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1

Jung, Jae-Woo, and Jae-Sung Hong. "United States’ Trade Policy and Future Outlook : Focus on United States Trade Representative and United States International Trade Commission." Korea Association for International Commerce and Information 23, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 169–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.15798/kaici.2021.23.4.169.

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2

Davis, Lucas W., and Matthew E. Kahn. "International Trade in Used Vehicles: The Environmental Consequences of NAFTA." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 2, no. 4 (November 1, 2010): 58–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.2.4.58.

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Since trade restrictions were eliminated in 2005, Mexico has imported over 2.5 million used vehicles from the United States. Using a unique, vehicle-level dataset, we find that traded vehicles are dirtier than the stock of vehicles in the United States and cleaner than the stock in Mexico, so when a vehicle is traded from the United States to Mexico average vehicle emissions per mile tend to decrease in both countries. Overall, however, the evidence suggests that trade has increased total lifetime emissions, primarily because of low vehicle retirement rates in Mexico. (JEL F13, F14, L62, O13, O19, Q53, Q56)
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3

Popova, Lyudmila Olegovna. "USA AND CHINA: RELATIONS IN INTERNATIONAL TRADE." International Journal of Advance Scientific Research 03, no. 01 (January 1, 2023): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ijasr-03-01-06.

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This article examines the relationship between China and the United States, being the two largest economies in the world, for 6 years they have been at the center of a trade conflict, which could soon develop into a trade war.
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4

Alam, Md Habib. "Next Steps Might Be Considered by Joe Biden for the Development of International Trade Law." European Journal of Engineering Research and Science 5, no. 11 (November 25, 2020): 1372–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejers.2020.5.11.2234.

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The United States of America is a part of the globalization of international trade law. The USA is known as a leading global trader among all nations. The President of the USA plays a vital role in the development of international trade law. On 8 November 2016, Donald Trump was elected as president of the United States of America. Donald Trump engaged in different trade deals and policies with different countries and international institutions. The trade deals and policies are withdrawal from TPP, reshaping NAFTA, reforming WTO, and imposing tariffs on foreign goods. On 8 November 2020, CNN commented, Joe Biden will be the next president of the USA. Many scholars expressed different thoughts relating to the reforming international trade law by Joe Biden. The main aim of Joe Biden will be to remove trade barriers and end artificial trade wars with different foreign nations. My research will suggest how Joe Biden may overcome these issues for the betterment of the international trade law around the world.
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5

Alam, Md Habib. "Next Steps Might Be Considered by Joe Biden for the Development of International Trade Law." European Journal of Engineering and Technology Research 5, no. 11 (November 25, 2020): 1372–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejeng.2020.5.11.2234.

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The United States of America is a part of the globalization of international trade law. The USA is known as a leading global trader among all nations. The President of the USA plays a vital role in the development of international trade law. On 8 November 2016, Donald Trump was elected as president of the United States of America. Donald Trump engaged in different trade deals and policies with different countries and international institutions. The trade deals and policies are withdrawal from TPP, reshaping NAFTA, reforming WTO, and imposing tariffs on foreign goods. On 8 November 2020, CNN commented, Joe Biden will be the next president of the USA. Many scholars expressed different thoughts relating to the reforming international trade law by Joe Biden. The main aim of Joe Biden will be to remove trade barriers and end artificial trade wars with different foreign nations. My research will suggest how Joe Biden may overcome these issues for the betterment of the international trade law around the world.
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6

Bapaliev, K. O., and A. T. Mashaeva. "BATTLE OF THE TITANS: FOREIGN ECONOMIC ACTIVITY OF THE KYRGYZ REPUBLIC." Herald of KSUCTA n a N Isanov, no. 2-2-2022 (April 30, 2022): 763–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35803/1694-5298.2022.2.763-768.

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To date, international trade has reached unprecedented peaks, in other words, in 2020, the volume of exports amounted to 16.9 trillion. дollars (US), and imports amounted to 17.1 trillion. дollars (USA). This article discusses the trade battle that began in 2016 between two major players in international trade. Major players in international trade are the People's Republic of China and the United States of America. The development of international trade directly depends on the relationship between the People's Republic of China and the United States of America, since the People's Republic of China ranks first in terms of exports and second in terms of imports. At the same time, the United States of America ranks first in terms of imports and second in terms of exports. The trade battle between the People's Republic of China and the United States of America opens up opportunities for the development of international trade to third parties, as the Kyrgyz Republic took advantage of this opportunity.
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7

Kashyap, Usha, and Neha Bothra. "Sino-US Trade and Trade War." Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.879180.

