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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Internationalism'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

0, 'Brien Mark. "Labour Internationalism and Revitalization: internationalist practice and strategic union choice." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.485847.

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2

XHAFA, EDLIRA. "LABOUR INTERNATIONALISM OF PUBLIC SECTOR UNIONS: "OLD" OR "NEW" INTERNATIONALISM?" Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/214237.

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This research focuses on the way national unions of public sector use the international space to cope with the challenges that the globalisation discourse and market-oriented reforms of public services, pose on public services and public sector workers. The analysis and comparative account of the labour internationalism of CUPE and Ver.di show that these reforms represent both a threat and an opportunity to labour internationalism of public sector unions. As a threat, these reforms may push public sector unions to engage in international work in a rather defensive and pragmatic fashion, expressed in “old” forms of labour internationalism. As an opportunity, they may provide the ground for a strategic vision of labour internationalism which aims at building a movement of resistance and alternatives to the neoliberal model of globalisation, expressed in “new” forms of labour internationalism.
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3

Ryland, Rebecca Amie. "Labour internationalism : an exploration of the grassroots' perspective." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.569164.

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Over recent decades UK trade unions have faced a period of uncertainty due to the ongoing political, economic and cultural shifts in the industrial relations landscape. Many have queried the contemporary role of trade unions arguing they are antiquated and superfluous organisations who have not engaged with new norms that hold that collective organisational principles of solidarity have been replaced by individualised thinking and practice. A variety of strategies have been employed to reverse declines in membership levels and bargaining power but with limited success. The outlook is not entirely bleak however with many turning to what is often referred to as the 'saviour of the labour movement' (Mazur, 2000): a 'new' labour internationalism. Trade unions have a long history of engagement in labour internationalism, however there has been limited investigation into how union initiatives encouraging internationalism and internationalist identifications are received, understood and interpreted at the grassroots, by union members whose subscriptions sustain union activity in the first place. By developing upon a growing expanse of literature within the field of labour geography which seeks to place the politics of labour at the forefront of its analysis, this thesis will explore a case study of UNISON North West, identifying how labour internationalism is understood, expressed and conducted in daily practice. Analyses will be based upon members' personal narratives thus reasserting the importance of worker agency.
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4

Figueroa, Clark Victor Russell. "Chilean internationalism and the Sandinista revolution 1978-1988." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.558082.

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5

Umney, Charles Riou. "Managerial and mobilising internationalism in British trade unions." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.577509.

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This thesis seeks to develop a theoretical understanding of the ways in which British trade unions have sought to operate internationally as a response to political and economic globallsatton. A two-staged research process is elaborated, based initially on wide-ranging exploratory interviews and then on comparative case studies conducted in the docks and maritime sector. Through this research, two distinct types of international activity are identified, termed 'managerial internationalism' and 'mobilising internationalism'. In the former case, a distinct layer of full-time officials is tasked with administering international strategies. These strategies are generally divined from membership priorities and therefore follow highly visible political, regulatory or normative concerns. In the latter case, union leaders seek to establish member-led international networks that can mobilise against multinational employers. Managerial internationalism is argued to arise where unions possess a relatively high degree of marketplace power. Mobilising internationalism, by contrast, is more likely to arise where marketplace power is under threat. In the latter case, particular 'moments of tension' may emerge- for example where a multinational employer seeks to use its mobility to whipsaw concessions from local workplaces- which union leaders can then seek to frame as demanding an international, rather than local, response. Mobilising internationalism is therefore argued to be dependent on leader agency as well as material labour market conditions. Because it is generated by such materially-conditioned 'moments of tensions', mobilising internationalism is held to be constrained by temporal and spatial limitations. It is dependent on the emergence of specific and finite grievances to galvanise member support for mobilisation. This analysis represents a dialectical understanding of international trade unionism, in that qualitative transformations in union strategy are held to reflect shifts in the underlying balance of class power between worker and employer.
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Cross, G. E. "The internationalism of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1882-1933." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.598182.

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This dissertation uses long-neglected or forgotten speeches and articles by Franklin D. Roosevelt in his pre-presidential life to provide a new and comprehensive narrative of his internationalist thinking as it developed to 1933. Its three parts cover FDR’s life chronologically. The first part describes the impact of his background and upbringing in the period 1882 to 1917. It examines the influence of key individuals such as Theodore Roosevelt, Alfred Thayer Mahan and Woodrow Wilson. The second part covers the years 1917 to 1920 and includes FDR’s experiences during World War I, the fight for the League of Nations and the presidential campaign of 1920. It was in this period that he developed new and lasting ideological positions in the debates on his country’s political, military, economic and moral connections to the rest of the world. The third part covers the years 1921 to 1933. Although this period saw no important new thinking, international problems, Democratic Party divisions and an apparently successful Republican foreign policy during the 1920s forced FDR to develop important communication strategies for his internationalism. In conclusion the study argues that FDR took a well developed internationalist worldview to the White House in 1933 and that knowledge of this is useful for tracing the subsequent development of his outlook.
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7

Greig, Alex R. "Overcoming ambivalence: the case for Japanese martial internationalism." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5165.

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This thesis seeks to demonstrate that Japan can best satisfy its international security interests by assuming a combatant role in current and future multinational military coalitions. The thesis labels this alternative military posture "martial internationalism." An understanding of how Japanese military policy serves its overall international security interests is a central concern of this thesis. Japan's international security interests are defined as: (1) shaping a stable international security environment, (2) supporting the United Nations, and (3) upholding the Japan-United States alliance. Factors considered in this argument include trends in Japan's postwar military policy evolution and recent military activities and developments. The nature of Japan's current domestic military policy debate is analyzed in terms of relevant political, social, military, and economic perspectives. Regional and international ramifications of a more militarily assertive Japan are explored. The thesis investigates the potential for martial internationalism to realize Japan's international security interests and to permit a greater Japanese military contribution to the ongoing War on Terrorism. Finally, the thesis offers specific recommendations for both Japan and the United States toward implementing this alternative strategic design.
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8

Johnstone, Andrew Edward. "Clark Eichelberger, internationalism and the state, 1941-1948." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.434082.

