃm disso, recorremos a quatro entrevistas com diferentes membros do Quem dera ser um peixe, a fim de compreender suas posiÃÃes acerca de questÃes centrais para o grupo, como o papel da informaÃÃo e da comunicaÃÃo para o tipo de ativismo que pratica; e tambÃm de questÃes ligadas a sua forma de organizaÃÃo. Esse aspecto, em particular, Ã de grande importÃncia e procuramos abordÃ-lo no trabalho, embora sem a pretensÃo de esgotar o assunto, por suas implicaÃÃes na prÃpria prÃtica comunicativa do grupo. Partindo de um pequeno histÃrico da internet, delineamos como se deu sua passagem de tecnologia militar para suporte material da sociedade em rede, enfocando os usos que o QDSP fazia e faz dela. O acompanhamento de suas atividades fora do espaÃo virtual, em reuniÃes, aÃÃes, articulaÃÃes foi de grande importÃncia para dar materialidade aos dados coletados das plataformas de interaÃÃo, fornecendo mais elementos capazes de dar conta da complexidade do fenÃmeno que representa o QDSP. Um aspecto que salta aos olhos, por exemplo, o qual sÃ poderia ter sido observado por meio da ida a campo diz respeito Ã complexa relaÃÃo estabelecida entre os integrantes do grupo e o PoÃo da Draga, comunidade popular que se localiza a poucos metros do Acquario. Em conclusÃo, podemos afirmar que o QDSP foi bem sucedido na conduÃÃo de um ativismo virtual (o qual era subsidiado por extensas investigaÃÃes e pelo uso inventivo e dinÃmico da comunicaÃÃo, borrando os limites entre ciberespaÃo e espaÃo real) que conseguiu nÃo sÃ barrar por diversas vezes a obra, como tambÃm ampliar e popularizar muitas questÃes ligadas ao oceanÃrio, a ponto de, hoje em dia, o projeto estar longe de ser uma unanimidade entre a populaÃÃo de Fortaleza.

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Protic, Serena. "The impact of fourth wave feminism: Using social media as a feminist resource." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2019.

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There is little doubt that the Internet, and especially social media, has revolutionised our lives, transforming the way in which we communicate (Liveperson 2017), read the news (Pew Research Center 2016), shop and conduct business (Deloitte 2015), work (Zetterstrom 2012) and even find love (Pew Research Center 2015). The Internet has had an impact on feminism as well, revolutionising the way feminists participate in political and cultural activism and contributing to the creation of a fourth feminist wave. Thanks to the Internet, virtually anybody who has access to it can become an activist and fight for the movement from the comfort of their home, whether by contributing to the creation of an online archive, signing petitions, supporting boycott movements or sharing their experiences on a blog (Cochrane 2013). But what is the real impact of the Internet on the way activists operate? Will it replace grassroots activism with time, or is it contributing to the development of new strategies, which will cooperate with existing methods, in an effort to collectively change the culture we are living in? This study suggests the unfolding of a new, fourth feminist wave, analyses the contribution of the Internet to fourth wave feminism and explores the potential of online activism as a tool to combat misogyny.

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33

Elsayed, Amr Nazieh Mahmoud Ezat. "The key determinants of the voluntary adoption of corporate Internet reporting and its consequence on firm value : evidence from Egypt." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/343.

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Corporate Internet reporting represents one of the voluntary types which helps to achieve transparency by disseminating various types of timely information by using different presentation types and easily accessible tools. Corporate governance has become one of the most crucial issues in recent years due to the consequent scandals that have happened either in developed or developing countries. Therefore, most stakeholders demand greater transparency within the disclosed information provided by various companies. Consequently, the current study aims to contribute to the disclosure literature by examining the association between corporate Internet reporting and its main components, and corporate governance and ownership structure variables in one of the developing countries, namely Egypt, based on a comprehensive theoretical framework and explore the economic consequences of corporate Internet reporting and its main components. By using a self-construct disclosure index, the study measures corporate Internet reporting based on an un-weighted checklist that includes 100 items. Of the Egyptian listed companies, 343 are surveyed to explore the extent of corporate Internet reporting. The findings reveal that about half of the Egyptian listed companies have a website. However, the level of corporate Internet reporting is slightly low relatively to the developed countries. The results of the empirical findings demonstrate that corporate Internet reporting by Egyptian listed companies is influenced by various variables such as company size, leverage, legal form, asset in place, financial type, foreign listing, audit type, shares volatility, shares activity, shares issuance, block holder ownership, managerial ownership, governmental ownership, institutional ownership, board size and family members on the board. In addition, the study indicates that these determinants vary among the various components of corporate Internet reporting: content, presentation, timeliness and usability. Finally, the study provides empirical evidence that corporate Internet reporting has a positive impact on firm value. Such a finding demonstrates the importance of corporate Internet reporting in the Egyptian context and reveals the motivation for applying such a disclosure medium.

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Ginter, Mary Beth. "Campus activism: Studying change as it is being created Gender, the Internet, and organizational structure in a student anti-sweatshop group." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280474.

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In this case study of an Anti-Sweatshop Group, on the campus of a university in the southwest, I present findings related to gender, the Internet and organizational structure and discuss these in connection with the group's mission, behaviors, activities and perceptions. This is an exploratory, qualitative case study that spanned nine-months of ethnographic field work. Through interviews, participation and observation of group meetings throughout a nine-month period, and analysis of over 1000+ listserve emails from that same period of time, I explored the lived experiences of a campus activist group and learned how they perceived gender issues, Internet usage and organizational structure.

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Bood, Sofie. "WE CAN DO IT... OR CAN WE? : A Radical Feminist Analysis on the Strategies and Challenges of Female Political Participation in the 2011 Revolution in Egypt." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35960.

