Journal articles on the topic 'International trade – Soviet Union'
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1
Sun, Yizhi. "The Soviet Union and the May Thirtieth Movement in Shanghai." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 4 (2022): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120021382-1.
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This article focuses specifically on the Soviet factor in The May Thirtieth Movement in Shanghai, including the degree of central and local Soviet authorities' involvement in the preparation and course of the Movement and financial assistance to Chinese strikers. It also examines Soviet intelligence activities in Shanghai during this period. Until May 30 the central organs of the USSR and the RCP(b) were not the initiators of the Movement. The largest workers' movement in Shanghai occurred spontaneously and was not under the control of the Comintern or the Politburo. However, we cannot completely deny the existence of attempts to organize and control the Movement by the Soviet Consulate as early as the first days of the strikes and it has been documented that the practical actions of Soviet agents began even before the Politburo began to pay attention to the Shanghai events. The All-Union Central Trade Union Council represented the "legal" support for the strikers by the Soviet authorities. The arrival of a delegation of Soviet trade unions in Shanghai was open and contained no elements of secret diplomacy. In the field of "secret politics", G.N. Voitinsky was sent to Shanghai to lead the Movement through the CCP. During the May Thirtieth Movement, Soviet intelligence had to work in intensified mode. However, in the Shanghai municipal police files we can only find references to the activities of Soviet spies at the beginning of the Movement. The reason for this is that all police attention in July and August was concentrated on the so-called "Dosser case", which was essentially of a small scale, but was hyped up by the Shanghai press and the Municipal Council of International Settlement. Nevertheless, one should not exaggerate the influence of the Soviets on the May Thirtieth Movement. The Soviets could only control, through the CCP and the General Trade Union, the workers' and partly the students' part of the strikes. The leading role in the May Thirtieth Movement was still held by the Shanghai merchants, not by the Politburo and the Comintern.
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van Brabant, Jozef M. "The Soviet Union and the International Trade Regime: A Reply." Soviet Economy 5, no. 4 (October 1989): 372–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08826994.1989.10641315.
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Marrella, Fabrizio, Rafik Khammatovic Usmanov, and Patricio Ignacio Barbirotto. "On Trade Liberalization for Political Ends: The Case of the EAEU." Journal of World Trade 55, Issue 4 (June 1, 2021): 597–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2021025.
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As evidenced by WTO theory and practice, even as exceptions regulated at Article XXIV GATT 1994 and Article V GATS, regional trade agreements (RTAs) or preferential trade agreements are an important legal tool to liberalize trade and strengthen economic or political cooperation. In recent years, notwithstanding the fiasco of TTIP and TPP, RTAs have proliferated in different regions of the world. Among them, the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is a customs union established in 2015 which is institutionally similar to the European Union (EU) albeit unexplored in academic literature. Remarkably, during its first five years of existence as an international organization, the EAEU has become a trade entity capable of adopting common technical regulations and a uniform customs code regulating cross-border trade in the internal single market and with third parties. Moreover, the EAEU has been quite active in concluding international agreements with third States, setting the basis to make the EAEU a key player on the global arena. Is the EAEU an RTA with the purpose to liberalize trade and services, mindful of the WTO philosophy, or rather is it a mean to attract back in the Moscow’s orbit some of the Post-Soviet States thus reaching precise geopolitical ends? What is its relevance for international business? Regional Trade Agreements, International Economic Law, Eurasian Economic Union, WTO, International Economic Organizations, Post-Soviet States, EAEU Customs Code, Russia, Common Market
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Mukhina, Irina. "Regulating the Trade: International Peddling in Post-Soviet Russia." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 37, no. 2 (2010): 166–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633210x536889.
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AbstractThe economic, social, and political reforms of the former Soviet Union gave rise to a flourishing international peddling trade variously termed “shuttle trading,” “a suitcase trade,” or at times “trading tourism.” Small at first in the later 1980s, by the mid-1990s the shuttle trade expanded to include millions of people and came to constitute the backbone of Russian consumer trade. Initially the government was willing to “look the other way” or even support the shuttle trade as a way to provide for the collapsing consumer market in Russia. Yet the government drastically underestimated the vast number of people that the trade would attract and subsequently the scale and longevity of the trade. By 1993 and then progressively into the 1990s, the government aimed to bring this highly problematic aspect of the emerging market under its control, both by the means of regulating private businesses and creating a more business-conducive environment and by improving border control in order to make the borders “hard”. Thus this article analyzes the shuttle trade to demonstrate the ways in which decision makers, by accumulating raw data about the scale of the trade, border crossing, and the trade's social consequences, utilized these statistics in creating regulatory measures that simultaneously attempted to shape both the border control and customs regulations and the emerging free market space of the post-Soviet Russia.
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Larsen, Trina L., and Robert T. Green. "Export Opportunities in a Crumbling Economy: The Soviet Union in 1990." Journal of International Marketing 1, no. 4 (December 1993): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1069031x9300100405.
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Economic liberalization is underway in many countries that had previously been relatively closed to outside commercial relations. This includes former East Bloc nations and LDCs that had long attempted to protect their inefficient industries from foreign competition. Perhaps the most spectacular example of this trend is the former Soviet Union. This article reports a study of the changes that occurred in the former Soviet Union's trade relations with non-communist countries in the critical period during which trade ‘openness’ was being established. The results provide insights that may be useful to exporters in their assessment of market opportunities in countries undergoing the difficult transition to a market economy.
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Ollapally, D., and G. Anandalingam. "India and the Soviet Union: Trade and Technology Transfer." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 12, no. 2 (September 1, 1992): 108–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07323867-12-2-108.
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Mastanduno, Michael. "Strategies of Economic Containment: U.S. Trade Relations with the Soviet Union." World Politics 37, no. 4 (July 1985): 503–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010342.
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If a consensus exists in the literature on international economic sanctions, it is that attempts to use economic instruments to achieve political objectives are likely to fail.1 This widely shared conclusion has been based on the analysis of a number of highly visible but unsuccessful attempts, including the League of Nations' sanctions against Italy in 1935–1936, the Arab boycott of Israel, U.S. sanctions against the Castro regime, United Nations sanctions against Rhodesia, and most recently, U.S. sanctions against the Soviet Union following the invasion of Afghanistan and the imposition of martial law in Poland.
