Journal articles: 'Internationalism'

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Lesti, Sante. "All Roads Lead to Rome? Pope Pius XII and Non-Confessional Internationalism During and After the Second World War (1944–1948)." European History Quarterly 54, no. 2 (April 2024): 358–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914241236653.

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Religion is the great absentee in the history of internationalism. Earlier studies have begun to highlight the critical role played by religious internationalism in the making of the modern world, but the relations between non-confessional internationalism and religious actors have, to date, been completely overlooked. This article explores the relationship between non-confessional internationalism and Catholicism, with the intention of enriching both the history of internationalism and that of Catholicism in the twentieth century. Specifically, it focuses on the relationship between a number of non-confessional internationalist actors – from the Paneuropean Union and other world and European federalist movements to war refugees – and Pope Pius XII, between 1944 and 1948. Based on the recently opened Vatican archives, the following pages address three fundamental issues: (1) What did the Pope represent in the internationalist imagination? (2) Why did non-confessional internationalists seek contact with him? (3) How did the Pope respond to the requests for support that he received? As a whole, the requests for support examined in this paper clearly show the centrality of Pius XII in the imagination – and strategies – of non-confessional internationalism in the 1940s, including popular internationalism. Between 1944 and 1948, all roads really seemed to lead to Rome.

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Huber, Sam. "Muriel Rukeyser “among Wars”: Feminist Internationalism in the Second Wave." American Literature 93, no. 4 (October 22, 2021): 655–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00029831-9520222.

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Abstract In her poems of the 1960s and 1970s, Muriel Rukeyser developed feminist internationalist alternatives to both masculinist antiwar politics and isolationist currents of women’s liberation. At the same time that the nascent women’s liberation movement appeared to turn inward to a domestic scene of women’s oppression, feminist internationalists politicized personal life by confronting the entanglement of home, family, and the frontlines of a distant war in Vietnam. Key poems from Rukeyser’s 1968 collection The Speed of Darkness were excerpted widely and embraced as authorizing exemplars of a new feminist poetry that aimed to express hidden truths of women’s lives. But considered in the context of the original volume and alongside the writings of other feminist internationalists, these poems evince a different aim: rather than exhuming and conveying intimate experience, Rukeyser renders it permeable. Her poems of the late 1960s conjure an internationalist atmosphere in which to immerse their readers. Rukeyser’s feminist internationalism requires us to more radically reconceive second-wave feminism as an intellectual and cultural terrain always in contact with a range of movements, sites, and subjects, irreducible even in its earliest years to the fractious organizational landscape of women’s liberation.

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Munton, Don, and Tom Keating. "Internationalism and the Canadian Public." Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, no. 3 (September 2001): 517–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423901777992.

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Internationalism has long been central to Canadian foreign policy. Although often invoked by governments and individuals, and much debated, it remains an ill-defined, even obscure concept. This article assesses empirically how the Canadian public regards internationalism, and explores the underlying structure of internationalist attitudes. Public opinion data from 1985 provide evidence of four dimensions of attitudes: active, economic, liberal-conservative and independent internationalism. There is a strong consensus on the first two types of internationalism but no such consensus behind the others. Scattered data from across the post-Second World War period seem to support these findings. Using such a typology of internationalism may both illuminate debates on Canadian foreign policy and advance studies of Canadian public attitudes.

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Snyder, Emily. "Internationalizing the Revolutionary Family." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 50–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857259.

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Abstract This article argues that Cuban ideas about gender, sexuality, and the family shaped Cuban internationalist collaboration with Nicaragua in the 1970s and 1980s. It demonstrates that collaboration sprang from a gendered political discourse, and in turn the dynamics of gendered relationships between Cubans and Nicaraguans affected the internationalist campaigns. First, the essay argues that state discourse expanded the idea of the New Man to include volunteering abroad, and cast female participants as moral agents of internationalism. Second, it analyzes the idea of revolutionary love and how it related to internationalism. Then, the article demonstrates how internationalism created transnational relationships. Finally, it examines the experiences of Nicaraguan students who went to boarding schools on the Isla de la Juventud. Throughout, the article centers the notion of family and shows how internationalist mobility created space for personal experiences, love within revolution, and new family dynamics.

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Hallman, Robert. "Museums and Cultural Property: A Retreat from the Internationalist Approach." International Journal of Cultural Property 12, no. 2 (May 2005): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739105050095.

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Responding to J. H. Merryman's discussion of cultural property internationalism in the preceding IJCP issue, this article examines the currency of the internationalist perspective within the museum community. Perhaps surprisingly, there is little evidence of adherence to an internationalist perspective, at least among the official policies and publications of museums and museum organizations. The article proposes that the current dissociation with cultural internationalism in the acquisitions arena signals an important shift, and bears significant long-term consequences for many museums.