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9

St, Pierre Kelly M. "Internationalism and Nationalism in Smetana's Brandenburgers and Libuse." Cleveland, Ohio : Case Western Reserve University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1238696818.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Case Western Reserve University, 2009
Title from PDF (viewed on 29 May 2009) Department of Music Includes abstract Includes bibliographical references and appendices Available online via the OhioLINK ETD Center
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10

Greig, Alex R. "Overcoming ambivalence : the case for Japanese martial internationalism /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02sep%5FGreig.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, H. Lyman Miller. Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-108). Also available online.
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11

Bonnin, Judith. "L'internationalisme rose au tournant de la mondialisation : la politique internationale du Parti socialiste français de 1971 à 1983." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCC082.

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L’internationalisme socialiste, doctrine prônant l'union et la solidarité des peuples par-delà les frontières, est un marqueur identitaire du socialisme du premier comme du second vingtième siècle. Après sa refondation au congrès d’Épinay en 1971, le nouveau Parti socialiste français (PS), dirigé par François Mitterrand, adhère à l’Internationale socialiste et annonce vouloir construire un « nouvel internationalisme ». C’est sous ce nom qu’il mène sa politique internationale durant une décennie charnière, marquée par la poursuite de la Guerre froide, l’accélération de la mondialisation économique, l’internationalisation croissante de la politique, et la conclusion d’un programme commun avec le Parti communiste français et le Mouvement des radicaux de gauche. Au terme de dix ans de montée en puissance du PS, F. Mitterrand est élu Président de la République française en mai 1981. Étudier la politique internationale et l'internationalisme du PS durant cette décennie clé, c’est ainsi éclairer l’articulation politique des échelles nationale et internationale dans un monde plus globalisé et c’est appréhender le tournant idéologique et politique de la gauche sous un angle nouveau. Dans cette thèse, on analyse ainsi dans une première partie la nature et la place de la notion d'internationalisme dans la culture, la doctrine et l’identité du PS. Puis dans un second temps, on s’intéresse aux pratiques internationales du PS, à ce qui caractérise sa diplomatie à toutes les échelles impliquées. En analysant la vision du monde et l’action internationale d’un groupe politique particulier, cette thèse cherche ainsi à questionner les bases sur lesquelles se sont construites la diplomatie et la société politique mondiales au moment même de l'approfondissement de la mondialisation
The socialist internationalism is a doctrine advocating the union and the solidarity between the peoples and beyond the borders. It is an identity marker of the socialism of the whole twentieth century, not only of its beginning. After the congress of Épinay in 1971, the new French Socialist Party (PS) supervised by François Mitterrand adheres to the Socialist International and announces its will to shape a "new internationalism". The French socialists lead their international policy following this slogan, for a pivotal decade marked by the pursuit of the Cold War, the acceleration of the economic globalization, the increasing internationalization of politics, and the conclusion of a common program with the French communist Party and the “Mouvement des Radicaux de Gauche”. After ten years of growing importance for the PS, F. Mitterrand is elected President of the French Republic in May 1981. Studying the international policy and the internationalism of the PS during this key decade enables to inform the political articulation of the national and international scales in a more globalized world. It is a way to understand the ideological and political turning point of the left under a new angle. To do so in this thesis, we analyze in a first part the nature and the place of the notion of internationalism in the culture, the doctrine and the identity of the PS. In a second part, we analyze the international practices of the PS, what characterizes its diplomacy on all the involved scales. By analyzing the vision of the world and the international action of a particular political group, this thesis finally tries to question the bases of global diplomacy and of a new global society at the time of the deepening of globalization
L'internazionalismo socialista, dottrina che esalta l'unione e la solidarietà fra i popoli, rappresenta una caratteristica identitaria del socialismo dell'inizio attraverso l’intero ventesimo secolo. A seguito della sua rifondazione al congresso di Épinay nel 1971, il nuovo Partito socialista francese (PS), sotto la direzione di François Mitterrand, aderisce all'Internazionale socialista ed annuncia di voler costruire un "nuovo internazionalismo". Sarà questo slogan che condurrà la sua politica internazionale durante un decennio contrassegnato dalla continuazione della Guerra fredda, l'accelerazione della mondializzazione economica, l'internazionalizzazione crescente della politica, e la conclusione di un programma comune col Partito comunista francese ed il Movimento dei radicali di sinistra. Sull’onda di un crescente consenso ingenerato nei dieci anni precedenti, F. Mitterrand viene eletto Presidente della Repubblica francese nel maggio del 1981. Studiare l’evoluzione della politica internazionale e dell'internazionalismo del PS durante questo decennio, significa analizzare l’interazione fra politiche nazionali ed internazionali in un contesto sempre più globalizzato ed osservare, sotto una prospettiva differente, il mutamento ideologico e politico della sinistra. La prima parte di questa tesi, si sofferma pertanto sulla natura e la collocazione della nozione di internazionalismo nella cultura, nella dottrina e nell'identità del PS. La seconda parte si inoltra nello studio delle pratiche internazionali e diplomatiche del PS a tutti livelli. Attraverso l’esegesi “della visione del mondo” e dell'azione internazionale di un gruppo politico particolare, questa tesi si interroga sulle basi fondanti la diplomazia e le società politiche mondiali al sopraggiungere della mondializzazione
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12

Inanoglu, Markus. "Olof Palmes internationalism : Idéanalys om Olof Palmes internationella ideologi." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-7248.