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Trade has been one of the most primary reasons behind economic association. Cross-border trade not only makes the markets cost-efficient but rather also brings up a higher degree of specialization to the respective nations. Bilateral trades have proven to be quintessential to both sides of the deal. However, on a parallel front, every economy has a self-interest toward the domestic produce, and they also try to defend their local manufacturers from cross-border competition. The United States has an “America-first” policy. Whenever the United States imposes tariffs and duties, similar responses have been observed by China. These moves are an area of great concern for global trade. The impact is often visible on the rest of the world. A trade-off exists between domestic economic growth and favored imports. This study is an attempt to discuss the trade relations between the United States and China and how this has led to a trade war. The trade tensions between the United States and China may continue for a few more years. There is a battle for economic supremacy and global leadership. This study explains why the United States is increasing tariffs on Chinese goods and how China is retaliating. This US–China trade war has affected not only the two economies but also the world economy. This study elucidates the repercussions of trade war on the international supply chain and the countries of the European Union. This study has also endeavored to discuss the impact of this trade war on the Indian economy. It is a golden opportunity for India to increase exports to China, the United States, and Europe.
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8

Grinols, Earl L., H. Peter Gray, Thomas Pugel, and Ingo Walter. "International Trade, Employment and Structural Adjustment: The United States." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 42, no. 1 (October 1988): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2523182.

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9

Hashemzadeh, Nozar, and Prahlad Kasturi. "Employment effects of international trade in the united states." International Trade Journal 4, no. 2 (December 1989): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08853908908523690.

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10

Malbon, Justin. "The Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement: Trade Trumps Indigenous Interests." Media International Australia 111, no. 1 (May 2004): 34–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0411100106.

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This article argues that the Australia–United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) selectively recognises and affirms international conventions and agreements that promote the narrow economic self-interests of powerful groups. It does this whilst disregarding those international instruments — including the Convention on Biological Diversity and the UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity — that seek to recognise and promote the cultural and intellectual property rights of Indigenous people. Although AUSFTA does make some concessions for Indigenous interests by providing negative exemptions from the chapters dealing with trade in services, government procurement and investment, these concessions are relatively weak in the face of the Agreement's pursuit of free trade. Using the model of Chapter 19, which imposes positive obligations on the United States and Australia to promote environmental interests, it is proposed that future Australian FTAs should enunciate positive obligations for Australia's Indigenous people.
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11

Nau, Henry R. "Making United States Trade Policy Truly Strategic." International Journal 49, no. 3 (1994): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202954.

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12

Nau, Henry R. "Making United States Trade Policy Truly Strategic." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 49, no. 3 (September 1994): 509–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209404900303.

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13

Chudinova, K. O. "The Influence of D. Trump’s Policy on International Trade." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 3 (October 8, 2019): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2019-3-65-82.

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The increasing level of tension in the trade relations between the United States and other countries, especially China; the potential escalation of trade wars, when countries take more and more explicit retaliatory protectionist measures, becomes a sustainability risk to development of international trade. The US actions taken in 2018–2019 to protect the internal market turned into into a full-fledged trade war, directed primarily against China - the country the United States has the largest trade deficit with. The introduction of the US tariff restrictions on imports from China and several other countries has caused retaliatory measures, as a result the uncertainty of the prospects for international trade increases. Non-tariff measures, such as phytosanitary requirements and technical barriers to trade, have also seen an increase in restrictions.An important source of controversy is the different positions of countries regarding the permissible degree of state support for enterprises. Developed countries, especially the United States, Japan, and the countries of the European Union, have fairly rigidly regulated rules regarding free competition. A cause for great concern is not only the US trade war with China and its consequences for other countries, but also the problems of international trade regulation.
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14

Kumar, Mukesh, Sanjeev Prashar, and RK Jana. "Does international tourism spur international trade and output? Evidence from wavelet analysis." Tourism Economics 25, no. 1 (July 12, 2018): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354816618788392.