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The aim of this thesis is to analyse female political participation in the 2011 revolution in Egypt with the help of a radical feminism theoretical framework, which effectively ensures that the female participation is analysed from an intersectional point of view. The research will be conducted as a desk study. In order to do this, the research will specifically look at the means of mobilisations used by female protesters, as well as examine the reasons why women chose to join the protests throughout Egypt between January 25 and February 11, 2011. Furthermore, the strategies used to overcome challenges and obstacles in and after the revolution will be analysed. The main result of this research is that women to a large extent used and benefited from ‘online activism’ on websites such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube both in the lead-up to and during the revolution. The research will show that women gained legitimacy during the protests by not pushing for a gender-specific agenda, but instead joined the protest under the common battle-cry of ‘bread, freedom, and dignity’ as well as taking up traditionally female roles during the protests. Moreover, the thesis will argue that the wide spread practice of female genital mutilation as well as the staggeringly high prevalence of sexual harassment and gender-based violence are severe hindrances for women to access the public sphere, and will show how the post-revolutionary government in Egypt effectively worsened the socio-political climate for women.

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Mazzini, Roberto. "A content analysis of activist group use of dialogic tools on the world wide web." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000315.

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Souza, Ludmila Maria Noronha. "Política e internet – uma trajetória da participação individual no contexto democrático." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2016. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/6604.

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O presente estudo enfoca o contexto de disponibilização de canais de participação política institucionalizada aos cidadãos através de mecanismos digitais. O conceito de representação é colocado em foco no eixo temático da democracia através de uma análise acerca da teoria participacionista e da teoria deliberacionista, apresentadas como possibilidades de incremento da democracia representativa. As modalidades de participação foram enquadradas sob a ótica da atuação on-line e a democracia deliberativa tem expressão, para a pesquisa, no conceito habermasiano de esfera pública. Estabelece-se uma reflexão acerca do conceito de sociedade em rede e suas implicações na conformação de uma esfera pública no espaço virtualizado, em confluência com a prerrogativa da participação individual. Configura-se, então, um quadro sociotemporal da oferta de mecanismos digitais voltados à participação política individual on-line no Brasil. Abordam-se, primeiramente, iniciativas advindas de entidades e organizações da esfera civil, com a exemplificação de dois modelos: o site Votenaweb e o componente on-line da campanha pela Lei da Ficha Limpa, capitaneado pela Avaaz. Ao abordar, especificamente, a interface entre Estado e sociedade no âmbito da institucionalização da participação, a tese parte da conformação do cidadão individual e de seu papel de destaque nas propostas disponibilizadas pelo aparato governamental no percurso em questão. À luz de tal premissa, é analisada a plataforma Dialoga Brasil. Visando amplificar a abordagem, coloca-se este objeto em perspectiva com um outro mecanismo de participação digital, também consolidado num regime democrático; analisa-se, para tanto, o sistema de petições on-line da Assembleia da República de Portugal. De forma geral, confirmando a hipótese principal, conclui-se que os objetos analisados se encontram inseridos na estruturação de um percurso de ampliação da oferta de mecanismos digitais voltados para a participação individual. Verifica-se que os dois objetos analisados, considerando-se seu potencial e seus limites, contribuem como incrementos da participação na democracia representativa e promovem uma maior aproximação entre sociedade civil e instâncias governamentais, contando o peticionamento on-line português com uma estruturação mais sistemática como mecanismo de participação, inclusive em função de estar estabelecido por um período mais longo do que a plataforma brasileira analisada. Na relação contemporânea estabelecida entre Internet e política, com foco na participação individual institucionalizada, faz-se a ressalva, a partir da abordagem desta pesquisa, de que as novas modalidades on-line devem se estabelecer em consonância com outros mecanismos coletivos e organizacionais, integrados num contexto sistêmico, para que não se configurem como experiências isoladas.
The present study focuses on the context of the structuring on offering institutionalized political participation channels for citizens through digital mechanisms. The representation concept is brought into focus in the thematic axis of democracy through an analyse about participationist theory and deliberacionist theory, presented as possibilities to increase the representative democracy. The modalities of participation were framed from the perspective of the online performance and the deliberative democracy has expression, for the research, in Haberman‘s concept of the public sphere. It establishes a reflection about the network society concept and its implications in the formation of a public sphere in the virtualized space, in confluence with the prerogative of individual participation. Configures than, a sociotemporal framework of the offering of digital mechanisms aimed to online individual political participation in Brazil. Approaches, firstly, initiatives arising from entities and organizations of the civil sphere, with exemplification of to models: the Votenaweb website and the online component of the campaign by the Ficha Limpa law, led by Avaaz. When addressing specifically the interface between State and society within the institutionalized participation, the thesis of the conformation of the individual citizen and his role of featured in the proposals available by the government apparatus in the course in question. In light of this premise, it is analyzed the Dialoga Brazil platform. In order to amplify the approach, arises this object in perspective with another digital participation mechanism, also consolidated in a democratic system. Analyses therefore, the online petition system of the Assembly of the Republic of Portugal. In general, confirming the main hypothesis, it is concluded that the analyzed objects are inserted in the structure of an expansion path offering focused digital mechanisms for individual participation. It is noted that the two objects analyzed, considering its potential and its limits, contributes as increments of the participation in a representative democracy and promote a closer approach between civil society and government bodies, counting the petitioning online portuguese with a more systematic structure as a mechanism for participation, including in living function established for a longer period than the brazilian platform analyzed. In a contemporary relation established between Internet and politics focusing on institutionalized individual participation, it is made the reservation, from the approach of this research, that the new online arrangements should be established in line with other collective and organizational mechanisms, integrated in a systemic context, so they do not configure as isolated experiences.

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Araújo, Leonardo Vasconcelos de. "Comunicação para mobilização: quem dera ser um peixe, internet e ativismo político." www.teses.ufc.br, 2016. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/16656.