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Denna kvalitativa idéanalytiska uppsats har behandlat och analyserat Olof Palmes internationella engagemang och ideologi. Den har beaktat hans främsta politiska idéer och principer: demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter, folkrätten, fred och säkerhet samt jämlikhet ur ett internationellt sammanhang. Dessa universellt erkända politiska idéer och principer som Olof Palme var en anhängare av har var och en belysts i anslutning till hans engagemang i två internationella frågor och företeelser. Demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter har analyserats utifrån diktaturregimerna i Europa och apartheidsregimen i Sydafrika; folkrätten utifrån avkoloniseringen och Vietnamkriget; fred och säkerhet utifrån kalla kriget och konflikten i Mellanöstern; samt jämlikhet utifrån solidaritet med utvecklingsländer och jämlikhet i industriländerna.

Syftet med uppsatsen var att identifiera Olof Palmes internationella ideologi, i anslutning till det besvarades följande frågeställningar:

· Vilken analys gjorde Olof Palme av de internationella frågor och företeelser han engagerade sig i?

· Vilka var de ideologiska motiven till att Olof Palme engagerade sig i just de internationella frågor och företeelser han de facto gjorde?

· Vilken slags världsordningen förespråkade Olof Palme?

Som analysram för att klargöra och kategorisera Olof Palmes internationella ideologi nyttjades de tre mest etablerade teorierna i analysen av internationella relationer och världspolitik: realismen, liberalismen och marxismen. Denna teoretiska analysram bidrog till att tillmötesgå idéanalysen vars hörnstenar utgjordes av begreppen: verklighetsbeskrivning, värdering och handlingsnorm, vilka således var i linje med uppsatsens frågeställningar.

Genom de tre begreppen i idéanalysen och den teoretiska analysramen genererades svaren på frågeställningarna. Där framgick det att Olof Palme i sin analys av de frågor och företeelser han engagerade sig i beklagade över att världssamfundet inte agerade tillräckligt för att uppnå eftertraktat förbättring. För han menade att ett konstruktivt engagemang av omvärlden kunde bära frukt. För honom själv var det relevant att engagera sig i internationella frågor och företeelser eftersom han konstaterade att Sverige och socialdemokratin hade en lång och fruktbar tradition i det. Mer explicit hänvisade han gärna till den socialdemokratiska ideologin och värderingarna som motiv för sitt engagemang. Den samlade bedömningen av Olof Palmes internationalism var att han förespråkade en blandform av liberalistisk och marxistisk världsordning. Det innebar en värld där demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter, folkrätten, fred och säkerhet samt jämlikhet ovedersägligen skulle respekteras och präglade internationella relationer. Således förespråkade han en världsordning bestående av demokratiska stater som respekterade mänskliga rättigheter; att folken som tillhörde ett land fick självbestämmanderätt och utformade sin framtid utan främmande staters inblandning; att stater upphörde med sina militära upprustningar och den misstänksamma hållning visavi varandra och istället upprätthöll dialog och diplomati med varandra för att uppnå försoning och fred; samt att misären och orättvisorna genom solidaritet skulle bekämpas i såväl inom stater som mellan stater.

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13

Henderson, Stewart. "Nationalism and internationalism in the Works of Frank Moorhouse /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arh497.pdf.

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14

Stockdale, Peter. "Pearsonian internationalism in practice : the International Development Research Centre." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39878.

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The thesis concerns the origins, creation and progress of the International Development Research Centre (IDRC). Most scholars believe that development assistance is largely motivated by self-interest. At first glance, the Centre appears to be an anomaly in Canadian foreign aid. The IDRC's disbursements are not formally tied, has an international board of governors, and its structure was specifically designed with autonomy in mind. This Canadian federal organisation has spent one and a half billion dollars are funded over 5,500 projects since its founding in 1970. During this time, the Centre has disbursed between 70-95% of its programme funds overseas, mostly to developing country university researchers. These researchers have designed and executed research intended to help developing countries alleviate poverty, social decay and more recently, environmental challenges.
A detailed archeology is conducted of Pearson's own internationalism regarding science and technology, foreign policy, development assistance, environment and culture. Our analysis shows how Pearson's thinking, and that of colleagues who were to have key influences on the Centre, Barbara Ward and Maurice Strong, were embedded in deeply held beliefs and values. We identify a tension between an internationalist impulses and Canadian-centered or parochial pre-occupations common in most of the federal public service, especially central agencies. Central agents, responding to pressures from academics, and the internal values and beliefs that tend to form in these secretaria, have sought to make the IDRC conform to their own expectations. The author concludes that the Centre has survived and prospered, despite these pressures, partly because of the skill of its top officers, but principally because of the IDRC's capacity to lay claim to being an expression of internationalism.
We also show how another dialectic, between more socially-oriented perspectives and more technical ones affected the development of the IDRC. The thesis suggests that the two dialectics, the internationalist and parochial, and the technical and social, are both synthesising into, respectively, interdependence and holism.
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15

Buchanan, T. "British trade union internationalism and the Spanish Civil War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381789.

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16

Hill, James L. "Muskogee Internationalism in An Age of Revolution, 1763-1818." W&M ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1477067930.

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This dissertation reevaluates the consequences of the American Revolution by examining how indigenous peoples preserved their role as regional powers in the decades following the birth of the United States. Focusing on the Creek Indians of the present-day southeastern United States, I demonstrate that they maintained ties with Britons, Spaniards, and other Native peoples, employing these connections to their advantage. Creeks created borderlands that connected their societies with those of the British and Spanish Caribbean. The Atlantic and Gulf Coasts of Florida and their surrounding waters became zones of encounter and exchange between Native peoples, British wreckers from the Bahamas, and Spanish fishermen from Cuba. The networks created through these borderlands show that many elements of colonial-era diplomacy, where Native peoples held significant power in relationships with Europeans and Euroamericans, continued in force well after American independence. Creek diplomacy during this era engaged with European international law and concepts of nationhood in ways that compare to and were in dialogue with the efforts of the United States. Both Creeks and Americans sought to negotiate as unitary nations because the international order of their era demanded it. Each consisted of disparate peoples who had little sense of common interest or cohesion prior to the mid-eighteenth century. Creeks identified as members of towns and clans rather than as a singular nation. Any political unity between the Creek towns developed only in response to challenges presented by European colonization. Likewise, Americans identified more with their home states or local communities than the nation as a whole. Over the course of the late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuries, both Creeks and Americans struggled to find ways to balance local interests with the diplomatic needs created by the Atlantic community to which they belonged. In this sense, Creek diplomacy was decidedly modern and conversant with legal and political developments throughout the Atlantic world.
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17

Groitl, Gerlinde. "Evangelical internationalism the American christian right and global human rights." Hamburg Kovač, 2006. http://www.verlagdrkovac.de/978-3-8300-2823-9/.