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Weber, Peter. "Ernst Jäckh and the National Internationalism of Interwar Germany." Central European History 52, no. 03 (September 2019): 402–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000761.

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In interwar Germany, internationalism and nationalism coexisted in a public sphere that often transcended national borders. This seeming contradiction helps explain the mindset of an era, which simultaneously recognized interconnectedness while privileging national identity. Historians’ interest in internationalism has primarily focused on liberal and cooperative actors and on some selected examples demonstrating the dark sides of internationalism. Fewer historians, however, have analyzed the ambiguities and contradictions of liberal internationalism and the perseverance of the national as a frame of reference in internationalist discourses. Ernst Jäckh, best known as the founder of the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik, perhaps best represented this collision of values while simultaneously being one of the biggest proponents of such a view. Jäckh's internationalism permeated all his endeavors and served the goal of reintegrating Germany in the international community.

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Park, Eunjae. "Patriotic Internationalists and Free Immigration: The British Labour Party’s Internationalism in Debates on Immigration Restriction, 1918–1931." Labour History Review 89, no. 1 (April 2024): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2024.1.

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As highlighted in the recent controversies over European immigrants and the refugee ‘crisis’ that culminated in Brexit, Labour’s struggle in balancing its internationalist principles with policy administration has been a constant theme in the party’s immigration and refugee policy. This article situates the Labour Party’s discussion on the 1919 Aliens Act in the context of post-war internationalism, and contends that the change in focus from pre-war advocacy of the British liberal tradition to internationalist concerns reflected both the socialist proclamation of the Labour Party and the liberal internationalism of the time. The 1919 Aliens Act was deemed an example of selfish nationalism likely to undermine international peace and workers’ solidarity. At the same time, however, Labour also sought to shake off the suspicion that advocacy of free immigration could pose – that the party prioritized foreigners over Britons – by reconciling internationalism with patriotism. Insisting that true internationalism be built upon love of one’s home country, Labour politicians did not give up their patriotic and national claims, and accepted that a state could restrict the inflow of foreigners in times of national difficulty.

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ANTIC, ANA, JOHANNA CONTERIO, and DORA VARGHA. "Conclusion: Beyond Liberal Internationalism." Contemporary European History 25, no. 2 (April 12, 2016): 359–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000114.

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The contributors to this special issue have taken up the challenge of reconsidering some of the fundamental assumptions that have traditionally underpinned the history of internationalism. In doing so their articles (some more explicitly than others) have addressed two central questions: who were the internationalists and where was internationalism taking place? The answers to these questions seem deceptively simple. However, as the articles in this issue have demonstrated, agents of internationalism are as diverse in age, gender and social status as the fields in which they operate.

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McDonald, Jason. "Making the World Safe for Eugenics: The Eugenicist Harry H. Laughlin's Encounters with American Internationalism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 12, no. 3 (June 18, 2013): 379–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781413000212.

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Harry H. Laughlin's main claim to fame was as director of the Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island, from which position he exerted considerable influence upon early twentieth-century campaigns to restrict immigration and to institute compulsory sterilization of the socially inadequate. Laughlin also had an absorbing fascination for the idea of a single world government. Over the course of forty years, he produced a voluminous body of mostly unpublished work on the subject. In examining Laughlin's musings on internationalism, this article provides a glimpse into how a leading American eugenicist would have projected onto the world stage the policies he was zealously endeavoring to implement at the domestic level. Laughlin sent samples of his work to many of America's leading internationalists. Their responses to Laughlin's ideas reveal much about the character of internationalism in the United States during the era of World War I, especially the extent to which his racist and imperialist assumptions were shared by other members of the internationalist movement. Consequently, this article provides yet another example of how liberal and conservative impulses were neither easily distinguishable nor mutually exclusive during the Progressive Era.

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LAWLER, PETER. "The Good State: in praise of ‘classical’ internationalism." Review of International Studies 31, no. 3 (June 13, 2005): 427–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006571.

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The end of the Cold War has seen Western internationalism migrate from the margins to the centre of International Relations theory and practice. As a consequence the modest ambitions of what we might now call ‘classical internationalism’ have come under challenge from more thoroughly cosmopolitan varieties from both the right and left of the mainstream Western political spectrum whose commonalities, moreover, are arguably becoming as prominent as their differences. This article attempts to recover the classical internationalist project and, more specifically, the understanding of statehood that underpins it. Some observations on the distinctions and tensions between varieties of contemporary internationalist and cosmopolitan thinking about international politics are followed by a critique of a pervasive scholarly disinterest in the varieties of Western internationalist states. These two exercises form the backdrop to advocacy of the idea of ‘the Good State’ as a response to dominant forms of contemporary Western cosmopolitanism and their critics.