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Elder, Bob. "A strategic approach to advanced technology trade with the Soviet Union." Comparative Strategy 11, no. 1 (January 1992): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495939208402863.
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Yakupova, Dar'ya Viktorovna, and Roman Aleksandrovich Yakupov. "“Bread for the People and National Security”: Soviet commercial diplomacy during the period of détente." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 11 (November 2021): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.11.34328.
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The relevance of this research is defined by the need for analyzing the historical experience of adaptation of foreign economic activity of the Soviet State to the challenges of Western policy deterrence, the imperatives of which are being applied to Russia in the current context. The subject of this research is the Soviet grain procurement crisis and foreign policy ways for its overcoming. The object of this research is trade and diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the United States. The scientific novelty lies in elaboration of the concept of “commercial diplomacy” – the foreign economic activity of the USSR government aimed at solution of the domestic problems and tasks of modernization. Leaning on the newly introduced sources, the conclusion is made that the policy of commercial diplomacy implemented by the Soviet Union suggested the use of international dialogue within the framework of cooperation between the governments and public-private business circles on achieving the economic goals associated with the national interests of the Soviet Union. The critical need for grain procurement, discovery of the oil resources potential, and détente in the international relations between the two superpowers led to a new round in the Soviet Union – United States relations. It is underlined that grain and oil manifested as the factor of maintaining domestic political stability and the object of foreign policy exchange. The article answers the question: how the grain procurement problem has transformed from the economic into social issue, and the grain import has become the vulnerable spot of the Soviet Union in the ideological confrontation with the United States, and the object of international relations.
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Siromskyi, Ruslan, and Hanna Siromska. "“MY VISIT DID NOT REASSURE ME”: FROM THE HISTORY OF VISIT LESTER PEARSON’S TO THE SOVIET UNION (OCTOBER 5–12, 1955)." Вісник Львівського університету. Серія історична / Visnyk of the Lviv University. Historical Series, no. 54 (November 3, 2022): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/his.2022.54.11608.
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The article examines the political background, organization and course of the official visit of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Canada Lester Pearson to the Soviet Union in October 1955. It is established that after ten years of mutual mistrust caused by the “Gouzenko case” (exposing the Soviet spy network in Canada), each side pursued its own goal of establishing contacts. Diplomatic searches for common ground between the two countries were made possible by a change of top leadership in the Soviet Union and a brief reduction in international tensions following the 1955 Geneva Summit, which expressed readiness to discuss acute international conflicts. Significantly, Pearson was destined to become the first high-ranking Western official to visit the Soviet Union since NATO’s founding. Pearson tended to be flexible in relations with the USSR, in particular, sought to take advantage of bilateral relations. Despite criticism of Soviet expansionist policies in the international arena and contempt for human rights within the country, he believed that it was in the West’s interest to maintain contacts with the USSR through trade in non-strategic goods and cooperation within the UN. For this he was sometimes accused of being too lenient with communism. At the same time, in the Soviet Union, Pearson was perceived as a cautious politician, “hostile” to their country. The visit of the Canadian official delegation led by L. Pearson to the Soviet Union was organized by the newly appointed Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Canada John Watkins (1954–1956). Watkins earned the support of the Soviet leadership, but fell victim to the newly formed KGB: they tried to turn him into an “agent of influence” by blackmailing him with leaked spicy information about the diplomat’s homosexual relations. In addition to Moscow, part of the Canadian delegation – only four people – visited Stalingrad, from where in the afternoon of October 11, 1955 arrived in Sevastopol. In addition to two hours of Soviet-Canadian talks with Khrushchev’s expressive behavior, the Crimean part of the Canadian delegation’s visit went down in history with its “drinking session”. The Crimean part of L. Pearson’s visit to the Soviet leadership and Khrushchev personally was an attempt to show that the Soviet Union was a sincere and reliable partner with whom it was profitable to deal. Unaware of common approaches to international issues, the parties focused on economic cooperation, which resulted in a mutually beneficial Canadian-Soviet trade agreement in 1956. The Soviet Union became a regular buyer of Canadian wheat for many years. It was found that conversations during the so-called the “Crimean party” (banquet) became for the Canadian delegation an indicator of the mood and intentions of the new Soviet leadership, which differed little from those that took place in the Stalinist era. Despite slight liberalization, the Soviet regime of the “Khrushchev thaw” period remained expansionist, hostile to human rights and freedoms. Nikita Khrushchev’s anti-Western (primarily anti-American) rhetoric, diluted by reflections on war and peace, allowed Canadian visitors to acknowledge the longevity of Soviet foreign policy and the inevitable continuation of the Cold War.
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Jensen-Eriksen, Niklas. "The Northern Front in the Technological Cold War: Finland and East-West Trade in the 1970s and 1980s." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 4 (October 2019): 150–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00909.
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This article shows how the United States and the Soviet Union competed technologically in northern Europe during the final decades of the Cold War. The article highlights the U.S. government's ability to enlist neutral countries, and even vulnerable neutral states like Finland, into Western technology embargoes against the Soviet Union. Yet, the Finnish case also demonstrates that determined small countries and their companies were not simply helpless actors and could protect their political and commercial interests. Finland exported high-technology goods such as electronics and telecommunications equipment to the Soviet Union, even though Finland itself was dependent on technology flows from the United States. In fact, the Finns managed to get the best of both worlds: their country was an important player in East-West trade, but at the same time it was able to modernize its economy and strengthen trading links with the U.S.-led Western alliance.
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Fava, Valentina. "Between Business Interests and Ideological Marketing: The USSR and the Cold War in Fiat Corporate Strategy, 1957–1972." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 4 (December 2018): 26–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00822.