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Groitl, Gerlinde. "Evangelical internationalism : the American christian right and global human rights /." Hamburg : Kovač, 2007. http://www.verlagdrkovac.de/978-3-8300-2823-9/.

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19

Lewis, V. F. B. "'Integrated internationalism' in UK higher education : interpretations, manifestations and recommendations." Thesis, University of Bath, 2007. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.443544.

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This study explores the internationalisation of higher education institutions in the UK. First, the varying meanings and interpretations of internationalisation are examined, along with its relationship to terms such as globalisation and internationalism. The concept of “integrated internationalism” is introduced. Variations in institutional rationales for internationalisation, and the influence of national attitudes, are explored. The empirical research project then offers a snapshot of institutional internationalisation in the UK in 2005. It explores, via a predominantly qualitative, mixed methods approach, variations in interpretation and focus among UK HEIs. Institutional motivations are probed via a national survey, revealing that economic and prestigeorientated rationales tend to dominate, with social and academic rationales playing a lesser role. A subsequent comparison across three institutional case studies yields insights into the ways in which the ethos of internationalism is integrated with institutional mission and how the latter affects an institution’s international priorities. Through interviews and documentary analysis, both public and private faces of the institutions are illuminated, resulting in three distinctly different profiles. Common and contrasting themes are drawn out, reflecting some of the nuances of mission and values. From these are derived some recommendations and questions for consideration by leaders, policymakers and practitioners in institutions which are serious about internationalisation. A practical tool is proposed, which has the potential to help institutions interrogate their motivations for internationalisation as a prelude to strategy development. In light of the research, a revised interpretation of “integrated internationalism” is also suggested. The thesis concludes with a summary of my own personal development during the course of the DBA, which prefaces an update on recent, significant national developments related to internationalisation and a justification of the continued validity and relevance of the findings of this study.
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Hellawell, Sarah. "Feminism, pacifism and internationalism : the Women's International League, 1915-1935." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2017. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/36129/.

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This thesis examines the Women’s International League (WIL) to explore the wider themes of feminism, pacifism and transnational activism during the Great War and the interwar years. WIL was formed in October 1915 as the British national section of what came to be known as the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). The thesis interrogates the concept of feminist pacifism by analysing WIL’s campaigns for peace, disarmament and international law alongside its pursuit of women’s rights. The thesis also demonstrates the interplay between activism on the local, national and international stages. In chronological terms, the focus is on the first twenty years of WIL’s activism: from the circumstances that led to its foundation in 1915 to the challenges faced in 1935 – a time when the political consensus within WILPF came under threat and when hopes that internationalism would secure peace began to fade. The study comprises five chapters. The first explores the foundations of WIL and examines the methods it used to link its opposition to war to its feminist demands. The remaining chapters are thematic and cover the organisation’s work during the interwar years. Chapter Two analyses WIL’s campaigns for women’s rights, including the nationality of married women and the debate over protective legislation. Chapter Three highlights the organisation’s gendered approach to peace, including its campaigns for disarmament. Chapter Four investigates WIL’s commitment to internationalism through an analysis of its organisational structure and its work at the transnational level. The final chapter examines how the organisation built and maintained a network of activists, exploring the shared interests between WIL and a range of other voluntary associations, including those working for peace, humanitarian relief, liberal internationalism and socialism. This study firmly places WIL within British and international movements for peace and women’s rights. Work by Leila Rupp, Marie Sandell and Karen Offen demonstrates the wealth of activism by and for women at the international level during the twentieth century. However, previous scholarship has not focussed on WIL in any depth. By offering a detailed analysis of this organisation, the thesis sheds light on a range of issues: the campaign for female citizenship and political participation; the connections between feminism and pacifism; the development of international organisations during the interwar years; and the nature of transnational women’s activism.
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Villarreal-Rios, Rodolfo Williams William Appleman. "Independent internationalism and nationalistic pragmatism the United States and Mexico /." [Missoula, Mont.] : The University of Montana, 2008. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-11032008-163623/unrestricted/Villarreal-Rios_Rodolfo_THESIS.pdf.

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22

Banerjee, Tanmayee. "Nationalism and internationalism in selected Indian English novels, 1909-1930." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2014. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8y9y5/nationalism-and-internationalism-in-selected-indian-english-novels-1909-1930.

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The thesis aims at analyzing the ideas of Indian nationalism and Indian identity as constructed and disseminated through four Indian English novels published between 1909 and 1930. The novels to be dealt with in this thesis were authored and published during two of the very important phases in the history of Indian nationalist movement – the Swadeshi Movement (1903-1908) and the Non Co-operation Movement of the 1920s. Thus, this thesis will prove how Indian English novels published before 1930, the majority of which have not been studied with proper attention, bear prominent impressions of the idea of Indian nationalism which was developing coterminously with the publication of these novels. It will show how the novels published in two different phases of the Indian nationalist movement bear similar and dissimilar impressions of the developing imagination of India as a nation. Secondly, this thesis aims at establishing the unique aspect of Indian nationalism that the authors emphasize through their narratives, that is, the idea of internationalist nationalism. The authors believed in an idea of nationalism in which loyalty to one’s own nation does not entail the disavowal or denigration of the interests of other nations. Thus their idea of nationalism, as professed through their works, contained the implication of a humanistic internationalism. Though some of these novels have been mentioned in previous researches, detailed analytical study of the works from the perspective of nationalism and internationalism has not been attempted till date. Whatever might be the reasons behind their slipping into oblivion, there would remain an immense void if this phase of evolution in Indian English literature is neglected.
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Craig, John Michael. "Lucia True Ames Mead: American publicist for peace and internationalism." W&M ScholarWorks, 1986. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539720325.