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ARAÚJO, Leonardo Vasconcelos de. Comunicação para mobilização: quem dera ser um peixe, internet e ativismo político. 2016. 161f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Instituto de Cultura e Arte, Programa de Pós-graduação em Comunicação Social, Fortaleza (CE), 2016.
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Essa dissertação pretende investigar como o Quem dera ser um peixe (QDSP) – grupo que se constituiu com o objetivo de se colocar contra a construção de um oceanário milionário na orla de Fortaleza – utilizou as redes sociais em sua prática comunicativa, a fim de mobilizar os usuários da internet em torno da questão do Acquario Ceará, instituindo, no percurso, novos processos de resistência e novos paradigmas de ação coletiva em nosso estado. Para tanto, estabelecemos como corpus da pesquisa a fan page “Quem dera ser um peixe” e o perfil “Peixuxa Acquario”, ambas do site Facebook – a plataforma mais frequentada pelo Quem dera ser um peixe. Escolhemos limitar nossa pesquisa a 2012, período de maior incidência do grupo na internet, ano que contou com um grande número de simpatizantes produzindo conteúdo e auxiliando a amplificar as denúncias contra a obra. A metodologia usada para abordar essa questão, além da descrição da prática comunicativa do Quem dera ser um peixe, tanto no espaço virtual, como no espaço real, foi a Análise de Mobilização de quadros, a qual busca compreender como se dá o alinhamento entre o enquadramento de uma instituição ou movimento social, por exemplo, e os atores sociais que a compõe, elemento essencial para se entender o processo de mobilização política. Além disso, recorremos a quatro entrevistas com diferentes membros do Quem dera ser um peixe, a fim de compreender suas posições acerca de questões centrais para o grupo, como o papel da informação e da comunicação para o tipo de ativismo que pratica; e também de questões ligadas a sua forma de organização. Esse aspecto, em particular, é de grande importância e procuramos abordá-lo no trabalho, embora sem a pretensão de esgotar o assunto, por suas implicações na própria prática comunicativa do grupo. Partindo de um pequeno histórico da internet, delineamos como se deu sua passagem de tecnologia militar para suporte material da sociedade em rede, enfocando os usos que o QDSP fazia e faz dela. O acompanhamento de suas atividades fora do espaço virtual, em reuniões, ações, articulações foi de grande importância para dar materialidade aos dados coletados das plataformas de interação, fornecendo mais elementos capazes de dar conta da complexidade do fenômeno que representa o QDSP. Um aspecto que salta aos olhos, por exemplo, o qual só poderia ter sido observado por meio da ida a campo diz respeito à complexa relação estabelecida entre os integrantes do grupo e o Poço da Draga, comunidade popular que se localiza a poucos metros do Acquario. Em conclusão, podemos afirmar que o QDSP foi bem sucedido na condução de um ativismo virtual (o qual era subsidiado por extensas investigações e pelo uso inventivo e dinâmico da comunicação, borrando os limites entre ciberespaço e espaço real) que conseguiu não só barrar por diversas vezes a obra, como também ampliar e popularizar muitas questões ligadas ao oceanário, a ponto de, hoje em dia, o projeto estar longe de ser uma unanimidade entre a população de Fortaleza.

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39

Bloch, Emmanuel. "Communication de conflictualité et mouvements activistes sur Internet (2006-2011)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA020069.

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Internet et en particulier les réseaux sociaux numériques (RSN) sont devenus en quelques années des lieux privilégiés de l’activisme. Pétitions, détournements, « bad buzz », blogs polémiques, etc s’affirment désormais comme des moyens d’expressions récurrents de controverses entre institutions – entreprises, organisations, etc – et contradicteurs. Cependant, si les causes de ces oppositions sont extrêmement variables, les modalités de la conflictualité ne suivraient-elle pas des processus similaires ? Cette thèse, dans sa première partie, évoque l’évolution de l’activisme au prisme des nouvelles technologies et de l’émergence des RSN. Puis, à partir de l’étude de stratégies militaires et, en particulier, des conflits dits « asymétriques », la deuxième partie est consacrée à l’identification de caractéristiques susceptibles de modéliser ces nouvelles approches conflictuelles développées sur les RSN. Enfin, la troisième partie, dans une démarche empirique et descriptive permet d’évaluer la pertinence de ce modèle à partir d’un matériel de recherche composé à la fois d’entretiens avec des professionnels et de l’analyse de données issues de trois cas de crises sur internet ayant opposé activistes et entreprises. Ce travail de recherche permet de constater que cette doctrine asymétrique fournit un cadre de décryptage original des mouvements activistes sur internet éclairant notamment plus distinctement la dynamique des enjeux majeurs de la conflictualité, à savoir la quête permanente d’une légitimité de l’action vis-à-vis des parties prenantes
Within a few years, internet, and particularly social media, has turned to be a center place for activism. Petitions, brandjacking, bad buzz, controversial blogs, etc have become common means of opposition between institutions – mostly companies and business organizations – and their opponents. However, if the causes of controversies are extremely diverse, would it be possible to identify common process patterns followed by activists among recent controversies developed on internet? This thesis, in its first part, studies the evolution of activism behaviors and their evolution in linked with the rising of internet and social networks. Then, on a second part, from the identification of specific characteristics of the asymmetric warfare doctrine, we propose a new model to study these controversies and activist behaviors developed on internet. Lastly, the third part of this thesis is dedicated to the the assessment of the validity of this model through an empirical and descriptive approach made up from interviews with professional and analysis of three major internet crisis opposing companies and activists.Through this research, it appears that this “asymmetric communication” model proved to be, in these cases, a comprehensive framework. It particularly makes sense of the key stakes of the controversy: the permanent quest for demonstrating its legitimacy towards key stake holders

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Caires, Luiza Helena Gonçalves. "Quem faz a mídia no CMI Brasil: Jornalismo alternativo, ativista e colaborativo na internet." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/27/27153/tde-08112010-121416/.