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Halim, Hala. "“A Theatre—or, More Aptly, a Laboratory”: India in the 1940s Egyptian Left as an Antecedent of Bandung Internationalism." Comparative Literature Studies 59, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/complitstudies.59.1.0049.

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ABSTRACT Delving into an ephemeral 1940s Cairene magazine and conducting oral history, this essay focalizes an unrecorded Egyptian–Indian moment wedged between the two countries' anti-imperial cooperation in the 1920s and 1930s, and their postindependence solidarity most visible in the 1955 Bandung Conference. The textual material is in the nature of a representation of India, suffused with identification; the oral history yields a virtually unknown Egyptian–Indian solidarity among student networks. Far from claiming to cover any and all engagements with things Indian in 1940s Egypt, the essay argues that the supranationalism of the specific Egyptian dialogue with India tackled here, while squarely anti-imperial, acquires more pronounced socialist internationalist hues due to a much-invigorated stage in the Egyptian left. Recouping that moment enables us to form a more nuanced picture of the later, postindependence internationalism, attuning us to various precursor orientations that fed into it, if in unremarked ways. Dwelling on these instances of 1940s internationalism resists the tendency to subsume the later Third Worldist internationalisms under the shadow of the Cold War, notwithstanding their imbrication within it. And yet this intervention is non-teleological: the conclusion considers the implications—the continuities as much as the discontinuities—of the 1940s moment for the succeeding Afro-Asian Third Worldism.

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Mangion, Carmen M. "A New Internationalism: Endeavouring to ‘Build from this Diversity, Unity’, 1945–90." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (May 28, 2019): 579–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419846946.

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Catholic women’s religious institutes as religio-cultural networks crossed national borders. Often, as with religious sisters who taught and nursed, their relocation was done for the sake of evangelisation and mission. Religious life was influenced by international connections but the meaning and consequences of religious internationalism shifted and came into sharp relief from the 1940s. This article examines how one religious congregation, the Dutch Sisters of Charity of Our Lady Mother of Mercy ( Zusters van Liefde) transformed their understanding of what it meant to be an international religious congregation. It examines the changing understandings of being international through the shift from uniformity to pluriformity. This led to transnational exchanges via revised practices of governance that were both consultative and participatory and emphasised a culture of ‘communication and encounter’. Religious institutes developed new understandings of internationalism which acknowledged the national diversity of their membership but this was a difficult journey weighed down as it was by mindsets that reified convent traditions and forms of cultural superiority. New understandings of internationalism acknowledged the national diversity of their membership and worked to develop unity from cultural difference through governance and interrelationships. This case study demonstrates the complexities of the processes by which Catholic international religious institutes around the world were rethinking their internationalism in response to the social consequences of post-war modernity and later, the spirit of aggiornamento of the Second Vatican Council (1962–65). It broadens our understanding of internationalist thoughts and actions, pointing to an emphasis on the national, which, rather than receding comes to the forefront particularly in the process of decentralisation. It also demonstrates that women without an explicitly feminist or political agenda also negotiated how internationalism was defined, lived and experienced. Internationalist activities did not occur in a vacuum, they were aligned to the larger social movements of the post-war Catholic and secular world.

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Wai, Robert. "In the Name of the International: The Supreme Court of Canada and the Internationalist Transformation of Canadian Private International Law." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 39 (2002): 117–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800007566.

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SummaryThis article discusses four judgments of the Supreme Court of Canada that transformed private international law in Canada and represent a striking episode in the internationalization of law — a form of judicial activism in the name of the international. It is argued that these cases evidence a mode of internationalization by internationalist policy consciousness that is distinct from, although often complementary to, internationalization via the mechanism of international treaties or changes in customary international law. The key features of this approach suggest some resemblances to the vision found in the traditions of liberal internationalism, Canadian internationalism, and public international law. The article cautions against several general dangers in the use of this approach in law reform and adjudication and uses two specific doctrinal issues in private international law to demonstrate what a richer policy discourse concerning internationalism would be.

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L. Guth, James. "MILITANT AND COOPERATIVE INTERNATIONALISM AMONG AMERICAN RELIGIOUS PUBLICS." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 315–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0702315g.

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Although there has been much speculation about the way that religion shapes American attitudes on foreign policy, there are few empirical analyses of that influence. This paper draws on a large national sample of the public in 2008 to classify religious groups on Eugene Wittkopf’s (1990) classic dimensions of foreign policy attitudes, militant internationalism and cooperative internationalism. We find rather different religious constituencies for each dimension and demonstrate the influence of ethnoreligious and theological factors on both. Combining the two dimensions, we show that American religious groups occupy different locations in Wittkopf’s hardliner, internationalist, accommodationist, and isolationist camps.