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This study examines the life of Lucia True Ames Mead (1856-1936), one of the American peace movement's most effective publicists. Manuscript sources, including diaries, letters, and other personal papers, provided the necessary primary materials for this biography. Mrs. Mead also left a wide variety of published works, including seven books.;A teacher of adult courses in great literature before 1897, Mead joined the peace movement in 1897. She quickly became a leading participant at peace conferences and member of the major American peace organizations. She emerged as one of the movement's most effective publicists, travelling the United States year after year to spread the "gospel of peace." Her career spanned the pre and post-World War I peace movements. During World War I, she helped found the innovative Woman's Peace Party and later served as the national secretary of this organization.;This study of her ideas and activism reveals the important role played by a woman in a reform crusade dominated by men. She also disagreed with most of her male colleagues regarding the importance of generating mass support for pacifist doctrines. Few peace advocates wished to seek out supporters from among non-elites; but Mead not only called for such a campaign of public education, she devoted more energy to speaking to common people than any other peace activist of the period. She also wrote countless popular pieces for mass circulation journals and daily newspapers. Like all women of the era, she lacked access to the inner channels of policymaking in the United States. Thus, she chose to devote her own efforts to create grass roots support for the cause that commanded her attention. Beginning in the 1920s, most of the pacifist organizations, and most peace advocates of either gender, saw the wisdom in such a course of action.
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Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Thesis, Full-text, 2008. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/1961/.

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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.
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Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Full-text, 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1961/1/bozinovski.pdf.

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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.
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Wasniewski, Matthew A. "Walter Lippmann, strategic internationalism, the Cold War and Vietnam, 1943-1967." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/1763.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2004.
Thesis research directed by: History. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Dempsey, Amy Jo. "The friendship of America and France : a new internationalism, 1961-1965." Thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369820.

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Tollardo, Elisabetta. "Italy and the League of Nations : nationalism and internationalism, 1922-1935." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1be4159c-7a45-4e8a-ae05-3d6b296f3429.

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This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.
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Yamanaka, Hitomi. "Beyond nineteenth-century liberal internationalism : rethinking the work of E.H. Carr." Thesis, Keele University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.633487.

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This thesis re-evaluates E. H. Carr's approaches to the issues of international relations, presenting his critique of the hegemonic status of Western liberalism as the guiding thread informing his thought. In the discipline of IR, his concern to displace nineteenth-century liberal internationalism has been regarded simply as part of a realist attack on the 'Utopianism' of the inter-war period, associated with his long established reputation as a Realist who denounced the under-estimation of the role of power in international politics. However, this picture of Carr is to a significant extent misleading, and there is a need for the nature of his thought to be understood in a wider historical and intellectual context. Taking a historical and context-sensitive approach, this thesis explores his unmasking of the claim that liberal principles, regarded as absolute and universal by those who had been strongly influenced by the liberal tradition, were not genuine principles at all; they were the ideological reflection of a particular interest at a particular time, essentially that of the 'haves', who wished to maintain the status quo. To expose and then transcend this logic, Can, in tackling the individual political issues and advancing the prescriptions for resolving them, introduced a realist-relativist approach to expose the ever-changing reality of international relations and defended a progressive attitude towards the transformation of world politics. The thesis illuminates how they developed through a dialectical process guided by his central question of how the Western liberal tradition should be superseded in a historically progressive way, seeking to navigate our way out of some of the sterile conceptual blind alleys that dominated IR theory until fairly recently and also contribute to understanding the contemporary world in a more subtle and historically sensitive way.
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Keys, Barbara Jean. "The dictatorship of sport : nationalism, internationalism, and mass culture in the 1930s." Full text available online (restricted access), 2001. http://images.lib.monash.edu.au/ts/theses/Keys.pdf.

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Laqua, Georg Daniel. "European Internationalism(s), 1880-1930 : Brussels as a Centre for Transnational Cooperation." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507927.

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St, Pierre Kelly M. "Internationalism and Nationalism in Smetana’s Brandenburgers and Libuše." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1238696818.

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Ishii, Noriyuki. "Japan be Number One Internationalism and History of Japanese Diplomacy, 1853-2006." Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8826.

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This thesis engages with two bodies of scholarship: Japanese diplomacy and internationalism. Japan’s interaction with the international community and how it started and developed in the course of history is analysed. It is argued that Japanese leaders had strived to grant Japan a just place in the world. Their path, however, was not a straightforward one. The problems caused by identity issues, a West-centric world order, and the concept of ‘honour’ muddled the Japanese attempt. The words and practices of key figures were examined to illustrate the comprehensive development of Japanese diplomacy and internationalism between 1853 and 2006.
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Fiske, Eric James. "Cuban Medical Internationalism: A Case for International Solidarity in Foreign Policy Decision Making." Scholar Commons, 2011. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3724.

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Since the beginning of the Revolutionary government in Cuba, a comprehensive foreign policy involving medical personal and equipment has been implemented worldwide. Known as medical internationalism, thousands of doctors have been sent to developed and less developed nations in the spirit of solidarity and humanitarian aid. Even more, thousands of students have been given free medical education in Cuba at its world renowned university, the Latin American School of Medicine (ELAM). Often, no monetary or direct political gain is made by Cuba and the doctors simply receive their normal government salary. While the success of Cuba's medical internationalism is well documented (Feinsilver 1993, Kirk & Erisman 2009), the reasons and guiding forces behind it are much less understood. Based on a Cultural/Political Foreign Policy model created by Marijke Breuning to study foreign policy, this study aims to show that the concept of proletarian internationalism is the guiding principle in Cuba's medical internationalism programs.
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Bergman, Annika. "Adjacent internationalism : the concept of solidarity and post-Cold War Nordic-Baltic relations." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249083.