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A dissertação teve como objetivo delinear o perfil de dois grupos: aqueles que mantêm a estrutura, como voluntários, do CMI site da Rede Indymedia representante nacional do jornalismo cidadão ou open source e também os que postam conteúdo nele, sem necessariamente ser voluntário. Como método, foram realizadas duas pesquisas empíricas, uma levantando dados mais objetivos do segundo grupo, e outra, baseada em entrevistas abertas, com o primeiro. Dos usuários foram obtidos dados como profissão, gênero, idade, orientação política, hábitos de navegação e postagem; e dos voluntários, valores, crenças, histórias de vida e atividades dentro do grupo. Também foram pesquisados os assuntos e formatos de texto mais recorrentes postados na seção aberta do site. O material obtido e o recurso a um referencial teórico apropriado propiciou como resultado uma análise do veículo e seus participantes à luz das teorias que tematizam: o papel das novas tecnologias na comunicação, e numa possível democratização de seu espectro; os conceitos de jornalismo; jornalismo cidadão, colaborativo ou open source; e jornalismo alternativo; as abordagens sociológicas do ativismo e dos movimentos sociais contemporâneos de uma perspectiva estratégica e cultural; e das relações dos movimentos sociais com a comunicação principalmente em relação às mídias que eles mesmos produzem, e que, fundamentalmente, por não se enquadrarem nos parâmetros do mercado, e focalizarem a luta por mudanças, podemos chamar de alternativa.
This work aims to outline the profile of two groups: those who maintain the structure, as volunteers, of CMI site of Indymedia Net, nationally representative of citizen and open source journalism and also those who post content on it, without necessarily being a volunteer. As a method, we carried out two empirical studies, raising a more objective data from the second group, and another based on open interviews with the former. Users\' data were obtained as: profession, gender, age, political orientation, browsing and postage habits; and from volunteers: values, beliefs, life stories and activities within the group. We have also researched the subjects and text formats more applicants posted in the open section of the site. The obtained material and the use of an appropriate theoretical reference provided as a result an analysis of the vehicle and its participants, using the theories that work with: the role of new technologies in communication, and a possible democratization of its spectrum; the concepts of: journalism; citizen, collaborative or open source journalism; alternative journalism; sociological approaches of the activism and the contemporary social movements from a strategic and cultural perspective; and relationships between social movements and communication, especially referring to the media that they themselves produce, that not fit the parameters of the market and that focus the fight for change and thats why we call it alternative.

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Sobreira, Rodrigo de Oliveira. "Anonimato, redes e política: uma cartografia do ativismo cypherpunk no Brasil." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/8168.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
Technological advances from the information revolution have affected various fields of human life. New forms of interaction in productive ways. The internet is one of the cornerstones of this process. The popularization of the web, since the 1990s, was accompanied by a growing concern by governments and scholars about its consequences. The political activism has found on technology, since the 1980s, new forms of expression and action. In the early twenty-first century, the process of radicalization of some movements and the debate on society of control and surveillance has intensified. The Wikileaks organization and the NSA’s (National Security Agency) documents leaked by Edward Snowden, for example, have shown the power and relevance of such groups. Thus, this study aims to assess and map the impact of this type of activism in Brazil. Since this is an exploratory research, the cartographic methodology will be used in order to provide an overview of cypherpunk activism in Brazil. We have chosen the cartographic methodology to present an overview of the impact of cypherpunks’ discourse in Brazil. The research tries to find the main disseminators of speech and action and understanding this process as a constant construction. This methodology allows both the treatment of robust data, obtained through mining in networks, as a qualitative analysis of data from documentary sources. In addition to the theoretical discussion, this work operates with data mining in social networks, especially Twitter. The goal is to obtain primary data on the subject in Brazil. Thus, data mining software capture tweets (yourTwapperKeeper) with keywords determined by theoretical discussion. Then the data are processed and entered into a visualization software (Gephi) that generates the "map" of the network and debate.
O avanço tecnológico proporcionado pela revolução da informática afetou diretamente diversos campos da vida humana. Novas formas de interação, diminuição da barreira tempoespaço, reconfigurações nas formas produtivas. A internet representa uma das pontas mais conhecidas desse processo. A popularização da web, a partir de década de 1990, foi acompanhada por uma crescente preocupação por parte de governos e teóricos sobre suas consequências. O ativismo político encontra na tecnologia, desde os anos 1980, novas formas de expressão e ação. No início do século XXI, o processo de radicalização de alguns movimentos e o debate sobre sociedade de controle e vigilância se intensificou. A organização Wikileaks e os vazamentos de documentos da NSA (National Security Agency), por exemplo, demonstraram o poder e a relevância de tais grupos. Dessa forma, o presente trabalho pretende avaliar e mapear o impacto desse tipo de ativismo no Brasil. Por se tratar de uma pesquisa exploratória, a metodologia cartográfica será utilizada com o objetivo de fornecer um panorama do ativismo cypherpunk no Brasil. Optou-se pela metodologia cartográfica visando apresentar uma visão do impacto do discurso ativista cypherpunks no Brasil, tentando encontrar os principais disseminadores de discurso e ação e compreendendo tal processo como uma construção constante. Tal metodologia permite tanto o tratamento de dados robustos, obtidos por meio de mineração nas redes, quanto uma análise qualitativa de dados obtidos em fontes documentais. No Brasil, o Laboratório de Estudos sobre Imagem e Cibercultura (LABIC) da Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo tem se destacado como pólo de desenvolvimento de pesquisas e metodologias para cartografar as controvérsias na internet. Além da discussão teórica, o trabalho opera com data mining em redes sociais, especialmente Twitter. O objetivo é levantar dados primários sobre o debate sobre o tema no Brasil. Para isso, softwares de mineração de dados capturam tweets (yourTwapperKeeper) com palavras-chave determinadas pela discussão teórica. Em seguida, os dados são tratados e inseridos em um software de visualização (Gephi) que gera o “mapa” da rede e do debate.