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In this article, we attempt to examine the nexus of trade, economic growth, and international tourism. We resort to wavelet-based analysis to capture the time–frequency-based lead–lag dynamics of this nexus. Considering the monthly data spanning from January 1999 to February 2018 for the United States, we find the evidence that (a) increasing trade leads to higher tourist inflows (in terms of receipts), (b) tourist receipts are lagged by economic growth, and (c) these relationships are significant in the long term. We believe that these results are crucial for policymakers to frame policies regarding tourism in the United States.
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15

Compa, Lance. "Workers' Freedom of Association in the United States under International Human Rights Standards." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 17, Issue 3 (September 1, 2001): 289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/360554.

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International Labour Rights can be found among the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other United Nations instruments which set the standards for Human Rights at work and in general. It is stated that all people are entitled to freedom of association and the right to form and join trade unions. The United States fails to meet many of the standards pertaining to the International Trade Organizations Fundamental Principles. In many case studies where it is proven that companies are neglecting to follow the laws about organization there is little done to correct the situation. There remains much room for improvement in the United States legislation in order to better the working conditions and workers' freedom to association.
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16

Krasner, Stephen D. "A Trade Strategy for the United States." Ethics & International Affairs 2 (March 1988): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1988.tb00526.x.

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Krasner considers the decline of the global economic power the United States enjoyed from the 1940s through the 1960s and prescribes a policy of specific repricocity that aims not at restoring the country's postwar position but at allowing it to compete effectively in an emerging and changing economic climate. Specific repricocity focuses on short term pay-offs, outcomes, and differences in the domestic institutional arrangements of major economic partners. It aims at maintaining global stability while supporting the national best interest.
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17

Lee, Yong-Shik. "Weaponizing International Trade in Political Disputes: Issues Under International Economic Law and Systemic Risks." Journal of World Trade 56, Issue 3 (May 1, 2022): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2022016.

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In recent years, the world’s largest economies and traders – the United States, China, and Japan – have chosen to use measures affecting international trade as a means to achieve political objectives in contravention of the rules of international economic law and the practices of international trade established over several decades. Since the end of World War II, the world economy and international trade have rapidly expanded and prospered by achieving a degree of separation between international trade and political struggles under the rule-based international trading system, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and its successor, the World Trade Organization. Thus, the recent misuses of trade measures by the world’s largest traders are alarming, because they undermine the stability of the world trading system, which has been maintained for the past several decades. This article accounts politically-motivated trade measures (‘PTMs’) recently invoked by the United States, China, and Japan, assesses their incompatibilities with the rules of international economic law, and also examines the risks that these PTMs pose to the world trading system. Weaponizing Trade, The World Trade Organization, PTM, Section 301, National Security
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18

Dong, Yaowu, Xuesong Li, Jie Wu, and Yaoyao Liu. "International competitiveness and potential for trade cooperation on clean energy between the USA and China." E3S Web of Conferences 194 (2020): 02007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202019402007.

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As two super powers in energy consumption and carbon emission, the United States and China have been striving to develop clean energy in recent years. In this paper, we study the international competitiveness and potential for trade cooperation in clean energy between the two countries. This paper reveals that the United States has comparative advantages in terms of biomass energy and nuclear power, while China has comparative advantages in terms of solar energy and wind energy. The two countries have a strong complementarity in solar energy, biomass energy and nuclear energy with exporting from the United States and importing from China. In solar energy and wind energy a strong complementarity has been formed with exporting from China and importing into the United States. So the two countries have a strong potential for cooperation. Meanwhile, the potential trade cooperation is enhancing with the United States accelerating the development and exportation in natural gas. Therefore, the two countries have a strong trade complementarity on clear energy and a strong potential for cooperation in general. At the same time, the VCR model is built based on the clean energy Trade Complementary Index(TCIc and TCIu) between the United States and China. It can be found that the clean energy trade cooperation helps to curb CO2 emissions and promotes the GDP growth in the United States. However, China is in the early stage of clean energy development, the cooperation would cause a decline of GDP in China.
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19

Azmeh, Shamel, Christopher Foster, and Jaime Echavarri. "The International Trade Regime and the Quest for Free Digital Trade." International Studies Review 22, no. 3 (September 6, 2019): 671–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viz033.