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Mørkved Hellenes, Andreas. "Pilgrims and Missionaries of Social Peace: Geneva and Pontigny as Sites of Scandinavian Internationalism in Late Interwar Europe." Nordic Journal of Educational History 7, no. 2 (December 8, 2020): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36368/njedh.v7i2.199.

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This article investigates two interlinked sites of Scandinavian socialist internationalism in continental Europe: the Nordic folk high school in Geneva and the humanistic centre created by French philosopher Paul Desjardins in Pontigny. Locating and situating these two nodes on the cultural-political map of late interwar Europe allows for a study of how actors from the popular movements in Denmark, Norway and Sweden mobilised educational ideals and practices to internationalise the experience of Scandinavian social democracy. The analysis shows how the transnational activities of the Nordic folk high school’s study course opened up new spaces for Scandinavian internationalism. In this way, the article argues, the school represented an experiment in internationalism from below where Nordism was deployed as a cultural strategy to create international understanding for working-class Scandinavians; and created new arenas for Nordic encounters with French political and intellectual milieus that admired Scandinavian democracy and social peace.

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Holmila, Antero, and Pasi Ihalainen. "Nationalism and Internationalism Reconciled." Contributions to the History of Concepts 13, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2018.130202.

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The carnage of World War I gave rise to liberal visions for a new world order with democratized foreign policy and informed international public opinion. Conservatives emphasized continuity in national sovereignty, while socialists focused on the interests of the working class. While British diplomacy in the construction of the League of Nations has been widely discussed, we focus on contemporary uses of nationalism and internationalism in parliamentary and press debates that are more ideological. We also examine how failed internationalist visions influenced uses of these concepts during World War II, supporting alternative organizational solutions, caution with the rhetoric of democracy and public opinion, and ways to reconcile national sovereignty with a new world organization. The United Nations was to guarantee the interests of the leading powers (including the United States), while associations with breakthroughs of democracy were avoided. Nationalism (patriotism) and internationalism were reconciled with less idealism and more pragmatism.

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Zaidi, Waqar H. "‘Aviation Will Either Destroy or Save Our Civilization’: Proposals for the International Control of Aviation, 1920—45." Journal of Contemporary History 46, no. 1 (January 2011): 150–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410375257.

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Proposals for the internationalization of civil aviation and the formation of an international air force blossomed in Britain, France and the United States between 1920 and 1945. The proposals were promoted by liberal internationalist constituencies in these three countries and reveal an enthusiasm for technocracy and technology within liberal internationalism. Aviation, internationalists argued, was too dangerous and held too much potential to be left in the hands of warring nations. It should instead be controlled by an international organization for the benefit of international peace and prosperity. Proposals were linked to the League of Nations in the interwar period and to the proposed United Nations Organization during the second world war. They were discussed at the 1932 League of Nations Geneva disarmament conference, and in 1944, at the Dumbarton Oaks Conference and the Chicago conference on international civil aviation.

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Perry, Glenn E. "Nationalism and Internationalism in Liberalism, Marxism and Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 4 (January 1, 1992): 567–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i4.2543.

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Professor Amin, who teaches international relations at Quaid-i-AzamUniversity in Islamabad, has provided us with a short but insightfulanalysis of twentieth-century writings from the Liberal, Marxist, andIslamic traditions on the issue of "nationalism versus internationalism."Pointing out that Western writings treat the "nation-state" as "a universalform," he presents two main arguments: a) nationalism emerged from"Western liberal culture" and is now "seriously challenged by a varietyof communitarian internationalisms," of which Islamic revivalism is themost important in the Islamic world (p. 5), and b) Islamic revivalismoftenmisunderstood as being a backward-looking "fundamentalism" -is"a reaction against Liberal and Marxist internationalism which are seenas the two imperialist ideologies of the West" (p. 6).Amin briefly states the essence of the three traditions-the Liberalbelief in nationalism as natural, with "world unity [envisaged as emerging]through the prism of nation-states" (p. 7); the Marxist goal of a "classlessworld society" (p. 7); and the Islamic idea of all "believers . . . belong [ing] to one global community, the ummah" (p. 10). Insisting that thedialogue among the three trends is facilitated by understanding all of them"from within and through their main spokesmen" (p. 10), he proceeds witha chapter on the representative literature of each. Each chapter is dividedinto three sections: traditional writers, modernization theorists, and postmodernizationtheorists.Perhaps reflecting the author's Western education, the book's longestchapter is the one on Liberalism. He begins with Toynbee, whom hedescribes as "an internationalist par excellence in the Western communitariantradition" (p. 13). Three other Liberal writers are categorized as"traditional"-E. H. Carr, Hans Kohn, and Carleton Hayes. Under the designationof modernization theorists, Amin deals with Karl Deutsch andErnest Gellner, while the section on post-modernization theorists looksmainly at Walker Conner and A. D. Smith.In the chapter on Marxism, Amin analyzes Marx and Engels as "traditionalwriters." Lenin is classified as a "modernization theorist," while ...