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This article analyzes the landmark deal between the Italian automobile corporation Fiat and the Soviet government to build and operate the Volga Automobile Factory (VAZ). Drawing on formerly closed corporate records and declassified Soviet documents, the article traces how the Cold War helped shape the strategy of a West European multinational corporation in its attempts to manipulate the national and international political context in which it was acting. In Fiat's strategy toward the uncertain Soviet market, car production represented more of a bridgehead than an ultimate objective. Fiat's Ostpolitik was carefully planned and coordinated with the U.S. government and with other large Italian businesses. Italian-Soviet cooperation in building VAZ, the symbol of material well-being and peaceful industrial reconstruction, facilitated the requests of Soviet officials and Western corporations to lift East-West trade restrictions on non-strategic goods, thus conferring political legitimacy on trade with the Soviet Union.
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Ferris, Jesse. "Guns for Cotton? Aid, Trade, and the Soviet Quest for Base Rights in Egypt, 1964–1966." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 2 (April 2011): 4–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00101.
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This article reexamines the economic and strategic aspects of Soviet-Egyptian relations in the mid-1960s based on recently declassified documents from Russian archives and recently published memoirs in Arabic. The article explores the tensions that developed between the Soviet Union and Egypt as the Soviet government exploited Egypt's economic difficulties to press for basing rights that would help to offset the U.S. Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean. In addition to offering a corrective to scholarly understanding of the Soviet-Egyptian relationship at this time, the article provides a fascinating glimpse into the mechanics of Soviet foreign economic policy and carries revisionist implications for students of the origins of the Six-Day Mideast War.
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Herf, Jeffrey. "“At War with Israel”: East Germany’s Key Role in Soviet Policy in the Middle East." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 129–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00450.
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The Middle East was one of the crucial battlefields of the global Cold War between the Soviet Union and the West; it was also a region in which East Germany played a salient role in the Soviet bloc’s antagonism toward Israel. From 1953, when the German Democratic Republic (GDR) signed its first trade agreement with Egypt, until 1989, when the Communist regime in the GDR collapsed, East Germany opposed the state of Israel and supported Israel’s enemies in the Arab world, providing arms, training, and other support to countries and terrorist groups that sought to destroy Israel. From the mid-1960s until 1989, but especially from 1967 to the mid-1980s, both the Soviet Union and the GDR were in an undeclared state of war against Israel.
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Chambers, Robert G. "Domestic and International Agricultural Policy Interfaces." Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 18, no. 1 (July 1986): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0081305200005331.
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Since 1981, American agricultural export earnings have plummeted from $43 billion to around $29 billion for 1985, a 37 percent decline. Many factors have been offered as partial explanations for this phenomenon: a strong dollar, the continued fallout from the grain embargo placed by the Carter Administration on the Soviet Union, poor American marketing practices in international agricultural markets, debt problems in heretofore rapidly developing third-world countries that had been among our fastest growing export markets, and uncompetitive practices spawned by the foreign trade policies of our major competitors in international agricultural markets.
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Ferreira Jr., Amarilio. "The British National Union of Teachers (NUT) against the background of the Cold War: An International Peace Conference between teachers in Western and Eastern Europe." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.175.
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The aim of this article is to explain the political and trade union stance of the British National Union of Teachers (NUT) – representing the teachers of England and Wales – against the arms race and nuclear warheads set up in the European Continent during the Cold War (1947-1991). After adopting resolutions in support of «Education for Peace» at its Annual Conferences (Jersey, 1983 and Blackpool, 1984), the NUT held an International Peace Conference (1984) involving Western and Eastern European countries in which teachers’ unions from the following countries participated: the United States, Finland, the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic and Bulgaria. The international event was held in Stoke Rochford Hall (England) during the British miners’ national strike against the socioeconomic reforms instituted under the governments of Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990). The article started from the methodological presupposition based on the principle of political connection on an international scale within the scope of the trade union movement of teachers. Indeed, despite differences in nationalities, the educational processes institutionalized by schooling have acquired a universal character. Thus, teachers, irrespective of their nationality, are workers who are politically committed to the cultural values consecrated by the knowledge accumulated by humanity throughout history, especially when it comes to peace among peoples. It should be emphasized that the topic addressed has never before been analysed on an international level, and that primary sources that fall within the historical context of the facts studied were used in the production of the article.
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Martinets, Yuliya A. "SOVIET-AUSTRIAN ECONOMIC RELATIONS AS A PROBLEM OF RUSSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2021): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-4-19-31.
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This article is devoted to the trade and economic relations between the USSR and the Austrian Republic, whose modern borders were drawn up only at the end of the Second World War. The author aims to give a brief overview of the main scientific results (dissertation studies, monographs, scientific articles) of domestic – Soviet and Russian – historians and economists. The article attempts to analyze the influence of the state ideology on the development of domestic Austrian studies and to trace the reflection of the ideological confrontation between the East and the West during the Cold War on the works devoted to the Soviet-Austrian relations. Analyzing the topics of key scientific works, the author identifies several large thematic layers in the study of the history of the modern Austrian Republic and its interaction with the USSR and the Russian Federation. Among them: the political life of Austria, its international interaction, the economic development of the Austrian Republic, as well as the Soviet-Austrian relations in the political sphere. Nevertheless, both in Soviet and Russian historiography, according to the author, there are still poorly studied areas – the least covered topic remains the trade and economic interaction of the modern Austrian Republic with the Soviet Union in the second half of the 20th century
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Crowley, Stephen. "Barriers to Collective Action: Steelworkers and Mutual Dependence in the Former Soviet Union." World Politics 46, no. 4 (July 1994): 589–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950719.
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The author examines the question of why labor in the former Soviet Union has remained so quiet during this tumultous period. He conducts a most similar case study of coal miners, who have struck and organized militant trade unions, and of steelworkers in the same communities, who have not. To explain the lack of strike activity, the concept of mutual dependence is developed, whereby the enterprise is dependent on workers in a labor-short economy and workers in turn have been dependent on the enterprise for the provision of goods and services in short supply. The provision of a high level of such goods and services through the workplace was found to prevent independent worker activity in steel mills and certain coal mines. Implications are drawn for theories of collective action and the study of the former Soviet Union and its economic and political transformation.