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Abstract The global economy is experiencing the digitalization of production, exchange, and consumption of goods and services. The internet and cross-border data flows are becoming important channels of trade as more products are traded through the web or integrate features that rely on digital connectivity. Reflecting the autonomy states have to enact such policies, national variations in internet governance have expanded over the previous decade, with states increasingly looking to use internet and data policies for economic and trade objectives. These dynamics are having important implications on the international trade regime through challenging existing trade rules and creating demands for new rules. This has resulted in growing debates in the trade arena around “digital trade,” as a number of states, led by the United States, push for rules as a way to discipline national internet policies and support trade in digital goods and services. This paper examines the political economy of this campaign. We argue that the objectives of this campaign go beyond updating rules to better fit the “Internet age” into achieving further liberalization of trade in goods and services. We highlight the technological contingency of existing international rules and show how technological shifts have been a driver of competitive regime creation and forum shifting contributing to processes of fragmentation of the international trade regime.
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20

Vogel, David. "The Environment and International Trade." Journal of Policy History 12, no. 1 (January 2000): 72–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2000.0009.

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This article examines the increasingly important and often contentious relationship between international trade and environmental regulation in the United States. It begins by explaining why these two policy areas have recently become more interdependent and then explores some of the specific controversies surrounding the contemporary linkages between trade policy and environmental regulation. The article concludes by analyzing the long-term political and economic impact of the relationship between trade and environmental policy.
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21

DMITRIEV, S. S. "Predictably Unpredictable Trade Policy – the United States versus All Others." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 2 (August 27, 2018): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-2-113-132.

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The article explores the Trump administration’s trade policy, characterized by: attempts to rewrite the rules of international trade according to the regulations established by the American side, “skepticism” with respect to the international regulatory institutions of foreign trade, a course on the renegotiation of the existing agreements. In a relationship with a number of countries, manifestations of “ultimatizm” – the desire to negotiate with them from a position of strength are becoming increasingly evident. Relapses of economic isolationism under the slogan “Restore the Greatness of America” periodically are being transformed into concrete protectionist actions. The number of imposed import restrictions is growing, and their arsenal is expanding. It is concluded, that tightening of the market access to the domestic market for foreign suppliers is unlikely to lead to a significant reduction in the US trade deficit. Bet on abandoning multilateral arrangements in favor of bilateral trade agreements, conscious downplaying of the role and importance of the WTO and other international institutions can also be counterproductive. Focus on dominance in the sphere of foreign economic activity apparently will remain the main direction of Trump trade policy until the end of the term of his administration. However, under pressure from competitors, and because of the lack of real allies, the United States will be forced to demonstrate greater flexibility and pragmatism, the propensity to compromise and to establishment of temporary or permanent blocs with their main trading partners. The idea of “normality”, refraining from populism, will gradually begin to return to the trade policy of this country. If, however the Trump government will continue to act in isolation, without taking into account the opinion of the world community, an increasing number of partners of the United States will perceive it not as a leader, but as a violator of the rules of international trade. Under certain circumstances, such a policy can provoke local and global trade conflicts. In addition, the United States not necessarily will have to be the winner in them.
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22

C. Ngwakwe, Collins, and Mokoko P. Sebola. "The US-China Trade War and the Economic Ripple on South Africa." Global Trade and Customs Journal 15, Issue 11/12 (November 1, 2020): 543–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2020093.

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This article examines the economic ripple of United States-China trade war on South Africa. Data were analysed using the paired t-test statistics for means. Results indicate that the United States suffered a significant increase in trade deficit during the first year of the US-China trade war in 2018 compared to the pre-trade war period in 2017. South Africa witnessed a significant increase in the balance of trade deficit in 2018 during the first year of the trade war. In addition, the South African currency has suffered increased volatility during this period of US-China trade war. In conclusion, the paper highlights that based on past US trade war history, the United States may suffer more losses if the current trade war continues. The paper recommends inter alia, the urgent need for the United States and China to resolve the trade impasse, and the need for South Africa to diversity its exports in order to penetrate new markets.
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23

Warf, Barney. "International Automobile Trade of the United States during the 1980s." Geographical Review 80, no. 3 (July 1990): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/215303.

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24

Lin, Jintai, Da Pan, Steven J. Davis, Qiang Zhang, Kebin He, Can Wang, David G. Streets, Donald J. Wuebbles, and Dabo Guan. "China’s international trade and air pollution in the United States." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 111, no. 5 (January 21, 2014): 1736–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1312860111.