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Busby, Joshua W., and Jonathan Monten. "Without Heirs? Assessing the Decline of Establishment Internationalism in U.S. Foreign Policy." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 3 (August 18, 2008): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759270808122x.

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Is establishment internationalism in decline? Conventional wisdom is becoming that structural shifts in the international environment along with generational, demographic, and cultural changes within the United States are inexorably leading to the decline of the broad, post-war internationalist consensus that dominated American foreign policy after 1945. Despite the frequent assertion that this change has taken place, very few studies have analyzed the extent to which establishment internationalism is in fact in decline. To answer this question, we first track trends in congressional foreign policy votes from the American Conservative Union (1970–2004) and Americans for Democratic Action (1948–2004). Our second set of indicators tracks the state of birth, educational profile, and formative international experience of a cross section of the U.S. foreign policy elite. Our third and fourth sets of indicators track elite attitudes as represented by presidential State of the Union addresses and major party platforms. We find support for increasing partisan polarization in Congress on foreign policy as well as increasing regional concentration of the parties. However, there is only mixed evidence to suggest that internationalism has experienced a secular decline overall. Support for international engagement and multilateral institutions remain important parts of elite foreign policy rhetoric. Moreover, we find that social backgrounds of U.S. foreign policy elites—save for military service—have not substantially changed from the height of the internationalist era.

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Thorkelson, Eli. "Two Failures of Left Internationalism." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360309.

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After the unsuccessful end of the spring 2009 French university movement, faculty and student activists searched for new political strategies. One promising option was an internationalist project that sought to unite anti-Bologna Project movements across Europe. Yet an ethnographic study of two international counter-summits in Brussels (March 2010) and Dijon (May 2011) shows that this strategy was unsuccessful. This article explores the causes of these failures, arguing that activist internationalism became caught in a trap of political mimesis, and that the form of official international summits was incompatible with activists’ temporal, representational, and reflexive needs.

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BERMAN, NATHANIEL. "‘The Sacred Conspiracy’: Religion, Nationalism, and the Crisis of Internationalism." Leiden Journal of International Law 25, no. 1 (December 5, 2011): 9–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156511000537.

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AbstractThe goal of this article is to initiate an interdisciplinary and historical reflection on one of the central preoccupations of our time: the relationship of religion to international order. This current project grows out of my long-standing work on the genealogy of modern internationalism. In my past work, I have argued that internationalists constructed their own disciplines in tandem with their construction of nationalism, to such an extent that modern ‘internationalism’ and modern ‘nationalism’ must be understood in relation to each other; in the present essay, I contend that ‘internationalism’ and ‘religion’ have an equally mutually constitutive relationship. This article seeks to retell the story of international law over the past century through the lens of its relationship to religion – a lens that both overlaps with and differs from that of nationalism. Its historical narrative is rooted in the early twentieth century – a period to which so many of our ‘modern’ cultural conceptions may be traced. Its methodology is broadly interdisciplinary, setting changing international legal conceptions of religion in relation to contemporaneous developments in domains such as sociology, religious studies, and historiography. This is the first piece of a series of projected studies on the construction and contestation of ‘religion’, ‘the secular’, and ‘the international’ over the past century. It is also my first publication associated with the interdisciplinary Religion and Internationalism Project, which I co-direct at Brown University.

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Sylvest, Casper. "Continuity and change in British liberal internationalism, c. 1900–1930." Review of International Studies 31, no. 2 (April 2005): 263–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006443.

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This article is concerned with the historical trajectory and legacy of British liberal internationalist ideas in the opening three decades of the twentieth century. Despite this body of ideas being a major force behind the establishment of International Relations (IR) in Britain following the Great War, only scant attention is paid to its pre-war configuration. The article attempts to remedy this gap by focusing on internationalist thought prior to and during the war. It is argued that internationalist ideas during the Great War accelerated a drift towards institutional arguments, which are herein distinguished from moral arguments, and that the concept of anarchy played a major role in this shift in internationalist ideas. While the transformation of liberal internationalist ideas during the war constitutes a central backdrop to the early practices of British IR, it should not overshadow the powerful, underlying continuity in ethico-political convictions entertained by internationalists before and after the Great War.