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Danewid, Ida. "Race, capital, and the politics of solidarity : radical internationalism in the 21st Century." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3848/.

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This thesis interrogates the absence of questions of race, colonialism, and their contemporary legacies in the philosophical literature on global justice and cosmopolitan ethics. What are the ethical, political, and material consequences of these "unspeakable things unspoken", and what would it mean for cosmopolitanism to take seriously the problem of the global colour line? The thesis provides a tentative answer to these questions through a close engagement with contemporary debates about the meaning and purpose of international solidarity. It demonstrates that critical and liberal approaches often help reproduce and legitimise, rather than challenge and transcend, the current unjust and unequal racialized global order. Drawing on Cedric Robinson and the literature on racial capitalism, it interrogates how solidarity can be decolonised and reconceived so as to better attend to the materiality of the global colour line. Through a close reading of the European migrant crisis, recent forms of Black-Palestinian solidarity, and the ongoing struggle for decolonisation in South Africa, it identifies an alternative internationalist imaginary that grows out of the solidarities forged in the struggle against imperialism, patriarchy, and racial capitalism. This is a radicalised and decolonised emancipatory project which retrieves the idea of universal history and total critique, but does so without invoking Eurocentric ideas of progress and teleology. In an era of Trump, Brexit, and global fascist resurgence-where the "white working class" frequently is juxtaposed with "immigrants", and identity politics blamed for the demise of the organised Left-such an internationalist vision is urgently needed.
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Rapley, Ian. "Green Star Japan : language and internationalism in the Japanese Esperanto movement, 1905-1944." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fc299226-d3d5-4d01-8830-c3fe5df4f334.

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The planned language Esperanto achieved popularity in early twentieth century Japan, inspiring a national movement which was the largest outside Europe. Esperanto was designed to facilitate greater international and inter-cultural communication and understanding; the history of the language in Japan reveals a rich tradition of internationalism in Japan, stretching from the beginnings of the movement, in the wake of the Russo-Japanese war, through the end of the Pacific war, when, for a brief period, organised Esperanto in Japan ceased. Building upon existing studies of internationalism amongst elite opinion makers in Japan, this history of Esperanto reveals unexpected examples of internationalism amongst the broader Japanese public, a number of competing conceptions of the international world, and their realisation through a range of transnational activities. Esperanto was at once an intellectual phenomenon, and a language which could be put into immediate and concrete practice. The diversity of social groups and intellectual positions within the Japanese Esperanto community reveals internationalism and cosmopolitanism, not as well defined, static concepts, but as broad spaces in which different ideas of the world and the community of mankind could be debated. What linked the various different groups and individuals drawn into the Japanese Esperanto movement was a shared desire to make contact with, and help to reform, the world beyond Japan's borders, as well as a shared realisation of the vital role of language in making this contact possible. From radical socialists to conservative academics, and from Japanese diplomats at the League of Nations to members of rural communities in the deep north of Japan, although their politics often differed, Japanese Esperantists came together to participate in the re-imagining of the modern world; in doing so they became part of a transnational community, one which reveals insights into both modern Japanese history, and the nature of internationalism.
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Babík, Milan. "In pursuit of salvation : Woodrow Wilson and American liberal internationalism as secularized eschatology." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0ba3fcd9-ecbc-4789-83c9-3fdb1c290aea.

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This work reinterprets the idea of progress at the heart of Woodrow Wilson’s liberal internationalism through the lens of secularization theory, which holds that modern philosophies of progress stand on religious foundations and represent secularized vestiges of biblical eschatology. Previous applications of this insight reveal a selective pattern: Whereas totalitarian and illiberal narratives of progress such as Nazism and Marxism-Leninism have received lavish attention and spawned extensive political religions literature, liberal progressivism has been ignored. This dissertation rectifies this neglect. Initial chapters present the biblical conception of history as the myth of salvation, introduce secularization through the writings of Karl Löwith and Hans Blumenberg, respectively its principal proponent and main critic, and test the limits of the concept to confirm its applicability to liberal progressivism. The main part aims secularization theory at Wilson’s idea of progress in the broader context of American liberal thought. From the 17th-century Puritan vision of a “city upon a hill” to the 19th-century doctrine of “manifest destiny”, biblical eschatology defined the way Americans envisioned history and their role in it, giving rise to a sort of liberal-republican millennialism. Wilson was no exception: Considering faith essential to authentic knowledge, he regarded history as a providential process, the United States as a divinely appointed redeemer nation, and himself as a Christian statesman performing God’s work in a fallen world. His foreign policy was fundamentally a religious mission to transform international relations according to the Bible, thereby fulfilling the prophecy of salvation. The dissertation demonstrates the eschatological foundations of his statecraft through specific examples and draws attention to their illiberal and totalizing implications. Final passages note the enduring relevance of Wilson’s principles and, based on their reinterpretation in this work, reflect critically on their suitability as a guide for future American foreign policy.
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Flanagan, John Patrick. "The Organic-Progressive Principle in the Political Thought and Internationalism of Woodrow Wilson." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2011. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc115038/.

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This is an investigation of the intellectual roots of the political thought and internationalism of Woodrow Wilson, the twenty-eightieth president of the United States. Exposed to the influence of Darwin, Wilson believed that politics had to be redefined as an evolutionary process. the older mechanical understanding of politics was to be replaced with an organic understanding of political development. This allowed Wilson to synthesize a concept of politics that included elements from the Christian tradition; the English Historical School, particularly Edmund Burke; and German idealism, including G.W.F. Hegel. However, because he placed a heavy emphasis on Burke and Hegel, Wilson moved away from a natural rights based theory of politics and more towards a politics based on relativism and a transhistorical notion of rights. Wilson had important theoretical reserves about Hegel, as a result, Wilson modified Hegel’s philosophy. This modification took the form of Wilson’s organic-progressive principle. This would greatly affect Wilson’s ideas about how nations formed, developed, and related to one another. This study focuses on Wilson’s concept of spirit, his theory of history, and his idea of political leadership. the organic-progressive principle is key to understanding Wilson’s attempts to reform on both the domestic and international levels.
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Milner, Susan. "The dilemnas of internationalism : French syndicalism and the international labour movement, 1900-1914 /." New York : Berg, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37596856b.