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25

Xu, Yan, Erik Dietzenbacher, and Bart Los. "International trade and air pollution damages in the United States." Ecological Economics 171 (May 2020): 106599. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2020.106599.

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26

Nelson, Douglas. "Democracy and international trade: Britain, France, and the United States." Journal of International Economics 39, no. 1-2 (August 1995): 187–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0022-1996(95)90029-2.

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27

Jámbor, Attila. "Competitiveness of meat and associated products in international trade." Review on Agriculture and Rural Development 8, no. 1-2 (May 26, 2019): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/rard.2019.1-2.35-40.

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There has been considerable growth in global meat trade recently in line with globally increasing population and changing diets. The paper analyses competitiveness patterns in global meat trade between 1989 and 2018. The article applies the method of revealed comparative advantages on global meat trade data and reaches a number of conclusions. First, results show top 10 countries in global meat exports and imports as well as most traded products. Global meat exports are dominated by the United States, Brazil and the Netherlands, whole main meat importers were Japan, Germany and the United Kingdom. The paper shows that global meat trade is highly concentrated by country and product but this concentration has decreased considerably in the previous 20 years. By analysing specialisation in global meat trade, a diverse picture becomes apparent where export positions and comparative advantages are not always moving together. Last but not least, Hungarian positions are also analysed in context throughout the paper.
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Wickes, Ron. "Trade deficits and trade conflict: The United States and Japan." Japan and the World Economy 60 (December 2021): 101098. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.japwor.2021.101098.

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29

Strassner, Erich H., and Jessica R. Nicholson. "Measuring the digital economy in the United States." Statistical Journal of the IAOS 36, no. 3 (August 26, 2020): 647–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/sji-200666.

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The United States’ Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) has recently published statistics exploring the size and growth of the digital economy in response to the interests of the data user community and the international statistical community. BEA independently developed preliminary digital economy statistics but has relied on consultation with other statistical organizations and participation in numerous international working groups aimed at advancing coordinated and internationally comparable digital economy measurement. This report describes BEA’s digital economy measurement efforts to date including initial work towards a digital economy satellite account and related research on quantifying the value of “free” digital media the treatment and measurement of data. This report also discusses BEA’s efforts to improve price measures for high-tech goods and services, notably internet and wireless services, cloud services, and ride-hailing services. Lastly, the report provides an overview of BEA’s measurement work related to digital services international trade.
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Burinskienė, Aurelija. "Understanding of International Trade and its Importance." Mokslas - Lietuvos ateitis 1, no. 3 (April 11, 2011): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/141.

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The study deals with international trade and its importance. In this paper, the tendencies of international trade are presented, the importance of international trade to economic development is overviewed; the increase rates of international trade and gross domestic product in European Union, United States and China are compared. The paper also deals with international trade in different countries, and in Lithuania as well, with international trade perspectives in 2010.
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Ume Kalu, Ebere, Chinwe Okoyeuzu, and Wilfred Isioma Ukpere. "Transmission Effect of Uncertainties in USA & China Trade Spat on West Africa Trade Relationships." Global Trade and Customs Journal 15, Issue 11/12 (November 1, 2020): 533–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2020092.

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We investigated the transmission effects of the trade spat between the United States and China on the relative trade openness of the West African sub-region. We found that economic policy uncertainty in China positively and significantly influence relative openness and the trade war is a positively significant driver of relative openness of the West African economy to China unlike the United States, with no significant influence in the short run, but a relative elasticity of 32% in the long run of openness to the trade war. The speed of adjustment as shown by the error correction representation is faster in openness to China than it is for the United States. As the economies of the West African sub-region appear vulnerable to the trade war and uncertainties in the United States and China, it is expected that deliberate policy mitigants be put in place to cushion the transmission effects of the trade war.
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32

Yannopoulos, George N. "United States Trade Interests and EC Enlargement." Journal of World Trade 21, Issue 4 (August 1, 1987): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1987030.

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33

Sarakhman, O., R. Shurpenkova, and T. Kalaitan. "Features of trade accounting and taxation in the united states of America." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 75, no. 2 (2022): 46–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2022.02.046.