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Schuch, Brunet Karla. "Network projects and collaboration. Models for socio-cultural changes-on the internet." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7520.

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Esta tesis propone modelos para cambios socio-culturales en Internet. Proyectos en red en colaboración fueran el objeto de este estudio. Fueran elegidos 100 proyectos para una base de datos donde se hizo un análisis detallado. Después de un estudio de los resultados de la base de datos, asimismo basándose en teorías de multitud, resistencia, tolerancia, controle y protocolo, cultura libre y realismo virtual, modelos emergieron.

Los proyectos fueron divididos en 3 áreas: diseño, colaboración, y metas. Diseño como una manera de categorizar proyectos referente a su uso de elementos visuales. Luego, esbozase formatos de cómo las contribuciones son presentadas a los usuarios y cómo está estructurada la toma de decisión. Metas, como foco de esta investigación, apuntaron a cuatro modelos: discutir, reflexionar, expresar y actuar. Estos son útiles para la comprensión de cambios socio-culturales en Internet; además, plantean implicación en el espectro de relaciones y redes sociales.
This thesis proposes models for socio-cultural changes on the Internet. Network projects were the object of study, and through collaboration they achieve transformation. I selected 100 projects to be part of a database to a detailed examination. After an analysis of the results of this database, and based on theories of multitude resistance, tolerance, protocol and control, free culture, and virtual realism, models emerged.

The projects were divided in 3 areas: design, collaboration, and goals. Design as a way to categorize projects in relation to their use of visual aesthetics elements. Shortly, it is outlined formats on how the contributions are displayed to users and how is decision-making structuralized. Goals, the focus of this investigation, suggested four models: discuss, reflect, express, and act. These models are helpful to the understanding of socio-cultural changes on the Internet; moreover, they have implication on the spectrum of social relations and networks.

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Morales, Monica D. "A Multi-Disciplinary Analysis of Web 2.0 Technology Use in Egypt & China, 2005-2010." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1432471964.

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Treguer, Félix. "Pouvoir et résistance dans l’espace public : une contre-histoire d’Internet (XVe -XXIe siècle)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0117/document.

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Prenant pour point de départ les controverses contemporaines sur la liberté d’expression et la vie privée à l’ère numérique, cette thèse propose de revisiter l’histoire d’Internet au croisement de l’histoire du droit, des théories politiques et de l’histoire des sciences et des techniques. À travers une enquête de temps long sur l’affrontement des stratégies de pouvoir et de résistance associées aux techniques de communication, elle se veut une contribution à l’histoire de l’espace public et de l’activisme numérique. À partir de la « naissance » de l’imprimerie, la première partie retrace les formes de contrôle de l’espace public qui se structurent en même temps que l’État moderne, et la manière dont elles sont reconduites dans le cadre des régimes représentatifs-libéraux (XVe-XXe siècle). Dans un deuxième temps, l’étude suit l’émergence des projets antagonistes qui ont présidé au développement des réseaux informatiques, et ce afin d’expliquer la profonde ambivalence des appropriations politiques de ces technologies, à la fois instrument de la domination technocratique et outil d’émancipation (1930-1990). La troisième partie revient sur les premières controverses autour des libertés sur Internet et la structuration de l’activisme numérique, Internet étant bientôt investi comme un espace et un objet de luttes politiques, dans une période marquée par la mondialisation néo-libérale (1990-2001). La quatrième illustre, à travers les mesures de contrôle d’Internet adoptées au nom de la « guerre contre le terrorisme » et à travers la répression de certaines franges de l’activisme numérique, les mutations illibérales des États (2001-2017). L’étude entend ainsi contribuer à une réflexion collective sur l’un des en jeux identifiés par Michel Foucault dans ses écrits sur le pouvoir, à savoir : « comment déconnecter la croissance des capacités » – en l’espèce, les capacités associées aux « techniques de communication » – « et l’intensification des relations de pouvoir » ?
Taking contemporary debates on freedom of expression and privacy in the digital age as a starting point, this thesis revisits the history of the Internet at the intersection of legal history, political theory and history of science and technology. Through a long-time study of the clash between power and resistance strategies associated with communication technologies, it aims to contribute to the history of the public sphere and of digital activism. From the inception of the printing press on, the first part provides an overview of the forms of control of the public sphere developed under the modern state power, and of their extension under liberal-representative regimes (15th 21st century). In the second part, the study follows the antagonist utopias that shaped the development of computing technologies to explain the pro found ambivalence of their political appropriations, these technologies being construed both as an instrument of technocratic domination and a tool for emancipation (1930-1990). The third part analyses early controversies around the protection of civil rights online and the growth of digital activism, as the Internet becomes a locus of political struggles in a period marked by neoliberal globalization (1990-2001). Finally, the fourth part surveys recent Internet control measures adopted in the name of the "war on terror" and the repression of some segments of digital activism to illustrate the illiberal drift in state practices (2001-2017). The study thus aims to advance a collective thinking on one of the key questions identified by Michel Foucault in his writings on power: "How can the growth of capabilities" – and more specifically those brought about by "techniques of communication" – "be disconnected from the intensification of power relations?"

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Schumann, Sandy. "Click to act? the (de) mobilizing effect of expressive low-threshold online collective actions :motivational underpinnings and contextual boundaries." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209182.

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Previous research highlighted that Internet use, in particular online information

retrieval and discussions, can facilitate offline collective actions (Boulianne, 2009).