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ABEL, JESSAMYN R. "Ethics and Internationalism in Japanese Education, 1933–45." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 2 (March 2018): 532–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000962.

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AbstractAfter their government's 1933 withdrawal from the League of Nations, Japanese internationalists searched for new ways to engage with the world or struggled to accommodate their advocacy of international cooperation to the realities of the wartime empire. The idea of international morality was central to this effort. Ethics textbooks, which presented ideals of international behaviour, provide a particular view of this intellectual and policy endeavour of the 1930s and early 1940s, showing how the concept of morality became a means to reconcile internationalism with imperialism and war. Echoing many of the ideas current in both public discussion and behind-closed-doors decision-making on foreign policy at the time, textbook authors and other educators contributed to a broader redefinition of internationalism that enabled it to persist through a period of imperialism and war.

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Worth, Owen. "The Fifth International: International or Global?" Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 2 (September 3, 2019): 321–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.957.

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Worth welcomes Amin’s call for a renewal of Internationalism, but he is critical of the “significant shortcoming of understanding an internationalist strategy around a traditional collection of national struggles.” Recalling Rosa Luxemburg’s contributions to the second International at the 100th anniversary of her brutal murder, he notes: Luxemburg … condemned any form of nationalism as a tool used by the bourgeoisie in order to divide the proletariat….[F]or Luxemburg, the whole notion of dialectical materialism should be understood not through the development of existing structures but as a process where new structures emerge and develop over time. Likewise, Internationalism should not be something restricted by structures of the present, nor by pre-existing norms such as national sovereign, but instead be understood as a mechanism that could move beyond the confines of the present towards the realms of the ‘possible.’”

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Michael Walzer. "Internationalism." Dissent 57, no. 1 (2009): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.0.0103.

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Waye, Jerome D. "Internationalism." Gastrointestinal Endoscopy 57, no. 6 (May 2003): 714–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1067/mge.2003.83.

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OGUIBE, O. "INTERNATIONALISM." Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art 1994, no. 1 (September 1, 1994): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10757163-1-1-24.

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Ody, Penelope. "Internationalism:." Retail and Distribution Management 17, no. 2 (February 1989): 6–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb018396.

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Yazzie, Melanie K. "US Imperialism and the Problem of “Culture” in Indigenous Politics: Towards Indigenous Internationalist Feminism." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 43, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.43.3.yazzie.

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This article aims to articulate a political formation that I term Indigenous internationalist feminism, which centers a critique of US imperialism and is premised on three intellectual and political traditions: radical Indigenous internationalism, Black left feminism, and queer Indigenous feminism. Indigenous internationalist feminism provides a framework for transnational Indigenous practices that seek to build counterhegemonic power with other anticolonial, anti-imperial, and anti-capitalist liberation struggles, both within and outside of the United States. At the center of these practices is an ethics of expansive relationality between humans, and between humans and our other-than-human kin.

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MASTERS, GILES. "Performing Internationalism: The ISCM as a ‘Musical League of Nations’." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 147, no. 2 (November 2022): 560–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rma.2022.25.

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After the First World War, some musicians embraced ‘international’ identities in novel ways, requiring novel strategies.6 During the 1920s, internationalist initiatives were launched in musicology, music education, folk music and more, joining a more general proliferation of institutions devoted to cultural internationalism.7 In the domain of Western art music, the most high-profile internationalist organization of the era was the ISCM, founded in Salzburg in 1922.8 The ISCM’s principal activity during the interwar period was to organize an annual contemporary music festival. This peripatetic event, hosted in a different European city each year, served two intertwined ambitions: to promote contemporary music and to further international cooperation. The latter aspiration gave rise to an unofficial nickname – the ‘musical League of Nations’ – encapsulating the ISCM’s perceived affinities with other, heftier internationalist endeavours.9 A ‘musical League of Nations’ was, however, an ambivalent and precarious project: the moniker recognized, through analogy, a necessary proximity to the era’s chief prototype of an international structure; but it clung, by way of its adjective, to a degree of detachment from the treacherous waters of politics and diplomacy.

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Schaub, Christoph. "World Literature and Socialist Internationalism in the Weimar Republic: Five Theses." New German Critique 48, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-8732187.