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Lapshin, Valeriy F., and Nadezhda V. Kuznetsova. "On Prospects of the Development of Criminal Laws of the Eurasian Economic Union Member States Ensuring Protection of National Interests in International Trade." Business security 1 (February 11, 2021): 21–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/2072-3644-2021-1-21-25.
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Тhe subject of this research is the international normative acts concluded in connection with the creation of interstate unions and associations in the post-Soviet space. Attention is drawn to the active development of regulatory legislation on the specifics of economic relations between representatives of the union states, in the complete absence of any processes of unification of national criminal law in the field of foreign economic activity. The emerging situation can significantly complicate the implementation of international foreign economic cooperation, despite the membership of states in the Eurasian Economic Union (hereinafter — the EAEU). In this regard, it is concluded that it is necessary to develop a unified EAEU normative act that defines the specifics of establishing and implementing responsibility for committing foreign economic crimes, as well as the appropriate unification of the national criminal laws of the EAEU member states.
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Abdukadyrov, A., and S. Daly. "Shuttle Trading: Case Study From The Former Soviet Republic." Journal of Business Case Studies (JBCS) 8, no. 6 (October 30, 2012): 591. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jbcs.v8i6.7381.
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This case explores the experience of Mirlan Suyorov, one of thousands of entrepreneurs who started shuttle trading in Kyrgyzstan after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The goal is to show the effects of globalization in the lives of people in former Soviet republics since the 1990s. This research draws mostly upon primary sources such as personal interviews. Through showing the lives of shuttle traders, this study highlights the importance of international trade organizations in shaping the economy of newly independent countries and emerging markets.
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Baikalov, Nikolai S. "At the BAM We Had Everything! Consumption Good Supplies for Workers of the All-Union Komsomol Сonstruction Project." RUDN Journal of Russian History 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2022): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2022-21-1-83-94.
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The paper analyzes trade and supply services for the Baikal-Amur Mainline Railway (BAM) builders during the years 1974-1989. It describes the distribution system of goods, the forms of consumer behavior as well as consumption practices among participants of the project. The sources used for this study include office documents and statistics of the Soviet Ministry for Transport Construction, of building companies and municipalities, as well as of party and public organizations, next to oral testimonies given by former BAM construction workers that the author recorded during fieldwork. The author analyzes the establishment of trade enterprises and their technical equipment. Important is that the BAM trade network was created in a short time, and was meant to be temporary. During the whole period the system was plagued by a shortage of retail and warehouse facilities, and by insufficient support. At the same time, a special supply regime was in place to attract labor to BAM, and also to contribute to the subsistence of the population in the new development areas. While personal testimonies described trade services exclusively as privileged, the documentary evidence shows that the supply system faced difficulties similar to problems in ordinary Soviet trade. As a privilege regime came in combination with systemic malfunctions in the trade industry, specific practices were developed for the distribution and consumption of goods. Many of these practices were continued by local residents in the post-Soviet period.
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Abbott, Philip C., Philip L. Paarlberg, and Paul M. Patterson. "Supplier Substitutability and the Impacts of the 1980 U.S. Grain Embargo." Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 20, no. 2 (December 1988): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0081305200017544.
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AbstractThe 1980 U.S. suspension of grain sales to the Soviet Union illustrates the importance of the choice of conceptual framework for empirical analysis of international trade problems. A spatial equilibrium model of wheat and coarse grains trade assumes perfect substitution among exporting nations' commoditites by importers and, thus, precludes the embargo from having a large impact. The imperfect substitutability assumption of an Armington model results in larger consequences from the embargo. For small shocks, the Armington model better captures the rigidities characteristic of international grain markets. The spatial model provides insights on adjustments to large shocks, but rigidities persist in actual markets.
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Hisrich, Robert D., and Michael P. Peters. "Views of Trade Activity with the Soviet Union and China by U.S. Manufacturers." Journal of Global Marketing 2, no. 2 (March 8, 1989): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j042v02n02_04.
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Pilipenko, Igor V. "SPECIFICITIES OF IMPLEMENTING CLEARING ARRANGEMENTS IN INTERNATIONAL TRADE IN THE 1930s – 1980s." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 10/1, no. 130 (2022): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2022.10.01.006.
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The implementation of clearing arrangements in international settlements of the Russian Federation is one of the systemic solutions that allow developing external trade under toughened anti-Russian sanctions imposed by the Western states. This article analyzes the international experience of the 1930 s – 1980 s when clearing trade was used particularly intensively. We consider features of bilateral clearing in Western and Southern Europe as well as in USSR in the 1930 s, the proposition of J. M. Keynes in 1941–1944 to create the International Clearing Union and the proliferation of bilateral clearing agreements after World War II during the period of the 1940 s – 1960 s including those concluded between market and centrally planned economies. Particular attention is paid to the functioning of the European Payments Union (EPU) in the 1950 s, to the development of bilateral, trilateral and multilateral clearing within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) in the 1940 s – 1980 s, including the use of transferable ruble through the International Bank for Economic Co-operation (IBEC) as well as to the 40-year long Soviet-Finnish bilateral clearing trade experience.
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Tasoulas, Argyrios. "The development of trade relations between the Republic of Cyprus and the Soviet Union (1960-1963)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10-3 (October 1, 2020): 258–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi63.
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This article studies the development of Soviet-Cypriot trade relations in 1960-63, based on research at the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (AVP RF). Concurrently, a historical analysis follows the events after the creation of the new Cypriot state and the two major Cold War crises (the building of the Berlin wall and the Cuban missile crisis). The efforts made by both governments to develop bilateral trade, the aftermath of the two major international crises and the results of the two governments’ policies have been identified and analyzed.
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Brada, Josef C. "Interpreting the Soviet subsididzation of Eastern Europe." International Organization 42, no. 4 (1988): 639–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300034007.
