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1
Eichenberg, Richard C., and Russell J. Dalton. "Europeans and the European Community: the dynamics of public support for European integration." International Organization 47, no. 4 (1993): 507–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028083.
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Europeans evaluate the European Community (EC) according to its economic performance, political salience, and role in international relations. During the last two decades their measured attitudes toward European integration warmed especially when inflation rates fell, as the EC share of the country's trade expanded, when EC elections and referenda increased attention to the community, and to some extend during periods when East-West relations were relaxed. Europeans did not vary their support according to their countries' shares of the Brussels budget. Thus, notwithstanding Denmark's 1992 rejection of the Maastricht treaty and the end of the cold war, recent EC reforms that increase monetary stability, intra-European trade and political attention are all likely to maintain or increase citizen support for the EC. These findings result from a model that blends comparative political economy with international relations in one of the first applications of pooled cross-sectional and time-series analysis to the comparative study of public opinion.
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McMahon, Joseph A. "International Agricultural Trade Reform and Developing Countries: The Case of the European Community." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 47, no. 3 (July 1998): 632–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300062205.
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We are all aware that agriculture is important to developing countries as a source of income, employment and export earnings. To a far greater extent than in the OECD countries, agriculture it central to the economic performance of developing countries and the livelihood of their inhabitants. Rural societies in developing countries are directly dependent on the agricultural sector and urban dwellers rely on agriculture to provide food security and sustainable economic growth. Furthermore, many developing countries heavily rely on the export earnings or are highly dependent on food imports. Given the fact that the poorest and most threatened communities and countries are typically the most highly dependent, the resolution of pressing global agricultural policy and trade issues is critical to sustainable development and poverty alleviation.
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Derado, Dražen. "THE EFFECTS OF TRADE LIBERALISATION AMONG THE SOUTH EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." Tourism and hospitality management 12, no. 1 (May 2006): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.12.1.1.
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Trade liberalisation brings long-term benefits. Nonetheless, in order to be able to realise those benefits, a creation of a competitive economic structure is required, which would make it possible to successfully participate in the international division of labour. Building from this fact, this paper analyzes the effects of trade liberalisation between the SEEC. To that end, a method of intra-industry trade has been applied on the example of Croatia, in order to establish dynamic effects of changes in trade flows. Low level of trade integration and weak midterm growth prospects in inter-sectoral trade represent the biggest threat for the countries in the Region. The threat could be manifested through rising adjustment costs, as a consequence of trade liberalisation, and could, therefore, jeopardize economic stability. Low level of trade integration poses a problem even from the aspect of the policy of international community towards South East Europe in the framework of the Stability Pact.
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Mardas, Dimitri. "Intra-Industry Trade in Manufactured Products Between the European Economic Community and the Eastern European Countries." Journal of World Trade 26, Issue 5 (October 1, 1992): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1992028.
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Sekongo, N. B. "PROBLEMS OF TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF WEST AFRICAN COUNTRIES WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION, PROSPECTS FOR THEIR DEVELOPMENT." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 3 (May 29, 2020): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-3-102-110.
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The problems of trade and economic relations between West African countries and the European Union have been considered in the article in detail, a brief description of the Economic Community of West African States has been given. The essence of relationships between West Africa and the European Union based on the papers, both foreign and domestic researchers in the field of security, regional economic development and integration etc. has been disclosed. The historical path within the framework of international legal documentation that preceded the signing of the Economic Partnership Agreement has been described. The conducted study was based on the analysis of the cost dynamics of exports, imports and trade balance, their structure has been briefly adduced. The main negative aspects faced by West African countries in connection with the implementation of the Economic Partnership Agreement, in particular tariff restrictions, the ban on the use of export taxes, which undermines the national sovereignty of the Economic Community of West African States, have been revealed. Nevertheless, the signed Agreement will allow West Africa to actively integrate into world trade, improve the economic and demographic situation, while the overall trade tariff will remain at the same level.
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Bjelic, Predrag. "Model spoljnotrgovinske politike Evropske unije." Ekonomski anali 44, no. 156 (2003): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0356131b.