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The paper identifies the positive and negative factors in the development of US economic and trade activities. The United States, as a huge consumer and producer of goods, is a major player in trade and stimulates economic growth, supports jobs, improves living standards and helps Americans provide their families with affordable goods and services. The sphere of trade in the USA, both domestic and international, has been studied, as well as the process of accounting and taxation is related to trade at various levels. General scientific methods (formal-legal, statistical, comparative-legal, system-structural, historical and others), as well as specific sociological (documentary, observation, study of documents), which provided scientific, novelty and reliability of research results are used in this investigation. Accounting is one of the key functions of almost any country and any business. The difference between the accounting of Ukraine and the United States is insignificant, as our country uses rules close to international standards. Taxation in the United States is quite complicated. Today, US governments apply different types of taxes in different proportions, depending on which collected tax revenues are used for and how the population reacts to taxes. All known taxes can be divided into six main categories: taxes on income, income and capital gains; taxes on wages and labor; property taxes; taxes on goods and services; taxes on international trade and transactions; other taxes. Sectorial features that affect the organization and reflection of these operations in accounting: goods – tangible assets acquired (received) and held by the enterprise for resale; trade activity – independent activity of legal entities and individuals in the implementation of transactions of purchase and sale of consumer goods for profit; wholesale trade - trade activity on acquisition and realization of the goods in large parties to the enterprises of retail trade, other subjects of enterprise activity; retail trade – trade in the sale of goods individually and in bulk directly to citizens and other consumers, mainly with cash payments. Without international trade, it is almost impossible for any country to develop financially, politically and economically, and in the interests of every nation – to make strong international trade and relations with world leaders to overcome all difficulties very easily.
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Wilkinson, Bruce W. "Canada-United States Free Trade: The Current Debate." International Journal 42, no. 1 (1986): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202435.

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35

Wilkinson, Bruce W. "Canada-United States Free Trade: The Current Debate." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 42, no. 1 (March 1987): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208704200109.

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36

Puig, Sergio. "The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement: A Glimpse into The Geoeconomic World Order." AJIL Unbound 113 (2019): 56–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2019.6.

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The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) differs in a few important ways from prior trade deals signed by the United States but reveals a glimpse of the infrastructure for a new era in international economic governance. This new “Geoeconomic World Order,” will be characterized by great power rivalry between the United States and China, the intense use of protectionist tools to achieve strategic and political goals, and the diminished role of legal adjudication. This approach to trade policy will likely outlast the autocratic and/or nationalistic governments emerging around the world, including the current Trump administration. While international trade law will recover, it will look different in key respects—it will be less multilateral, predictable, justiciable, and enforceable. This more transactional view of international trade law implies a limit on the role of law and an increase in the use of power. It may force a retrenchment of international interdependence and a revival of zones of influence prevalent during the Cold War era.
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Yean Tham, Siew, Andrew Kam Jia Yi, and Tee Beng Ann. "U.S.–China Trade War: Potential Trade and Investment Spillovers into Malaysia." Asian Economic Papers 18, no. 3 (December 2019): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00729.

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This study examines the potential impact of the current trade war between the United States and China on Malaysia's trade and investment. For solar exports, the immediate impact from 2017 to 2018 shows that gross and domestic exports to the United States have fallen but re-exports have increased, and Malaysia's exports and re-exports to China have increased. Excluding solar, the increase in gross exports to the United States is borne by re-exports. The possibility of increased investment, as firms relocate from China, is high given the growing presence of China's investment in Malaysia since the announcement of the Belt and Road Initiative.
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38

Bhagwati, Jagdish N. "United States Trade Policy at the Crossroads." World Economy 12, no. 4 (December 1989): 439–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1989.tb00472.x.

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39

Thompson, Aileen J. "Canada-United States Free Trade and Investment." World Economy 17, no. 1 (January 1994): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1994.tb00809.x.

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40

Prusa, Thomas J. "2004 Trade Policy Review - The United States." World Economy 28, no. 9 (September 2005): 1263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.2005.00733.x.

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41

Baccini, Leonardo, Pablo M. Pinto, and Stephen Weymouth. "The Distributional Consequences of Preferential Trade Liberalization: Firm-Level Evidence." International Organization 71, no. 2 (2017): 373–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081831700011x.