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In trade among the members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA), prices of raw materials are lower and those of manufactured goods higher than comparable world prices. Because the Soviet Union is a net exporter of raw materials to, and net importer of manufactures from, the other CMEA countries, it benefits less from CMEA trade than it would from trading with the rest of the world, and the other CMEA members benefit more. This redistribution of the gains from trade is generally seen as a form of subsidization. One explanation of these subsidies is that they represent Soviet payments for political and military benefits provided by East European regimes; another is that the subsidies compensate Eastern Europe for the economic burden imposed by central planning and extensive economic ties to the Soviet Union. I argue that neither of these explanations is consistent with the type of economic and political relations that one would expect of the Soviet and East European regimes. In their place I offer an alternative explanation based on the Heckscher-Ohlin model of comparative advantage. The distribution of CMEA subsidies is shown to reflect the distribution of gains from trade that would arise among any group of economies forming a preferential trading scheme. I also argue that the willingness of members to belong to CMEA, even at the expense of paying subsidies, is that CMEA can be viewed as a club that provides benefits to members while imposing costs that may to some extent be unequal and unpredictable.
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French, John D., and Kristin Wintersteen. "Crafting an International Legal Regime for Worker Rights: Assessing the Literature since the 1999 Seattle WTO Protests." International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909000106.
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Since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, critical attention has increasingly focused on the remaining world system, capitalist in nature and anchored in the World Trade Organization (WTO), founded in 1994 as the successor to the 1948 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). As the 1990s progressed, a smattering of exciting new intellectual work began to appear on the social and environmental impacts of the international trade and investment regime, especially given its apparently negative impact on many developing countries and the world's working people. “The distinction somewhat comfortably maintained by ‘trade hands’ who managed the post-World War II international economy—that trade is strictly a commercial function with no immediate connection to social concerns—has evaporated under the pressure of political and social forces generated by the globalization of the economy.”
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Toole, James, and James Lutz. "Trade Policies of the Former Centrally Planned Economies." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 3 (September 2005): 1850046. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1088.
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Since the end of Communist rule, the countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union have been forced to restructure their formerly centrally planned economies. Among the dilemmas they have faced is how open they should be to international trade. Using multiple regression, the openness of these economies to trade is empirically determined while controlling for the effects of both population and wealth. Residuals from the regression equations are then examined in order to identify how much more or less open to trade each country has been. Analysis of the residuals for six distinct regions of the former Communist world presents no definitive answers but does suggest some preliminary conclusions. A country’s degree of political openness is found to be most important in determining relative openness to trade; close behind that are its geographic proximity to important world markets and its prospects for future accession to the European Union.
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OINAROVA, Assem, Ramazan ALIMKULOV, and Sholpan TLEPINA. "Specifics of Integration Processes in the Former Soviet Union: The Case of the Eurasian Economic Union." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 9, no. 4 (June 30, 2018): 1402. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505//jarle.v9.4(34).28.
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In the present settings, the development of the world economy follows a key trend that consists in regional economic integration. It is quite predictable that the member states of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) are promoting the project of economic integration aiming to secure certain positions in the developing new structure of the global economic system. This study aims to establish whether EAEU meets the criteria for an international organization of regional integration, as well as to consider whether the EAEU countries can successfully combine their membership with the membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO). The study was based on specific techniques and methods for the research of phenomena and processes. In a bid to reach the objectives of the study, the authors considered the scientific opinions, online data sources, as well as the analytical data available on the official websites of EAEU, WTO and the Eurasian Economic Commission. The importance of the study lies in the actionable advice on the improvement of integration that was provided based on the analysis of the regional economic integration processes within EAEU. The study concludes that the EAEU was established in accordance with the norms of international law and that the Union possesses every attribute of an international organization. In addition to that, as a result of examining EAEU’s ‘outer borders,’ the study revealed certain problems for the member states in trying to maintain their EAEU membership alongside with the membership in WTO.
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Spaulding, Robert Mark. "German trade policy in Eastern Europe, 1890–1990: preconditions for applying international trade leverage." International Organization 45, no. 3 (1991): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033130.
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Over the past century, Germany has repeatedly attempted to use trade as a tool of foreign policy vis-à-vis Imperial Russia, the Soviet Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia. Against the background of continual German economic superiority, this article analyzes Germany's ability to apply trade leverage in terms of four other factors: the nature of the prevailing international trade regime, government views of trade leverage as a tool of statecraft, the degree of German state autonomy in setting trade policies, and the availability of an effective bureaucratic mechanism for controlling German imports and exports. The historical record demonstrates that beyond economic superiority, the application of trade leverage requires a permissive international trade regime, state acceptance of trade-based economic statecraft, an autonomous domestic regime, and a rigorous trade control bureaucracy. Surprisingly, this conjunction of factors, as they applied to Eastern Europe, occurred during both the Nazi period and the early years of the Federal Republic. The article closes by pointing out how two important factors—the politicized nature of the East-West trade regime and the Federal Republic's high degree of state autonomy in setting Eastern trade policy–are being eroded by political and economic change in Eastern Europe.
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Jones, Kent. "Revolutionary Cuba and the GATT/WTO System." Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 5 (October 1, 2017): 817–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017032.
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Cuba was a charter signatory of the GATT, transitioning to WTO membership in 1995. After its 1959 revolution, it sought to achieve economic independence from the US, and traded mainly outside GATT rules, in barter arrangements with the Soviet Union and later with Venezuela. This article investigates why Cuba chose to remain in the GATT and WTO as a centrally planned economy. GATT and WTO documents reveal that Cuba sought to gain influence among developing countries as a critic of existing trade rules and negotiations, while attempting to retain or seek new rules-based multilateral channels of market access. Yet Cuba has not been able to avoid dependence on major trading partners and a limited range of exports, as the collapse of the Soviet system, and the political deterioration in Venezuela led to major declines in Cuban exports and economic crisis. However, Cuba has begun to diversify its exports and expand its trade partnerships, and its trade interests now align more closely with WTO rules and negotiating agendas. Cuba will, however, need to implement domestic reforms and increased openness to global markets in order to realize the economic benefits of WTO membership.
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Luff, Jennifer. "Labor Anticommunism in the United States of America and the United Kingdom, 1920–49." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416658701.