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When the European Economic Community, the forerunner of the European Union was formed in 1958, it was agreed that the new integration would be a tariff union with common tariffs toward third countries, but also that it would have a common foreign trade policy. As the Union's executive body, the European Commission is responsible for proposing and implementing foreign trade policies. However, the main subject in creating foreign trade policies still remains the Council of Ministers as the EU's main decision-making and legislative body. The Commission negotiates trade agreements with outside countries on behalf of the Union. However, on foreign trade issues the Commission must report to a committee (the "133 Committee"), which assists the Commission in the course of the negotiations and before becoming valid all agreements must be ratified by the Council of Ministers. The Commission ensures that the European Parliament is kept quickly and fully informed at all stages of the negotiation and conclusion of international agreements, in such a way as to enable the Commission to take account of the European Parliament's view, but its role is purely consultative. The EU is trying to establish closer partnership relations with the USA through establishing transatlantic marketplace. However, as the EU is becoming a respectable economic power, an increasing number of trade disputes arise between the EU and the USA. The EU is trying to establish a closer relationship with the European countries since they are candidate countries for EU membership. However, some of them are closer to the membership than others. Therefore the agreements that the EU conclude with certain groups of countries differ among themselves. The EU has special relations with the countries in Africa the Caribbean and the Pacific, former European colonies, that have been granted a preferential treatment allowing preferential trade with the EU. Close relations have been established with countries and regional groups in Latin America as well. The EU has become a significant factor in international economic organizations. However, in order to become an economic power as respectable as the USA and Japan and to give strategic support to its companies in global competition, the EU must integrate politically as well.
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White, John B., Morgan P. Miles, and E. James Randall. "Innovative Financial Technologies To Facilitate Trade With Eastern Europe." Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 8, no. 3 (October 4, 2011): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v8i3.6150.
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The European Economic Community is overshadowing the great market potential of the emerging, newly liberated Eastern Bloc countries. Entering these formerly communist markets is challenging because of a lack of sound economies and weak currencies. This paper develops a model whereby North American businesses enter these markets and accept local currencies for products and services, purchase local goods with the local currency and then sell these goods through international commodity exchanges.
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PĂUN, Nicolae. "The EEC and Comecon: A Difficult Relationship, 1960-1974." Journal of European Integration History 26, no. 1 (2020): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-127.
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The degree of economic integration attained within Comecon never came close to the one fostered by the policies within the European Economic Community, notably the Common Commercial Policy. Moreover, the relations between the two entities were hindered by the fact that the Moscow-driven bloc fell short of granting recognition to the EEC, with trade relations being organized in the form of bilateral agreements between countries from both sides of the Iron Curtain, until the mid-1970s. This study chiefly relies on Romanian archives, which demonstrate the specific interests of socialist countries pertaining to the fate of their economic agreements with Western states, set against the background of the institutional progress made by the EEC in shaping its Common Commercial Policy. The attempts by the former to sabotage the Community endeavour are explained through figures indicating the amount of trade conducted with Western countries, but various breaches weakened Comecon’s position.
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Fujisawa, Jun. "The End of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 2 (2022): 532–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.213.
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This paper analyzes the negotiations within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance during the final years of its existence, focusing on the Soviet reform proposals and M. S. Gorbachev’s vision of the “Common European Home” as well as on Eastern European reaction to them. In the second half of the 1980s, Gorbachev tried to found a “unified market” for the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance by introducing a market-oriented reform of the organization. However, this attempt did not materialize because of the East German and Romanian objections. After the collapse of Eastern European socialist regimes in 1989, the Soviet leadership urged the member-states to accelerate the reform of this international organization, hoping to achieve the pan-European economic integration through close cooperation between the totally reformed Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the European Community. Although the Central European countries, namely Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, aspired to join the EC individually, they agreed to participate in a successor organization of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance because the EC was not ready to accept them. Accordingly, by the beginning of 1991, all the member-states agreed to establish a consultative organization, which would be named the Organization for International Economic Cooperation). However, as the Soviet Union failed to sustain trade with the Central European countries, the three countries lost interest in the project. As a result, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance was disbanded without any successor organization. In other words, it did not collapse automatically after 1989 but came to an end as a result of various factors, such as rapidly declining trade between the member-states, Western disinterest in the cooperation with it, and the Central European policy changes.
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KURZER, PAULETTE. "Unemployment in Open Economies." Comparative Political Studies 24, no. 1 (April 1991): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414091024001001.
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This article compares variations in the level of unemployment in four small, open economies-Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Sweden. Rather than focusing on the political-institutional differences between these four countries, the article examines international economic variables such as the role of the European Monetary System, the structure of foreign trade, and linkages to international markets to understand the greater deterioration of employment in Belgium and the Netherlands. In turn, the decision to join the European Community and to seek firmer integration into financial markets is attributed to the relatively greater influence of banking capital or the financial sector in the systems of economic policy-making of Belgium and the Netherlands. The article concludes that the detachment of the Austrian and Swedish economies from the European experience in economic integration has greatly helped the Social Democrats in these countries in fulfilling their promises of full employment.