Recently, however, the Internet also has been criticized for encouraging low-cost and lowrisk

online collective actions—slacktivism—that may have detrimental consequences for

groups that aim to achieve a collective purpose (Gladwell, 2010). More precisely, it is

argued that actions such as “liking” Facebook pages or posting ingroup-endorsing

comments online make users instantly feel good, satisfy their need to act, and derail

participation in offline collective actions (Lee & Hsieh, 2013; Morozov, 2009).

In my thesis, I assessed this postulation as well as the underlying processes and

boundary conditions of the relationship between so-called slacktivist actions and offline

collective actions. After introducing a conceptualization of slacktivism as expressive lowthreshold

online collective actions, I investigated its influence on offline engagement

(Study 1, N = 634; Study 2, N = 76; Study 3, N = 63; Study 4, N = 48). Results indicated that

expressive low-threshold online collective actions reduce the willingness to join offline

collective actions. This effect was mediated by the satisfaction of group-enhancing

motives; members considered the online actions as a substantial contribution to the

group's success. The demobilizing impact of expressive low-threshold online collective

actions was qualified when members took the online actions in the co-presence of the

ingroup, all parties being mutually identifiable (Study 5a, N = 84; Study 5b, N = 99). In this

context, obligatory interdependencies between members were enhanced and fostered a

spill-over from online to offline collective actions (Study 6, N = 62).
Doctorat en Sciences Psychologiques et de l'éducation
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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James, Rina Lynne. "The Efficacy of Virtual Protest: Linking Digital Tactics to Outcomes in Activist Campaigns." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4008.

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Activists are increasingly relying on online tactics and digital tools to address social issues. This shift towards reliance on the Internet has been shown to have salient implications for social movement formation processes; however, the effectiveness of such actions for achieving specific goals remains largely unaddressed. This study explores how the types of Internet activism and digital tools used by activism campaigns relate to success in meeting stated goals. To address these questions, the study builds on an existing framework that distinguishes between four distinct types of Internet activism: brochure-ware, which is oriented towards information distribution; e-mobilizations, which treats digital media merely as a tool for mobilizing individuals offline; online participation, which is characterized by wholly online actions such as e-petitions or virtual protests; and online organizing, where organization of a movement takes place exclusively via the internet with no face-to-face coordination by organizers. Ordinal regression models were conducted utilizing cross-sectional data from the Global Digital Activism Data Set (GDADS), a compilation of information on 426 activism campaigns from around the world that began between 2010 and 2012; additional data regarding the types of Internet activism used was also appended to the GDADS using source materials provided within the data set. The findings suggest that use of the Internet for mobilizing offline actions is negatively associated with campaign success, but that this does not hold true for protest actions organized without use of digital tools. E-petition use was also found to be negatively related to achievement of campaign goals.

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Galinari, Fabiana Flores de Carvalho. "Ativismo na internet e o impeachment de Dilma Rousseff : (as estratégias de convocação dos movimentos pró e contra a presidenta do Brasil, 2014-2016)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/164349.