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Why did domestic anticommunism convulse the United States of America during the early Cold War but barely ripple in the United Kingdom? Contemporaries and historians have puzzled over the dramatic difference in domestic politics between the USA and the UK, given the countries’ broad alignment on foreign policy toward Communism and the Soviet Union in that era. This article reflects upon the role played by trade unions in the USA and the UK in the development of each country's culture and politics of anticommunism during the interwar years. Trade unions were key sites of Communist organizing, and also of anticommunism, in both the USA and the UK, but their respective labor movements developed distinctively different political approaches to domestic and international communism. Comparing labor anticommunist politics in the interwar years helps explain sharp divergences in the politics of anticommunism in the USA and the UK during the Cold War.
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Inshyn, Mykola I., Serhii Ya Vavzhenchuk, and Kateryna V. Moskalenko. "Protection of labour rights by trade unions in separate post-Soviet countries." Journal of the National Academy of Legal Sciences of Ukraine 28, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 222–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.37635/jnalsu.28(2).2021.222-233.
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Trade unions play an increasingly more critical role in protection of the employees of every state. This article aims to outline the problems with regard to the legal regulation of labour rights protection by trade unions in post-Soviet countries. The research is based on a system of various general philosophical methods (dialectical method), general scientific methods, such as methods of synthesis and analysis, induction and deduction, and special legal methods, including comparative legal method and the method of modelling. The choice of the mentioned methods was determined by the purpose of this study. The legal rules on protection of labour rights by trade unions in post-Soviet countries are set up by a number of international conventions, Constitutions of such countries (as this is a special constitutional right, being under a special protection of the state) and their national legislative acts. Some of the post-Soviet states are now members of the EU (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) and are subject to regional EU regulations. Every post-Soviet State has its own jurisprudence, legal practice and traditions of labour rights’ protection and hence has its own national peculiarities with regard to this protection, the representation of employees and the architecture of labour legislation. The analysis conducted by the authors shows that the national legislators were not fully following the international standards established by the International Labour Organization and did not fully secure the freedom of association. All the mentioned countries were recommended either to change some pieces of legislation or to supervise the existing draft of laws to make them meet the rules set in a number of international conventions. The authors have also stated that trade unions in post-Soviet countries are not always effective
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Sawert, Daniel. "New Materials for Studying Preparation and Staging of the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students in 1957." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2018): 550–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-2-550-563.
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The article assesses archival materials on the festival movement in the Soviet Union in 1950s, including its peak, the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students held in 1957 in Moscow. Even now the Moscow festival is seen in the context of international cultural politics of the Cold War and as a unique event for the Soviet Union. The article is to put the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students in the context of other youth festivals held in the Soviet Union. The festivals of 1950s provided a field for political, social, and cultural experiments. They also have been the crucible of a new way of communication and a new language of design. Furthermore, festivals reflected the new (althogh relative) liberalism in the Soviet Union. This liberalism, first of all, was expressed in the fact that festivals were organized by the Komsomol and other Soviet public and cultural organisations. Taking the role of these organisations into consideration, the research draws on the documents of the Ministry of culture, the All-Russian Stage Society, as well as personal documents of the artists. Furthermore, the author has gained access to new archive materials, which have until now been part of no research, such as documents of the N. Krupskaya Central Culture and Art Center and of the central committees of various artistic trade unions. These documents confirm the hypothesis that the festivals provided the Komsomol and the Communist party with a means to solve various social, educational, and cultural problems. For instance, in Central Asia with its partiarchal society, the festivals focuced on female emancipation. In rural Central Asia, as well as in other non-russian parts of the Soviet Union, there co-existed different ways of celebrating. Local traditions intermingled with cultural standards prescribed by Moscow. At the first glance, the modernisation of the Soviet society was succesful. The youth acquired political and cultural level that allowed the Soviet state to compete with the West during the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students. During the festival, however, it became apparent, that the Soviet cultural scheme no longer met the dictates of times. Archival documents show that after the Festival cultural and party officials agreed to ease off dogmatism and to tolerate some of the foreign cultural phenomena.
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Goldfield, David. "THE SELECTIVE MEMORY ОF US-SOVIET COOPERATION DURING WORLD WAR II." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 2 (2021): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-2-37-54.
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By the time the US formally recognized the Soviet Union in 1933, the American economy was in desperate circumstances. President Roosevelt hoped that the new relationship would generate a prosperous trade between the two countries. When Germany, Italy, and Japan threatened world peace, a vigor- ous “America First” movement developed to keep the US out of the international conflicts. By the time the Germans invaded Poland in September 1939, this be- came increasingly difficult. The US, instead, became “the arsenal of democracy” and supported the efforts of the British and, by 1941, the Russians to defeat Nazi aggression, particularly through the Lend-Lease program. Although after the war, the Soviets tended to minimize American, the residual good will from that effort prevailed despite serious conflicts. The Cold War did not become hot, and even produced scientific and cultural cooperation on occasion.
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Butler, Nick. "Food trade and foreign policy: India, the Soviet Union, and the United States." International Affairs 62, no. 4 (1986): 665. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618578.
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Diebold, William, and Robert L. Paarlberg. "Food Trade and Foreign Policy: India, the Soviet Union, and the United States." Foreign Affairs 64, no. 2 (1985): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042599.
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Kot, Vera, Arina Barsukova, Wadim Strielkowski, Mikhail Krivko, and Luboš Smutka. "International Trade in the Post-Soviet Space: Trends, Threats, and Prospects for the Internal Trade within the Eurasian Economic Union." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 16, no. 1 (December 27, 2022): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm16010016.