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Tayar, Violetta M. "Latin America and the European Union: Conceptual Approaches and Practice of Economic Cooperation." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 520–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-520-536.
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The article deals with North - South cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) with an emphasis on bilateral trade. Over the past decades, cooperation with the EU has been perceived in LAC as a counterweight to the US dominance and one of the priorities of external economic relations. The article presents a retrospective of theoretical approaches of the non-Western Latin American school of UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC, CEPAL in Spanish) to the economic cooperation with the EU. A feature of the article is the study of trade interaction between the LCA and the EU countries. When analyzing the dynamics of trade during the first two decades of the 21st century the author of the article comes to the conclusion that the trade exchange between the EU and the LCA is uneven. There are many LAC countries that continue to export low-value-added products to the EU. Thus, the dichotomy between two models of commercial specialization of LAC has exacerbated. On one hand, there is a model of South American countries focused on raw materials (MERCOSUR, Andean Community), and, on the other hand, there is a model that includes the export of manufactured products and participation in industrial production chains (Mexico, Central America). The article concludes that MERCOSUR will probably face a number of trade challenges related to its model of economic globalization, particularly with regard to its export specialization in commodities and food. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that in the context of exacerbation of geopolitical contradictions and a changing world order, it is important to analyze the Latin American approach to economic cooperation with the EU countries, among which, in turn, there is a growing understanding that still free niches in the Latin American market can be occupied by China or other partners not belonging to the collective West.
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Nacewska-Twardowska, Aleksandra. "Regionalism and multilateralism in trade policy of the European Union." Equilibrium 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2010): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/equil.2010.012.
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Foreign trade is one of the main expressions of international cooperation in the world, which indicates the specific location of trade policy in the policy of the countries or organizations. The history of trade shows the existence of two opposite trade coordinating practices: regional and multilateral. In the post-war history, there can be seen the coexistence of both trends. An excellent example of this is the European Union, where both practice of coordination the trade policy unite. On the one hand, the Community is in itself an exception to the principle of trade liberalization on a multilateral basis, on the other hand for many years it has actively participated in the creation of a common commercial policy for all at the forum of GATT and the WTO. Common commercial policy of the Union is one of the pillars of its existence, affecting significantly the region's economic development. Therefore, in a time of crisis it is important to question how the common commercial policy is being shaped today and whether changes in the global economy affect the change in its formation? Last years point out the increasing trend of regionalism in Community. The difficulties increasing in the formation the trade policy in the WTO effects in many changes. Even enthusiastic proponents of the idea of multilateralism in trade seek for new solutions. In this situation the European Union looks of possibilities to form of the widest possible bilateral relations with other countries or organizations.
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Sarkisian, Larysa. "Stimulation of Green Export in the Context of European Integration." Central Ukrainian Scientific Bulletin. Economic Sciences, no. 5(38) (2020): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32515/2663-1636.2020.5(38).56-66.
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Increased trade and economic cooperation between countries includes inter-state agreements on trade facilitation and the promotion of a wide range of cooperation. In the face of current global challenges, cooperation among countries is taking, inter alia, forms of integration processes, significantly transforming the established system of foreign economic relations and including in the agenda issues that are outside the traditional economic discourse. The environmental dimension of economic policy has become one of the cornerstones in determining conformity with the best international practices of trade policy and its incorporation into the rules of economic spaces. The inclusion of Ukraine in the European Single Economic Area under the Association Agreement and the introduction of the European Green Deal require a review of the environmental aspects of trade policy. Addressing this issue demands, inter alia, the development of incentives for green export flows in the context of integration processes. The aim of the article is to define the determinative the role of environmental factors in the formulation of policies to promote green exports in the context of European integration. The formation of economic systems based on the principles of sustainable development has generated a list of risks and challenges that have influenced national governments and the global community to rethink traditional frameworks and incentives, transforming structural and sectoral policies and programmes. In the face of increasing environmental concerns and their impact on the quality of future generations life, the implementation of the European Green Deal could potentially serve as a model for emulation and implementation in the partner countries of the European Union, including Ukraine through close socio-economic and political inter-state relations. One of the biggest challenges for the national economy is the timely and adaptive introduction of appropriate long-term economic policies that will increase the competitiveness of green goods and services in the European market. Further research should focus on the development of enabling measures and tools to support the technological upgrading of environmental exporters and the removal of barriers to increase their presence in new markets.
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Morin, Jacques-Yvan. "Droit et souveraineté à l'aube du XXIe siècle." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 25 (1988): 47–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800003143.