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Texte remanié de: Th. Ph. D.--Aston University, 1987. Titre de soutenance : The French Confédération Générale du Travail and the international secretariat of national trade union centres (1900-1914).
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John, Kenneth B. "Anti-parliamentary passage : South Wales and the internationalism of Sam Mainwaring (1841-1907)." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 2001. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/8677/.

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The world views of Economics and History which derive from the writings (themselves often derivative) of Karl Marx have been further progressed through two channels - which I here first categorise as STATIST and ANTI-STATIST. The historical Communist parties, and those Social Democrats who accepted a measure of Marx's analysis, have sought to gain control of some form of State apparatus. In this, they shared an objective with other groups to the Right who may well have been travelling the same route for much longer. To the Left, in the other channel, are those who refute any claimed superiority for statist formulations and who, as an alternative, offer the concept of federation among localities. In instrumental terms, this is the difference between Parliamentary or representative 'democracy' and Councillist or participatory 'self-government'; between the delegated and the mandated. It should be noted that both systems offer potential for extended, cross-boundary, co-operation; in the self-governing mode through a. federation of federations for specific purposes. This latter arrangement, which may be properly termed 'Anarchist', allows for negotiated contract as in the international postal service. By definition, Anti-Statist concepts contain the eventual intent of a total break with, and replacement of, the historically developed 'State' - which latter is seen as a ruling-class invention and as maximising reification. Local institutions, economic and more widely cultural, can be created within the interstices of existing states as seeds of desired, post-State, circumstances. But, again by definition, Anti-Statists cannot look to take over existing Governmental systems. Rather, they must view a different perspective of change and the practice of their ideas in modern times has so far been restricted to short experiments during, for example, the Paris Commune of 1871 and the Spanish worker-managed co-operatives of 1936-1939. These were both genuinely 'bottom-up' growths, but the Anarchist dream (or tendency to be pursued) has also influenced the decentralised organisation of some more conventionally originating Socialist states - as in Algeria, Libya and Yugoslavia for different periods during the second half of the twentieth century. The linking of Anarchism with trade-union activity in large-scale industry (Anarcho-Syndicalism) is usually associated with the nineteenth-century school of Michael Bakunin, but anti-statists also connect with more general examinations of 'freedom' such as those set out in William Godwin's Enquiry Concerning Political Justice of 1798. This Thesis is concerned with the acceptance of Marx AND Bakunin's thinking into the mindset of Libertarian British working-men during the four decades immediately preceding the First World War, and relates that acceptance to longerstanding notions of 'rationalism' It does so with particular reference to the intellectual journey of one very special artisan: Samuel Mainwaring (1841-1907), South Wales born but lastingly internationalist. A fuller summary of the content of Chapters is given in the Introduction, but the salient points are as follows. In Chapter One, I look at Mainwaring's earliest subversive, neighbourhood, links with Welsh Unitarianism and the most radical elements in the seventeenth-century English Revolution. In Chapters Two and Three, I examine the nature of early nineteenth-century proto-Syndicalism in England and its 1850s influence on the first of the New Model trade unions, the Amalgamated Society of Engineers – which Mainwaring joined as soon as he was of an age to do so. In Chapters Four and Five, I find similarities between Capitalist Exploitation in the United Kingdom and the United States (where Mainwaring lived for some years during the 1860s and 1870s), compare the writings of American mechanic Ira Steward with those of Marx and Bakunin, and discuss the Marxist-Bakuninist split in America following the transfer of the First International's controlling Council from London to New York. In Chapter Six, I show the existence of a 'Bakuninist' strand on the British Left in the last quarter of the nineteenth and early years of the twentieth centuries. Explaining Mainwaring's prominent position in that alignment, I also indicate his leading role in international Anarchist initiatives. My research involved what I believe to be a closer reading of three relevant London-based periodicals (The Crisis, The Pioneer, and The Leader] than had previously been carried out by historians, and I also draw on largely unpublished material held at the International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, and at the State Historical Society, Madison, Wisconsin. In my Conclusion, I compare the 'hidden from history' story of the Anarchist Left with that encountered by Feminist researchers.
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Tougas, Ramona. "Performing Work: Internationalism and Theatre of Fact Between the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20525.

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Title: Performing Work: Internationalism and Theatre of Fact between the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. Theatre’s public, and yet intimate emotional ability to demarcate extraordinary occurrences and provoke communal escalation make it useful for internationalist organizing. “Performing Work: Internationalism and Theatre of Fact between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R.,” traces 1920s and 1930s leftist theatre through transnational circuits of political and aesthetic dialogue. I argue that these plays form a shared lexicon in response to regional economic and political challenges. Sergei Tretiakov’s Rychi, Kitai/Roar, China! (1926); Hallie Flanagan and Margaret Ellen Clifford’s Can You Hear Their Voices? (1931); Langston Hughes’s Scottsboro Limited (1931); and Hughes, Ella Winter, and Ann Hawkins’s Harvest (1933-34) constitute the dissertation’s primary texts. “Performing Work” begins by reading the Soviet play Roar, China! as a work of theatre of fact which performs conflicted internationalisms in plot, and in its politicized production history. The middle chapters track revisions to Soviet factography and internationalism by three American plays in light of the Depression, racism, feminism, and labor disputes. The study considers the reception of Russian and English translations, as well as figurative translations across cultural contexts. Performance theory and literary history support this analysis of dramatic forms—embodied, temporal, and textual. I narrow my study to four plays from the United States and Soviet Union to argue for the tangible impact of ephemeral contact and performance in order to resist polarizing simplification of relationships between these two countries. The three central figures of this study, Sergei Mikhailovich Tretiakov (1892-1937), Hallie Flanagan (1890-1969), and Langston Hughes (1909-1967) each had either direct or indirect contact with one another and with each other’s theatrical work. This study is primarily concerned with the transnational circulation of politically significant dramatic form and only secondarily occupied with verifying direct influence from one author to another. The four plays participate in transnational dialogue on working conditions, cultural imperialism, racist legal systems, and gender inequality. This dissertation includes previously published material.
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43

CASE, Simon John. "Empire, reform, and internationalism : Britain and the changing politics of opium, 1875-1931." Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2018. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/otd/24.