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This paper discusses the dynamics of foreign trade in the post-Soviet space within the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) during the period from 2015 to 2021. Additionally, the paper analyzes export indicators in foreign and mutual trade of the EAEU member countries and diversification of the commodity structure as well as its dynamics based on the commodity concentration index for each member country. Our paper identifies the strengths and weaknesses of the EAEU, analyzes the opportunities and threats of development, and focuses on the trends and prospects. The main strengths include the institutional and legal structure of the EAEU single market, the historical, cultural, and economic proximity of the EAEU member countries, the transit potential of the territory, the high level of domestic trade, and the increasing share of ruble transactions in the trade turnover. The most significant weaknesses are the low efficiency of the institutional structure, the gap in the socio-economic level of development of the participating countries, unstable geopolitical situations in some member countries, the low level of recognition of the EAEU in the world market, economic and political conflicts of interests of the member countries, and the dependence on Western technologies in some key industries. Strategically important opportunities can be found in the creation and implementation of a long-term development strategy, diversification of trade with the Middle East and Asian countries, expansion in terms of the territorial composition, development of the institutional and legal structure as well as cooperation ties, as well as the cooperation in the field of technological innovation and financial security. Among the most significant threats were identified the outpacing growth in the share of EAEU members’ trade with China, the expansion of economic and political contradictions between the EAEU member countries, and the strengthening of the positions of alternative currencies in foreign trade.
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Korey, William. "Helsinki, Human Rights, and the Gorbachev Style." Ethics & International Affairs 1 (March 1987): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1987.tb00518.x.
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Human rights is one of three issues addressed by the Helsinki Accord, alongside security and trade matters. In the mid-seventies the accord was greeted with enthusiasm by the Soviet Union, which saw it as a means to reduce the U.S. presence in Europe. The United States, which played a limited role in drafting the accord, feared it might result in a betrayal of the various nationalities of Eastern Europe by its tacit acceptance of Soviet territorial arrangements. Over the next ten years the human rights section of the accord would become a central point of contention between the superpowers. Korey traces the evolution of the dispute and discusses Gorbachev's uneven attempts to improve the Soviet Union's recognition of human rights.
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Hafteh Kazazi, Mahdi, and Abdul Wali Heshmatov. "Fields and trade economic cooperation between Iran and Tajikistan after independence from the Soviet Union to the present." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 10, no. 06 (June 28, 2022): 86–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v10i6.ps03.
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Trade between countries today plays an important role in international relations and is one of the indicators for measuring the level of development of countries. Some countries have even re-exported in order to have a good position in the world rankings. Iran's economic relations with Tajikistan have had ups and downs, and over the years many Iranian companies have been involved in development projects - dams - roads - tunnels ....Tajikistan. This article examines trade relations between the two countries after Tajikistan gained independence
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Habibov, Nazim, Elvin Afandi, and Alex Cheung. "Sand or grease? Corruption-institutional trust nexus in post-Soviet countries." Journal of Eurasian Studies 8, no. 2 (July 2017): 172–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2017.05.001.
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This paper empirically tests several hypotheses about the nexus of corruption-institutional trust in Post-Soviet transitional countries of the former Soviet Union and Mongolia. We use two different indices of institutional trust to check the robustness of our analysis and estimate OLS and instrumental variable models with and without interaction terms. All things considered, our findings reject “greases the wheels” and “trust begets an honest political system” hypotheses. Instead, our findings support the “sand the wheels” hypothesis. Furthermore, a multiplicative interaction model suggests that the negative marginal effects of experienced corruption are higher in the environments where satisfaction with services is low. In addition, we found that increases in corruption erode trust at all levels of the societal institutions including political parties, government and financial institutions, international investors, non-profit organizations, and trade unions. This finding is important since it highlights the negative consequences of corruption on the development of broader level economic institutions and on civil society.
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Layard, Antonia. "The European Energy Charter Treaty: Tipping the Balance between Energy and the Environment." European Energy and Environmental Law Review 4, Issue 5 (May 1, 1995): 150–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eelr1995033.
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This article examines the environmental implications of the European Energy Charter Treaty together with the Energy Efficiency and Nuclear Protocols. It considers their provisions in light of existing developments in international environmental law and policy. It concludes that as the primary aim of the Treaty was to stimulate trade in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe it is unsurprising that the Treaty has relied more on hortatory statements and guidance than on implementing concrete environmental protection measures.
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Flade, Falk. "Beyond socialist camaraderie. Cross-border railway between German Democratic Republic, Poland and Soviet Union (1950s–60s)." Journal of Transport History 40, no. 2 (May 9, 2019): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619845339.
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In order to facilitate cross-border railway transport between socialist countries in Eastern Europe, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and later the Organisation for Cooperation of Railways were established in 1949 and 1956. Joint planning, standardisation and tariff policy were the main fields of cooperation. The paper focuses on the struggles between Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and Organisation for Cooperation of Railways member countries regarding transit tariffs for cross-border freight shipments. These struggles, dragging on for more than three decades, reveal the economic interests of individual member countries and the limitations of socialist foreign trade (and alleged friendship). This study argues that despite of political declarations and the establishment of socialist international organisations, the East European railways became a major bottleneck in intrabloc trade.
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Izbienova, T. A., A. B. Vaiman, and S. M. Sagitov. "Features of legal regulation of labor in the member states of the Eurasian Economic Union." SHS Web of Conferences 128 (2021): 06010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202112806010.
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In 2015, a new international integration economic association, the Eurasian Economic Union (hereinafter referred to as the EAEU), appeared on the economic and legal map of the world. Each member state of the EAEU, after gaining independence, as a result of the collapse of the USSR, independently formed a legislative framework in the field of labor, developed regulatory legal acts. Differences in the regulatory framework of the EAEU states, in particular, in the field of labor law, and their mutual economic integration, need to be compared in order to develop common principles, unification and harmonization of national legislation. In this regard, the article, based on the analysis of national labor legislation, assessed the prospects for regulating individual and collective labor relations and formulated conclusions on legal approaches to regulating social partnership relations, on the principles of the creation and functioning of trade unions and employers’ associations in the EAEU countries. In particular, the trade unions of the post-Soviet republics that are part of the EAEU have completely lost the right of legislative initiative, which corresponds to global practice. Currently, they can only make proposals for the adoption, amendment of regulations related to their area of competence. The position of trade unions as social partners on the adoption and amendment of labor legislation has ceased to be mandatory, and is often not taken into account by employers and public authorities.