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SummaryThe author explores the relationship between the concept of sovereignty and international law. First, he examines this theme in its changing historical context, particularly the subordination of law to sovereignty by Hegel and the nineteenth-century positivists, and the various attempts by Kelsen and others in the twentieth century to assert the primacy of international law. He then examines the stress laid upon sovereignty as a means of obtaining a more just international economic order by states of the Third World. The implications of bilateral and multilateral agreements that grant broad powers to financial and economic international institutions are also examined to determine their impact upon the sovereignty of less developed countries. The author also examines the implications of the extensive practice of treaty-making and the adoption of rules and standards within a range of Specialized Agencies of the United Nations. He also traces the gradual development of the European Economic Community from free trade area to European union as envisaged by the Single European Act, under which the sovereignty of member states is steadily giving way. In the final analysis, the author concludes that sovereignty is a relative concept. It is not sovereignty itself which is impeding the development of a true community of states but rather the many economic, social, political, and psychological conflicts which impede the development of common values uniting the whole international community.
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Hovius, Christopher, and Jean-René Oettli. "Measuring the Challenge: The Most Favoured Treatment Clause in the Economic Partnership Agreements between the European Community and African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries." Journal of World Trade 45, Issue 3 (June 1, 2011): 553–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2011019.
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In recent years, the European Community (EC) has concluded several trade agreements with several African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) countries. These agreements, designed as a means to help eradicate poverty through trade and development, are known as Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) and provide ACP countries with preferential and differential trade benefits. Each agreement contains most favoured nation (MFN) clauses, providing that the EC must be accorded any more favourable treatment that an ACP country grants to certain third states not party to the EPA falling within the agreement's definition of a 'major trading economy'. These third states, or 'major trading economies', include less developed emerging economic powers. This paper examines potential challenges to the EPAs' MFN clauses, providing an in-depth factual analysis of the MFN clauses and a determination of possible ways for disputes to arise mainly under World Trade Organization (WTO) law and, to a lesser extent, within the EPA dispute resolutions provisions. The major case study is the MFN clause contained in the EC-Caribbean Forum (CARIFORUM) agreement, but the similarities in MFN provisions make the arguments generally applicable across the spectrum of EPAs concluded between the EC and ACP countries.
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Anghelache, Constantin, Gabriela Victoria Anghelache, and Mădălina-Gabriela Anghel. "Model of analysis of the evolution of international economic exchanges." Proceedings of the International Conference on Applied Statistics 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2019): 60–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/icas-2019-0006.
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Abstract The economic activity of a country is achieved both by domestic activity and by international economic and technical-scientific exchanges. International commercial activity is a necessary one nowadays. This is because there is no state capable of performing an autarchic activity. Regardless of of the technical, scientific, resource, and level of development, any state needs to participate in international economic, technical and scientific exchanges. Through international economic exchanges, the need for resources, means of production, labor resources or goods and services is completed. Also in this economic activity of international exchanges is realized the capitalization of surplus production, goods and services, surplus fixed capital, which is offered for export or as a possibility of cooperation in international projects. Thus, the activity of international exchanges is a necessity for each state. Under the conditions of the European Union, in which Romania is a member, there are a number of facilities and in this respect they are being implemented or are being implemented under the European Directive on trade without borders. In this respect, between the Community countries, in the exchange of goods and services, protection measures such as the import tax are no longer practiced and VAT is no longer charged. The international economic exchanges are a significant role in the final result materialized in the level of gross domestic product achieved in each period of time. The countries that import and do it to supplement domestic needs means that they spend part of the value realized in domestic activity to make imports. The exports are made with surplus goods and services that go to other states. In the European Union there are intra-community economic exchanges, complemented by extra-community international economic relations. The authors have studied this aspect and have found that intra-community economic relations have developed more intensively than non-EU economic relations over the last period. In other respects, states are grouped into two categories, ie states with surplus international economic relations, ie states that export more than imports and the second group, countries with activities in the international deficient relations, which imports more than just exports. Comparison between exports and imports results in net exports that may be a surplus or deficit. Romania has always been a deficit country since 1990 and it has to be analyzed in the sense that, due to the difference in favor of imports, part of the gross domestic product made in Romania diminishes with this deficit. The authors, by analyzing this data, highlight how the activity of international economic exchanges has evolved.
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Herbert, Eti Best, and Fasilat Abimbola Olalere. "What Is Economic Globalization Without Trans-boundary Migration?" Global Trade and Customs Journal 15, Issue 10 (September 1, 2020): 493–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2020088.