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AbstractWhile increasing trade and foreign direct investment, international trade agreements create winners and losers. Our paper examines the distributional consequences of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) at the firm level. We contend that PTAs expand trade among the largest and most productive multinationals by lowering preferential tariffs. We examine data covering the near universe of US foreign direct investment and disaggregated tariff data from PTAs signed by the United States. Our results indicate that US preferential tariffs increase sales to the United States from the most competitive subsidiaries of multinational corporations operating in partner countries. We also find increases in market concentration in partner countries following preferential liberalization with the United States. By demonstrating that the gains from preferential liberalization are unevenly distributed across firms, we shed new light on the firm-level, economic sources of political mobilization over international trade and investment policies.
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42

SMIRNOV, ALEXANDER, DMITRIY ERMAKOV, and OLEG KAZENKOV. "MODERN SINO-AMERICAN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBALIZATION." Sociopolitical Sciences 12, no. 3 (June 28, 2022): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2022-12-3-28-38.

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The nineties of the twentieth century led to changes in the global geopolitical strategy: the place of the Soviet Union, acting as the second world superpower, is gradually firmly occupied by the People’s Republic of China, which thirty years ago could count solely on the role of a regional leader. The development of international trade and economic relations between the United States and China clearly demonstrates in action the Hegelian “law of unity and struggle of opposites” - both countries, having different political systems and social structure, are forced to act as the main partners both in the world economy and in trade. The initiative in developing trade and economic relations with China is still in the hands of the United States, which, despite the availability of the latest technologies and outstanding economic achievements, still have to reckon with the requirements of its Chinese partner to establish equal partnership relations, bearing both material and reputational costs. The United States, throughout the history of US-Chinese relations, often uses provocations and unfriendly actions. The inconsistent position of the United States, primarily in support of Taiwan, makes it difficult to understand and establish trust between the countries.
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43

Puckett, A. Lynne, and William L. Reynolds. "Rules, Sanctions and Enforcement Under Section 301: At Odds with the WTO?" American Journal of International Law 90, no. 4 (October 1996): 675–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203997.

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Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 permits the United States Trade Representative (USTR) to investigate and impose sanctions on countries whose trade practices are found to be unfair to U.S. interests. It reaches beyond the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), to give the United States unilateral power to penalize countries that threaten American interests. Section 301 can be used to enforce United States rights under multilateral and bilateral trade agreements, as well as to remedy unreasonable, unjustifiable or discriminatory foreign trade practices that restrict or burden U.S. trade. It contains both mandatory and discretionary provisions and specific timetables for action by the USTR.
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44

Yu, Tianshui. "Analysis of the Causes and Countermeasures of the Escalation of Sino-US Trade Friction." Frontiers in Business, Economics and Management 6, no. 2 (November 23, 2022): 149–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/fbem.v6i2.3018.

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Since 2018, the United States has ignored international trade rules on the grounds of trade deficits and other reasons, implemented protectionism and unilateralism, provoked Sino-US trade frictions, and caused widespread international concern. In today's complex and changing world economic landscape, the trend from one super-multi-strong situation to multi-polarization is gradually deepening, and the hegemonic position of the United States is gradually threatened. By studying the U.S. intention to launch a trade war against China, the causes of the escalation of trade frictions, and coping strategies, this article discusses how China will do under the situation that the United States has rashly violated the WTO rules, launched a Sino-US trade war, and forced China to fight back To protect their own interests and promote mutual benefit and win-win development, the two countries have proposed corresponding countermeasures and countermeasures, with a view to providing a valuable reference for countries seeking to peacefully develop trade exchanges to maximize their benefits.
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45

Sandoval, Rodolpho. "Legal Issues with Respect to Free Trade between United States and Mexico." International Journal of Legal Information 19, no. 2 (1991): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500007083.

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As the United States and Mexico begin to pursue seriously the development of a Free Trade Agreement to open the international doors of opportunity to each other, a legal framework must be developed to support the international economic infrastructure necessary to develop free trade in the most efficient, and equitable manner. Whether the Free Trade Agreement becomes a reality beyond the present maquiladora program depends on several legal questions. These legal questions are discussed in this paper.
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46

Paik, Won K. "Causes of Import Penetration from the Pacific Basin Newly Industrializing Countries into the United States." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 22, no. 2 (September 1991): 361–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400003933.

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With the emergence of “new Protectionism” and the resurrection of international political economy as a legitimate field of international relations, international trade and trade relations have, once again, become the focal points of political science inquiries. Given its varied intellectual attractions, the central theme of international trade remains constant: What are the causes of trade relations? Specifically, what factors determine a flow of commodities from country A to country B? There are basically two major types of answers to this question.
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Jagadeshwaran, P., K. R. Ashok, A. Vidhyavathi, and M. Prahadeeswaran. "India’s trade potential and export opportunities for spices." Journal of Applied and Natural Science 14, SI (July 15, 2022): 98–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.31018/jans.v14isi.3574.