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Esta dissertação associa os conceitos de democracia, movimentos sociais, ciberativismo, comunicação pública e esfera de visibilidade pública com o objetivo de identificar as estratégias de convocação empreendidas pelo MBL (Movimento brasil livre), VPR (Movimento Vem Pra Rua) e FBP (Frente Brasil Popular) diante do impeachment da Presidenta da República Dilma Rousseff em seus respectivos sites na internet, entre os dias 02/12/2015 e 31/08/2016. Os sites dos movimentos sociais são analisados a partir do modelo tridimensional de Fairclough (2001), que engloba os âmbitos do texto, das práticas discursivas e das práticas sociais. Em sintonia com esse modelo, os conceitos teóricos acionados referem-se à noção de democracia de acordo com as perspectivas de Dahl (1997 e 2001), Bobbio (1997 e 2007), Tilly (2010 e 2013) e Rosanvallon (2007). A questão dos movimentos sociais é discutida conforme os trabalhos de Gohn (1997 e 2016), Melucci (1989), Tarrow (2009), Castells (2013) e Alonso (2009). O tema do ciberativismo, por sua vez, é abordado segundo Vegh (2003), Malini & Antoun (2013), Farias (2014) e Moraes (2001). A dissertação articula, também, o conceito de esfera de visibilidade pública, a partir da percepção de Thompson (1999), Maia (2008), Henriques (2004 e 2005), Marques (2012, 2015 e 2017) e Gomes (2008), e debate o conceito de comunicação pública a partir do entendimento de Weber (2007, 2011) e Esteves (2011, 2015). Os procedimentos metodológicos combinam a Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD) com as noções teóricas acima, buscando compreender o modo de agir, representar e identificar o impeachment na percepção dos movimentos. Dessa forma, é feita uma Análise de Redes Sociais (ARS) das interações discursivas estabelecidas a partir dos sites com outros atores externos (midiáticos), complementadas pela pesquisa documental e a análise histórico-descritiva sobre o processo de impeachment, com a descrição dos eventos e dos atores que o situam historicamente. A reflexão e a interpretação sobre tais perspectivas possibilitaram concluir que os movimentos sociais estudados empreenderam projetos mobilizadores, de caráter público, no ambiente digital (sites, redes sociais etc.) para convocar e mobilizar a sociedade civil antes e durante o processo de impeachment. Foi possível constatar que os movimentos atuaram, estrategicamente, de diferentes maneiras para obter visibilidade, representar o cenário político brasileiro e induzir os visitantes das plataformas a se posicionar de modo favorável ou contrário ao impeachment de Dilma Rousseff. Os movimentos favoráveis ao impeachment (MBL e VPR) acionaram e se apropriaram, principalmente, do discurso das mídias de massa para construir seus discursos. O movimento contrário ao afastamento da Presidenta (FBP), por sua vez, relacionou-se discursivamente com as mídias alternativas e com as organizações que o integra (68 movimentos sindicais e da juventude, ONGs, entidades religiosas, etc.). Tais práticas revelaram as relações de poder que circundam e influenciam os grupos, bem como os posicionamentos político-ideológicos dos líderes. As ações empreendidas através dos sites dos movimentos sociais estudados mostraram, também, a sua contribuição para o debate público sobre o processo de impeachment e sobre outros temas sensíveis correlatos.
This dissertation associates the concepts of democracy, social movements, cyber-activism, public communication and sphere of public visibility with the objective of identifying the calling strategies employed by the MBL (Free Brazil Movement), VPR (Come to the Streets Movement) and FBP (Brazil Popular Front) in the face of the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, on their respective websites, between 02/12/2015 and 31/08/2016. These social movement websites are analyzed based on Fairclough’s tridimensional model (2001), which encompasses text, discursive practices and social practices. In accordance with this model, the theoretical concepts engaged refer to the notion of democracy from the perspectives of Dahl (1997 and 2001), Bobbio (1997 and 2007), Tilly (2010 and 2013) and Rosanvallon (2007). The issue of social movements is discussed in the light of work done by Gohn (1997 and 2016), Melucci (1989), Tarrow (2009), Castells (2013), Alonso (2009). The theme of cyber-activism, in turn, is dealt with as per Vegh (2003), Malini & Antoun (2013), Farias (2014) and Moraes (2001). The dissertation also addresses the concept of public visibility sphere, based on the perception of Thompson (1999), Maia (2008), Henriques (2004 and 2005), Marques (2012, 2015 and 2017) and Gomes (2008), and discusses the concept of public communication based on the understanding of Weber (2007, 2011) and Esteves (2011, 2015). The methodological procedures combine Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) with the technical notions above, in order to comprehend the mode of representing and identifying impeachment in the perception of the movements. In this manner, a Social Network Analysis (SNA) of the discursive interactions established is carried out from the sites in relation to other external players (media), supplemented by documental research and the historical-descriptive analysis of the impeachment process, with a description of the events and figures that situate it historically. The reflection and interpretation of these perspectives enabled us to conclude that the social movements studied employed mobilizing projects of a public nature in a digital environment (websites, social networks etc.) to call on and mobilize civil society before and during the impeachment process. It was possible to discern that the movements acted strategically in different manners to gain visibility, represent the Brazilian political scenario and induce visitors to take a position in favor or against the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. The movements in favor of impeachment (MBL and VPR) principally engaged and took advantage of mass media’s discourse to construct their own. The movement against the impeachment of the President (FBP), on the other hand, based its discourse on alternative media and the organizations that comprise it (68 union and youth movements, NGOs, religious entities, etc.) Such practices reveal the power relations that surround and influence the groups, as well as the political-ideological viewpoints of the leaders. The actions undertaken by the social movements studied, on their websites, also demonstrated their contribution to the public debate on the impeachment process and other significant correlated themes.

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Ahmed, Mohamed [Verfasser], Wolfgang [Akademischer Betreuer] Donsbach, and Lutz M. [Akademischer Betreuer] Hagen. "Students’ Exposure to Political News on the Internet and Political Awareness: A Comparison between Germany and Egypt / Mohamed Ahmed. Gutachter: Wolfgang Donsbach ; Lutz M. Hagen. Betreuer: Wolfgang Donsbach." Dresden : Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1068442506/34.

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Thiong-Kay, Laurent. "La production médiatique de l'opposition au barrage de Sivens sur internet : entre reconfigurations info-communicationnelles et repolitisation de l'enjeu local." Thesis, Toulouse 3, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020TOU30131.