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Abstract Largely overlooked in the booming scholarship on world literature, literary globalization, and transnational modernism, a world literature of socialist internationalism was imagined, written, theorized, and practiced in the aftermath of World War I, representing the first attempt to actualize the idea of world literature under the auspices of a social and political mass movement. This article develops and illustrates five theses about this internationalist world literature. It thereby sketches aspects of the history of internationalist world literature in Germany between 1918 and 1933 and formulates historical, historiographical, poetological, and literary and cultural theoretical interventions into the field of world literature studies. In particular, the article develops the notions of the transnational literary counterpublic and of realist modernism while tracing ideas about transnational class literatures and nonnormative imaginaries of the proletariat.

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Landrigan, Aloysius. "Remembering the Commune: Celebrations in Britain and the United States." Labor 21, no. 2 (May 1, 2024): 18–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-11015899.

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Abstract The Paris Commune led to annual celebrations from the labor movement across the globe. This article focuses on those in Britain and the United States from 1871 to the end of the century, exploring how the event's interpretation and function within a community has fluctuated over this period. It discusses the internationalism present in demonstrations as people shed their national identity and joined an internationalist community in celebration each year. It analyzes how the labor movement in each country responded to perceived threats from outside their community in the wake of the Haymarket Affair. It also demonstrates that the Commune was a palimpsest, an event that could be reinterpreted each year to express whatever ideals the movement needed. It was a call to reform and revolution, to hope and despair, and to past and future. The article's analysis of British and American Commune celebrations reveals a rich and evolving community that emphasized internationalism and oppression during a turbulent period.

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FRAMKE, MARIA. "‘We Must Send a Gift Worthy of India and the Congress!’ War and political humanitarianism in late colonial South Asia." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 6 (November 2017): 1969–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000950.

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AbstractThe interwar period has recently been described as a highly internationalist one in South Asia, as a series of distinct internationalisms—communist, anarchist, social scientific, socialist, literary, and aesthetic1—took shape. At the same time, it has been argued that the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937 drew to a close various opportunities for international association (at least, temporarily). Taking into account both these contradistinctive developments, this article deals with another—and thus far largely overlooked—South Asian internationalism in the form of wartime Indian humanitarianism. In 1938, the Indian National Congress helped organize an Indian medical mission to China to bring relief to Chinese victims of the Second Sino-Japanese War. By focusing on this initiative, this article traces the ideas, the practices, and the motives of Indian political humanitarianism. It argues that such initiatives, as they became part of much wider global networks of humanitarianism in the late 1930s and early 1940s, created new openings for Indian nationalists to establish international alliances. This article also examines the way in which political humanitarianism enabled these same nationalists to perform as independent leaders on an international stage, and argues that humanitarianism served as a tool of anti-colonial emancipation.

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GRAM-SKJOLDAGER, KAREN, and ØYVIND TØNNESSON. "Unity and Divergence: Scandinavian Internationalism, 1914–1921." Contemporary European History 17, no. 3 (August 2008): 301–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004505.

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AbstractScandinavia (Denmark, Norway and Sweden) is frequently seen as a democratic ‘island of peace’ in international politics and the three states are seen as ardent supporters of an ‘international community’ under the umbrella of the United Nations as well as its predecessor, the League of Nations. This article seeks to challenge this idealised, unitary conception of Scandinavian peace politics by exploring how different strands of internationalism, as transnational phenomena, developed from the outbreak of the First World War until the three states became members of the League. Initially, that development was more or less independent of official foreign policy. The article explains how and to what degree new internationalist ideas were eventually merged with traditional neutralist Scandinavian foreign policies.

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Parry, Benita. "internationalism revisited or in praise of internationalism." Interventions 5, no. 2 (June 2003): 299–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369801031000113012.

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Stolte, Carolien. "Introduction: Trade Union Networks and the Politics of Expertise in an Age of Afro-Asian Solidarity." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 331–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz098.

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Abstract Across 1950s Afro-Asia, the ongoing process of political decolonization occurred in tandem with increased connection between the local, the regional, and the global. A variety of internationalist movements emerged, much more polyphonic than the voices of the political leaders who had gathered at the Bandung Conference. Trade union networks played a particularly important role not just in organizing labor but in connecting local unions to regional and global ones. These networks were held together by exchanges between local African and Asian trade unions and large international federations such as the World Federation of Trade Unions and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. But they were held together at least as much by more horizontal connections in pursuit of Afro-Asian solidarity. Many of the latter built on anti-imperialist alliances, revived or reconstituted, dating back to the interwar years. A focus on the trade-union internationalism of the period can recover a “chronology of possibility” in early Cold War Afro-Asia that has since become obscured by the internationalist failings of the 1960s. It also demonstrates the limited analytical value of the term “non-alignment” for the broader Afro-Asian moment during the early years of the Cold War. Instead, it recasts the 1950s as a global moment for Afro-Asia, in which internationalists built networks that were elastic enough to encompass a wide variety of actors and ideas and resistant enough to withstand the pressure of bodies larger and more powerful.