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Economic growth and development of a country rely on trade as it serves as a driving force with efficient utilization of factor of endowments. Several commodities are traded world-wide, among them spices which has a long history of being one of the highly traded commodity. Developing countries including India are the leading producer and exporter of spices in the world. The demand for Indian spices has gone up in the United States of America, Vietnam, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom, etc. The study assess the comparative advantage of major spices exporting countries for pepper, cardamom and turmeric-based on data available in International Trade Centre. To analyse the effect of trade liberalisation, a simulation model (SMART) developed by UNCTAD was used to estimate trade creation, diversion and revenue effect on importing and exporting countries. The result shows that India has a comparative advantage in the export of Turmeric, Guatemala in Cardamom and Vietnam in Pepper. The impact of tariff relief on India has greater advantage, which has trade creation in the export of cardamom and turmeric. Whereas in pepper, comparatively, trade diversion is higher than trade creation, indicating that less efficient countries are given a chance to export to the top importing countries due to a reduction in tariff. Indian spice exporters should focus on promoting or exporting spices to countries like Netherlands, United States, United Kingdom, and Germany.
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48

Zhao, Yufeng. "A Study of Nonverbal Communication in China-U.S. Business Negotiations." Studies in Social Science & Humanities 1, no. 4 (November 2022): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.56397/sssh.2022.11.04.

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In the context of the rapid development of the global economy, business trades between countries are experiencing a sustained growth. So, international business trades between China and the United States increase continuously, for the reason that China is the biggest developing country in the world and the United States has the world’s most advanced economy. Business negotiations are necessary in global trade, in which the benefit between two sides can reach to the climax. In the process of business negotiation, nonverbal communication stays an important situation because of rich content and incomparable advantages, which is a significant part. This thesis tries to analyze the different cultural backgrounds between China and the United States. Then, focusing on the different aspects of the nonverbal communication such as expression, body languages and paralanguages. In that way, this thesis can help to understand the crucial position of nonverbal communication in international business negotiations and master the main methods of nonverbal communication between China and the United States.
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49

Krishnakumar S. "United States and Its Challenge to Multilateralism in the Global Economy." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 74, no. 4 (October 25, 2018): 402–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928418802074.

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With Donald Trump as President of United States, multilateralism in the world economy is facing an unprecedented challenge. The international economic institutions that have evolved since the fifties are increasingly under the risk of being undermined. With the growing assertion of the emerging and developing economies in the international fora, United States is increasingly sceptical of its ability to maneuvre such institutions to suit its own purpose. This is particularly true with respect to WTO, based on “one country one vote” system. The tariff rate hikes initiated by the leader country in the recent past pose a serious challenge to the multilateral trading system. The paper tries to undertake a critical overview of the US pre-occupation of targeting economies on the basis of the bilateral merchandise trade surpluses of countries, through the trade legislations like Omnibus Act and Trade Facilitation Act. These legislations not only ignore the growing share of the United States in the growing invisibles trade in the world economy, but also read too much into the bilateral trade surpluses of economies with United States and the intervention done by them in the foreign exchange market.
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50

He, Kai, T. V. Paul, and Anders Wivel. "Introduction: International Institutions and Peaceful Change." Ethics & International Affairs 34, no. 4 (2020): 457–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089267942000060x.

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The rise of “the rest,” especially China, has triggered an inevitable transformation of the so-called liberal international order. Rising powers have started to both challenge and push for the reform of existing multilateral institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and to create new ones, such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The United States under the Trump administration, on the other hand, has retreated from the international institutions that the country once led or helped to create, including the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); the Paris Agreement; the Iran nuclear deal; the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO); and the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The United States has also paralyzed the ability of the World Trade Organization (WTO) to settle trade disputes by blocking the appointment of judges to its appellate body. Moreover, in May 2020, President Trump announced his decision to quit the Open Skies Treaty, an arms control regime designed to promote transparency among its members regarding military activities. During the past decade or so, both Russia and the United States have been dismantling multilateral arms control treaties one by one while engaging in new nuclear buildups at home.
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