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Throughout the nineteenth century, opium occupied a position of great significance within the British Empire, comprising by the 1870s as much as 17% of the total revenues of the British India Government. Opium also made up the greater part of British exports to China, a legacy of early-century market exploitation and highly favourable commercial treaties signed following two opium wars fought by the two countries. Between the emergence of an organised anti-opium movement in 1875 and the close of the final international Geneva Opium Conference of 1931, British opium policy experienced a complete transformation. The development of British responses to the issue of opium offers a case study in the cultural history of international relations, while also offering insights into developments in the political scene in Britain. A critical issue at the heart of the transition from elite to mass politics in Britain at the crux of the emergence of a new socio-political landscape after the passage of the 1867 Reform Act, the increasing importance of public opinion and popular politics, the course of debate over opium characterised shifts in the British domestic political scene, highlighting the defining transitions in political action and social activism of the period. Opium was also a central focal point in the transformation of the global geopolitical environment at the turn of the twentieth century, with the emergence of hostile rival powers seeking to challenge British commercial and geopolitical pre-eminence, particularly in the form of the United States and Japan in Asia, with a radically different and reforming American approach to imperial policy in the region. This thesis examines these transitions, exploring the different phases of opium policy, and identifying the driving forces, causational factors, and continuities that defined these processes of reform, comprising a re-reading of the history of opium reform as a critical juncture within the cultural sphere of international relations.
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Ukpere, Wilfred Isioma. "The functional relationship between globalisation, internationalisation, human resources and industrial democracy." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/1760.

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Thesis (DTech (Philosophy (Human Resources Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2007
With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1998 and the fall of the famous Berlin Wall, the final victory or triumph of capitalism over its alternatives, heralded a neoliberal economic system known as globalisation, which was postulated to address the problem. of humankind, including workers, on a global scale. This postulation· led many nations to rush to infuse themselves into the capitalist global system, which is reflected by the opening up of borders to the transnational juggernauts of globalisation. However, a few years into the euphoric global capitalist triumphalism, globalisation and internationalisation seems to have produced some negative consequences for human resources and industrial democracy, both in the North and South. As capital proceeds with its accumulation, expansion and profitability, unemployment has burgeoned, as the government's power to create lasting employment has been supIne owing to the privatisation of the public sector, retrenchment in the private sector, as a direct result of automation, re-engineering, outsourcing and the disastrous effect of global competition, which has eroded labour unionism. In the present state of affairs, labour has been requested to bear the burden of global capitalist hegemony, and the pro-globalist argument, that in the long-run the benefit of globalisation would yield a trickle-down effect to the worst affected workers, has turned a mirage, while the discontentment of the average working class and the majority who have lost out In the global economy, is the cause of renewed widespread global tensions. The current state of affairs has had a polarising effect on people's view, and has resulted in the development of two schools, namelythe pro-globalist and the anti-globalist camps. With the former persistently asserting that globalisation and internationalisation have positive repercussions for workers and industrial democracy, the latter strongly opposes the above assertion. The author of this study aligns more with the latter's view. Therefore, the aim of this research is to prove, beyond reasonable doubt, that there is actually a negative functional relationship between globalisation, internationalisation, human resources and industrial democracy, and to postulate some ameliorating mechanisms, which could enhance· the putative negative relationship, so that a higher human, social and economic order is realised
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Pituch, William G. "Participating in the world : select American press coverage of United States internationalism, 1918-1923." Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/845.

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46

Holmes, Deborah. "Ignazio Silone and 'das rote Zurich' : writing and internationalism in antifascist exile 1929-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367776.

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47

Ross, Alexander Chloe. "James Connolly and the internationalism of the Scottish and Irish labour movements (1880-1916)." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2013. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=210752.

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48

Thiemann, Amy. "Embracing Internationalism: An Examination of Mario Lavista with an Analysis of Cinco Danzas Breves." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984228/.

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Mario Lavista (b.1943) is widely acknowledged as one of Mexico's foremost living composers. Having acquired his music education in his native Mexico and in Europe alike, he is similar to numerous other Latin composers who were building a career in the latter half of the twentieth century. During this time, composers were relying on international aspects of avant-garde techniques, and using nationalistic Latin rhythms and melodies less. Lavista embraced internationalism, and aimed to compose works devoid of identifiable elements of nationalism. This document argues that the absence of nationalistic elements in Lavista's music has affected his notoriety outside of Mexico. The role of nationalism is assessed through a brief examination of influential Mexican composers and educators prior to 1950, followed by a discussion of education and composition in the latter half of the twentieth century. These aspects are investigated with regard to Lavista's education and resulting compositional style. A theoretical analysis of Cinco Danzas Breves para quinteto de alientos (1994) serves as a representative example of Lavista's compositional style and influence. This document aims to highlight and increase exposure of Mexican composers outside of Latin America who do not compose nationalistic music.
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49

Kendall, Eric M. "Diverging Wilsonianisms: Liberal Internationalism, the Peace Movement, and the Ambiguous Legacy of Woodrow Wilson." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1323399909.

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50

Mishra, J. "Nationalism and internationalism : a study of the political ideas of Tagore, Gandhi and Nehru." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/180.

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