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Tsitouras, Antonis, Athanasios Koulakiotis, Georgios Makris, and Harry Papapanagos. "International trade and foreign direct investment as growth stimulators in transition economies: does the impact of institutional factors matter?" Investment Management and Financial Innovations 14, no. 4 (December 23, 2017): 148–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/imfi.14(4).2017.13.
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The present paper develops a general production function framework, augmented with two institutional variables namely bureaucracy and corruption on 28 transition economies over the period 2000-2015. The authors use various econometric specifications and apply both the Fixed Effects, as well as the advanced system Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) panel data techniques. Empirical findings suggest that the impact of openness in terms of foreign direct investment and international trade is advantageous to all the economies of the panel. Furthermore, the findings indicate that classical growth determinants, such as labor and physical capital, have the expected positive contribution, while macroeconomic instability has a negative effect on real economic activity. Regarding the impact of the two institutional variables, corruption, and bureaucracy, the authors retrieve more influential results, as their impact appears to be diametrically opposite between the former Soviet Union states and the rest of European transition economics.
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Nadyrov, Sharip. "Kazakstan and Xinjiang: Regional Players in the World Economy." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 3 (September 1998): 565–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408584.
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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the large international companies of the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) began to emphasize collaboration with the former Soviet republics because of opportunities for new markets and raw materials. There are several basic problems, however, demanding serious research into such trade prospects:(1) The definition of economic and technological variants in the division of labor among Russia, Central Asia, and the People's Republic of China (P.R.C.), including the roles of Kazakstan and Xinjiang.(2) Defining needs and prioritizing units of production, labor, transportation, etc.(3) Macropolitical and macroeconomical forecasts of the situations in Russia, Central Asia, and China.(4) Research on the optimum forms of cooperation.
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Popescu, Raluca Maria. "European Union vs. Eurasian Union – a brief comparative analysis and perspectives for cooperation." Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 15, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 1294–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2021-0119.
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Abstract The Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) is considered to be the first successful regionalization attempt in the post-Soviet area. It is promoted as an economic organization whose aim is to remove trade barriers, promote integration, cooperation and economic growth in a fragmented and underdeveloped region. The promoters of this organization state that it can represent a platform for dialogue and even cooperation with the European Union, as well as with other international actors. The growing influence of the European Union in the post-Soviet space has been a critical factor in Russia’s determination to update its policy towards regional integration and from the very beginning, the European model was chosen to create the new Union. By doing a comparison between the two regional blocs, I will contribute to a growing literature on the relationship between the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union, by emphasizing the similarities and differences as well as how the emerging regional competition will shape the future of European relations. In the first part of the article, I will briefly present the evolution of the integration process after the fall of the USSR, followed by a comparative analysis of the two regional integration projects, from a structural, political and economic point of view. I will conclude by analyzing the chances for any kind of breakthrough in political relations and economic cooperation between the two blocs. The article follows a qualitative and quantitative methodology and examines the possible implications of a competition between the European Union and Eurasian economic Union.
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Altehenger, Jennifer. "Industrial and Chinese: Exhibiting Mao’s China at the Leipzig Trade Fairs." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 4 (April 3, 2020): 845–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419888265.
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Between 1951 and 1965, the People’s Republic of China regularly exhibited at the international trade fairs in the East German city of Leipzig. One of the major attractions of the fairs, China’s grand pavilion was second in size only to the pavilion of the Soviet Union. This article examines the planning and execution of China’s exhibitions, illustrating how the young communist regime displayed its products and political system abroad and how citizens of other socialist and capitalist countries experienced China through objects, materials, images and narratives. Because the People's Republic of China was a new revolutionary state of enormous political and economic significance and yet also a state that other socialist regimes deemed too poorly developed to transition to socialism, these exhibitions were the site of constant negotiations and tension between Chinese and East German organizers and other local decision-makers and participants. As such, the People's Republic of China’s engagement with the fairs sheds further light on its international activities after 1949 and on the local history of the Sino-Soviet split. It is also a case study that calls attention to the historical significance of materiality that underpinned China’s interactions with the wider world, from minute quotidian things to grand gifts and major export goods.
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Kryvoi, Yaraslau. "Discrimination and Security of Employment in a Post-Soviet Context." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 22, Issue 1 (March 1, 2006): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2006002.
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Abstract: This paper analyses the problems of equal treatment and discrimination in Belarus in the legal, historical and political context. While the main labour laws in Belarus concerning equal treatment appear to comply with its international obligations, in the absence of an independent judiciary and basic civil liberties, law enforcement remains a problem. The author argues that the Soviet legacy of industrial relations and the legal nihilism of that era have been taken by Belarusian authorities as a model for their policies: most unions are not independent but are controlled by the government and there is widespread discrimination against opposition activists and independent trade-union leaders. A key part of this picture is the transfer of employees to fixed-term contracts, very often concluded for one-year periods: as a result, workers are deprived of the most important legal guarantees relating to the termination of employment and non-discrimination. In his concluding remarks, the author underlines the close relationship between security of employment and discrimination in the workplace in Belarus.
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PETROVIĆ, DRAGAN. "THE PERSPECTIVE OF SERBIA'S COOPERATION WITH RUSSIA AND THE INTEGRATION PROCESSES RUSSIA IS LEADING IN EURASIA." Kultura polisa, no. 45 (July 3, 2021): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.2r.1.01.
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The paper discusses the possibility of deepening Serbia's cooperation with Russia and with international organizations and the integration processes that Russia conducts in the post-Soviet space. Serbia is a military neutral country, but it has certain forms of cooperation with both NATO and the CSTO, where it has a status of an observer. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization also provides various opportunities for cooperation, including statuses of an observer, partner and a guest. In the domain of economy, the Eurasian Union is interesting for Serbia, which already achieved a free trade agreement in 2019, which was then ratified. The full members of the Eurasian Union generate about $ 2 trillion in GDP and have about 185 million inhabitants, as well as significant economic capacities and natural resources. An important factor for deepening Serbia's cooperation with integrations in the post-Soviet space is the fact that they are friendly countries led by Russia, which can be a significant factor in the realization of essential Serbian interests.