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Cette recherche s'intéresse aux potentialités des pratiques numériques dans la formation et la publicité d'une mobilisation contre un projet de politique publique. Focalisée sur le terrain de la controverse du barrage de Sivens, cette enquête étudie les caractéristiques d'un réseau informel de militants et de journalistes qui ont œuvré ensemble à la médiatisation de l'opposition par le biais des usages informationnels, communicationnels et participatifs des dispositifs socio-techniques d'Internet. Cette arène publique de producteurs médiatiques occupe une centralité dans la construction puis la publicisation des griefs de cette mobilisation. En d'autres termes, cette enquête vise donc à pénétrer l'opacité qui règne souvent, sur Internet, entre le registre de la communication militante et celui de l'information journalistique "engagée". Fondamentalement, elle interroge les mutations de la sphère médiatique. À partir d'une méthodologie croisant la technique des entretiens semi-directifs avec différentes méthodes d'analyse qualitative des productions, cette thèse revient sur la dynamique de la controverse au fondement de l'arène étudiée. Elle se penche ensuite plus finement sur les reconfigurations médiatiques observées, témoignant de l'ambiguïté des tentatives d'autonomisation des nouveaux mouvements sociaux vis-à-vis du champ journalistique et du potentiel des technologies numériques dans l'organisation de l'action collective. Mais la naissance d'un mouvement de protestation caractérisé par l'originalité du répertoire d'action de la zone à défendre (ZAD) suscite l'intérêt des médias alternatifs apparaissant dans la continuité de la critique altermondialiste du fonctionnement des entreprises de presse. Partageant une partie des motifs de défiance des militants vis-à-vis du fonctionnement des médias dominants, les journalistes qui œuvrent au sein des pure-players d'information couvrent l'événement, en travaillant la nature des relations qui les lient à leurs sources, aussi bien online qu'offline. Un réseau de nature hybride se stabilise alors de part et d'autre d'Internet, conforté par la richesse des pratiques numériques des acteurs qui autorise le raffinement d'identités militantes et journalistiques se jouant des frontières de la communication et de l'information. Cependant, la structuration d'une telle arène d'acteurs dépend de facteurs sociaux qui influencent en retour la critique politique qu'elle formalise. L'étude permet de comprendre que la construction de l'événement dépend de modalités précises, entre l'action de militants désireux de dépasser les clivages qui les séparent traditionnellement à gauche du spectre politique et celle de journalistes souhaitant affirmer une identité en rupture partielle avec l'injonction de la neutralité/objectivité professionnelle. La fabrique de l'événement débouche ainsi sur une lecture de la controverse contestant la légitimité et la pertinence des logiques d'aménagement du territoire. Elle valorise enfin une critique politique en actes étroitement dépendante des épisodes de la controverse. Notre objet, que nous avons appelé "L'Internet-Sivens" accouche ainsi d'une certaine repolitisation des enjeux de l'échelle locale. Par conséquent, cette recherche utilise l'intérêt des Sciences de l'Information et de la Communication (SIC) pour les pratiques politico-médiatiques en ligne comme le moyen d'analyser la construction des problèmes publics
This research concerns the potential of digital practices within development and visibility of a mobilization against a public policy project. Focused on the Sivens dam controversy, this investigation studies all characteristics of an informal network, constituted by activists and journalists who have worked together in order to cover the opposition through informational, communicational and participative uses of the Internet. This public arena consists of media producers occupies a central place within construction and finally in publicizing the grievances of this mobilization. In other words, this research aims to penetrate opacity that often reigns, on the Internet, between activist communication and radical journalism. Basically, it questions the changes in the media sphere. Based on a methodology combining semi-structured interviews approach with different qualitative analysis methods of productions, this thesis returns to the dynamics of controversy at the beginning of the arena studied. Then its takes a closer look at the media reconfigurations implemented, testifying attempts ambiguity to empower new social movements regarding the journalistic field and the potential of digital technologies within the organization of collective action. But the birth of a protest movement characterized by originality of actions for the zone to defend (ZAD) aroused interest for alternative media appearing in the continuity of alterglobalist media criticism. Sharing part of the reasons for activists' distrust regarding the way dominant media operates, journalists who working for pure information players cover the event, by working on relationships nature which link them to their sources, both online and offline. Hybrid network then stabilizes on both sides of the Internet, reinforced by the richness of actors' digital practices which allows refinement of militant and journalistic identities between communication and information's borders. However, structuring such actors arena depends on social factors which influence back political criticism its formalize. This study lets understand that the construction of event depends on specific modalities, between action of the activists wishing to overcome cleavages which traditionally separate them within left political spectrum and the journalists wishing to assert a partial identity break regarding injunction of professional neutrality / objectivity. Event fabrication leads us to an interpretation of the controversy contesting legitimacy and suitability of the spatial planning consistency. Finally, it values political criticism in action closely dependent with episodes of the controversy. The Internet-Sivens thus gives birth to a certain repoliticization of local scale challenges. Therefore, this research uses Communication and Information Sciences interest about online media-political practices as ways to analyse public problems construction

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El, Chazli Youssef. "Devenir révolutionnaire à Alexandrie : contribution à une sociologie historique du surgissement révolutionnaire en Egypte." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01D042.

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Cette thèse contribue à une sociologie historique du surgissement révolutionnaire en Égypte, à travers une approche localisée et à l'échelle individuelle. Le surgissement révolutionnaire renvoie à une séquence d'interactions dont l'issue, contingente, peut donner lieu à un basculement général de l'ordre politique. Afin de rendre compte des mécanismes concrets dont sont faits ces séquences, cette recherche se fonde sur l'étude des engagements de révolutionnaires et de novices dans la deuxième ville d'Égypte, Alexandrie, lors de la « révolution du 25 janvier 2011 ». Ces engagements sont analysés à l'aune des transformations politiques, économiques et culturelles que l'Égypte a connues depuis les années 1980 et, plus précisément, le renouveau protestataire qui marque la décennie 2000. Faisant usage d'une multitude de sources et de données (entretiens, observations, traces numériques, revues de presse, corpus de photographies et de vidéos), cette thèse permet de renouveler notre compréhension des phénomènes révolutionnaires et de la manière dont ils émergent. Plus précisément, on y voit comment, à rebours des analyses globalisantes et réifiantes des processus révolutionnaires, on ne peut comprendre la dynamique d'émergence d'une crise sans en revenir aux paramètres situationnels et, surtout, aux dynamiques locales de chaque cas. Par ailleurs, en focalisant l'attention sur la ville d'Alexandrie, cette thèse contribue à ouvrir un chantier de recherche sur cette grande métropole méditerranéenne qui reste sous-étudiée
This thesis contributes to a historical sociology of revolutionary emergence in Egypt, through a localized and micrological approach. The revolutionary emergence refers to a sequence of interactions, always contingent, which can give rise to a sudden breakdown of a political regime. ln order to give an account of the concrete mechanisms constituting these sequences. This research is based on the study of the careers of revolutionaries and novices in Egypt's second city, Alexandria, during the "revolution of 25 January 2011". These political commitments are analyzed in the light of the political, economic and cultural transformations that Egypt has undergone since the 1980s and, more specifically, the renewal of protest activities that marked the decade 2000. Using a multitude of sources and data (interviews, observations, digital traces, press reviews, photographs and videos), this thesis allows us to renew our understanding of revolutionary phenomena and how they emerge. More precisely, we see how, against the background of globalizing and reifying analyses of revolutionary processes, we cannot understand the dynamics of the emergence of a crisis without returning to the situational parameters and, above all, to the local dynamics of each case. Moreover, by focusing attention on the city of Alexandria, this thesis contributes to opening a research avenue on this important Mediterranean metropolis which remains under-studied

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Internet and activism – Egypt'

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