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Andrey Fedorovich, Polomoshnov, and Polomoshnov Platon Andreevich. "Patriotism and Internationalism in Islam." Islamovedenie 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2023-14-1-51-63.

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The article analyzes the problem of correlation between patriotism and internationalism in Is-lam. The concepts of patriotism and internationalism are clarified and it is proved that constructive na-tionalism, as the core of patriotism, does not contradict constructive internationalism, but is harmoni-ously combined with it. The authors consider the balance of internationalism and patriotism in tradi-tional Islam and the historical testing of this balance. Pan-Islamism is analyzed separately as a form of politicized Islamic internationalism. Two main forms of Islamic nationalism that developed in the 20th century are singled out. The constructive form led to the formation of a new synthesis of international-ism and patriotism with the dominance of the latter in modern Muslim nation states. The destructive form of modern Islamic internationalism is radical Islamic extremism and international terrorism. The authors conclude that in traditional Islam, one of the foundations of the righteous faith is humanistic patriotism based on constructive spiritual Islamic internationalism.

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Ettinger, Aaron. "Is there an emerging left-wing foreign policy in the United States?" International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 1 (March 2020): 24–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020914008.

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Is there a left-wing foreign policy emerging in the United States? The rise of an energized and assertive left wing of the Democratic Party, and a receptive constituency within the electorate, has opened space for new political possibilities at home. In the foreign policy realm, leftist internationalism is making compelling arguments about new directions. However, there are limitations to the possible realization of a left-wing foreign policy in the US. While candidates like Sanders and Warren are distinctive in a left-wing foreign policy worldview, the practical implications of their foreign policies are consistent with post-Cold War practice. There are two important exceptions: in trade policy and in their positions on the use of military force. Here they mark a sharp break from the liberal internationalist mainstream. This paper outlines five broad principles of left internationalism, assesses the foreign policy positions of leading Democratic candidates for the 2020 nomination, and explores the long-term prospects of left-wing foreign policy in the US after 2020.

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Morgan, Kevin. "Class Cohesion and Trade-Union Internationalism: Fred Bramley, the British TUC, and the Anglo-Russian Advisory Council." International Review of Social History 58, no. 3 (June 20, 2013): 429–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000175.

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AbstractA prevailing image of the British trade-union movement is that it was insular and slow-moving. The Anglo-Russian Advisory Council of the mid-1920s is an episode apparently difficult to reconcile with this view. In the absence to date of any fully adequate explanation of its gestation, this article approaches the issue biographically, through the TUC's first full-time secretary, Fred Bramley (1874–1925). Themes emerging strongly from Bramley's longer history as a labour activist are, first, a pronouncedly latitudinarian conception of the Labour movement and, second, a forthright labour internationalism deeply rooted in Bramley's trade-union experience. In combining these commitments in the form of an inclusive trade-union internationalism, Bramley in 1924–1925 had the indispensable support of the TUC chairman, A.A. Purcell who, like him, was a former organizer in the small but militantly internationalist Furnishing Trades’ Association. With Bramley's early death and Purcell's marginalization, the Anglo-Russian Committee was to remain a largely anomalous episode in the interwar history of the TUC.

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Thomsen, Stephen. "Pop internationalism." International Affairs 73, no. 2 (April 1997): 371. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623858.

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Sivakumar, K., and Paul Krugman. "Pop Internationalism." Journal of Marketing 60, no. 4 (October 1996): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1251907.

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WOODS, RANDALL BENNETT. "Internationalism Stillborn." Diplomatic History 16, no. 4 (October 1992): 611–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.1992.tb00635.x.

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Steffek, Jens. "Fascist Internationalism." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 44, no. 1 (May 21, 2015): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829815581870.

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Bergman, Annika. "Adjacent Internationalism." Cooperation and Conflict 41, no. 1 (March 2006): 73–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836706060936.

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Sluga, Glenda. "Rediscovering Internationalism." Current History 113, no. 766 (November 1, 2014): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.766.305.

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Munton, Don. "Whither Internationalism?" International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 58, no. 1 (March 2003): 155–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200305800108.

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Doxey, Margaret. "Constructive internationalism." Round Table 78, no. 311 (July 1989): 288–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358538908453937.

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Lee, B. "Critical Internationalism." Public Culture 7, no. 3 (April 1, 1995): 559–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-7-3-559.

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Munton, Don. "Whither Internationalism?" International Journal 58, no. 1 (2002): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203817.

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Lei, Lei. "Plant internationalism." Nature Plants 5, no. 10 (October 2019): 1028. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41477-019-0530-9.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Internationalism'

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