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The world is often regarded as a global village or borderless globe where various countries freely interconnect and interrelate towards achieving a global goal. Globalization has occasioned international cooperation amongst States through the formation of several treaties and international organizations with economic objectives. This article evaluates the law and attitude of States and International organizations towards economically motivated trans-boundary migration. Particular reference is made to World Trade Organization(WTO), European Union(EU), African Union (AU), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and North American Free Trade Association(NAFTA). Findings reveal that the legal and institutional frameworks in support of trans-boundary economic migration are very weak, thereby allowing States’ interest to prevail over the globalization objectives. State practices are geared towards placement of several obstacles, such as imposing criminal sanctions, which limits trans-boundary economic migration. This prejudice is more obvious when the trade in service is a South-North movement of labour. These challenges have led to the irresistible conclusion that economic globalization is but a political fiction yet to take root in reality. It is further contended that, the puzzle of economic globalization cannot be completely fixed, except States fully embrace, accepte and liberalize the missing piece of trans-boundary migration. Globalization, Trans-boundary migration, Economic migration, South-North movement, Trade liberalization.
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Barberis, Eduardo, Daniela Freddi, Raffaele Giammetti, Paolo Polidori, Désirée Teobaldelli, and Elena Viganò. "Trade Relationships in the European Pork Value Chain: a Network Analysis." Economia agro-alimentare, no. 1 (July 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ecag1-2020oa10070.
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This article aims to analyse the European pig sector and its transformations (e.g. vertical integration and phase specialization).In particular, we will both explore the specialization and territorial concentration of pig production, and the significant changes which have taken place in the trade among European Union countries. Using the network analysis (betweenness centrality, node strength and community detection) applied to Eurostat and fao datasets on production and trade in the period 2000-2016, we will show the emergence of national players and international connections that lead to a larger continental market. Finally, this evidence will be used in the discussion and conclusion to raise wider concerning the working of agrifoodvalue chains, in terms of social, economic and environmental sustainability, as well as regulation. This calls for more interdisciplinary analyses of value chains.
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Strel’tsov, V. "Japan: Course Towards Joining to Trans-Pacific Community." World Economy and International Relations, no. 12 (2012): 70–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-12-70-77.
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Currently, ten countries are negotiating the membership in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TTP). After joining of Japan (Japan is the third-largest economy of Asia-Pacific region after USA and China) the TTP will acquire a qualitatively new status while becoming a full-fledged prototype of a Pacific free trade area. As a result, such a zone could cover a wider range of countries on both sides of the Pacific Ocean. From this point of view, Japan’s participation certainly will mark a qualitative leap in the TPPs evolution, namely a transfer from the status of a peripheral economic block into a structure of global importance. Participation of Japan (which is an economic heavyweight) in the TTP will give a new impetus to the development of the world economy. Also, it will be an important step in coping with the aftermaths of the global financial and economic crisis. A happy end story, i.e. the creation of an effective framework for economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region, would have a considerable positive impact on the integration processes in Europe, where the acute debt crisis has put under question the viability of the European integration model.
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Schoneveld, Frank. "The European Community Reaction to the “Illicit” Commercial Trade Practices of Other Countries." Journal of World Trade 26, Issue 2 (April 1, 1992): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1992008.
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Segarra Blasco, Agusti, Mercedes Teruel, and Elisenda Jové-Llopis. "High-Growth Firms in European Countries: the Role of Innovation." Cuadernos de Economía 37, no. 75 (December 1, 2018): 637–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/cuad.econ.v37n75.67721.
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This paper analyses the role that R&D and innovation has on the likelihood of a firm becoming a High-Growth Firm (HGF). The microdata is from the Community Innovation Survey provided by Eurostat, it covers the period 2008–2010, and we classify the EU countries into three clusters: Core countries, Mediterranean countries, and New EU Members. Our results show that there are large differences between each cluster. Technological innovations promote the likelihood of Core countries becoming an HGF, non-technological innovations are a key determinant for Mediterranean countries, and in New EU members the drivers are more related to firm characteristics and international trade.
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Aboagye, Emmanuel Mensah, Nana Osei Owusu, Monica Yamoah, Richmond Ashiagbor, and Kwaku Obeng Effah. "World Trade Organisation System." Journal on Innovation and Sustainability RISUS 13, no. 1 (April 7, 2022): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/2179-3565.2022v13i1p32-43.
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In today’s world, sustainable development has become the consensus of the international community. With the development and progress of the world economy and the launch of the wave of environmental protection in the world, market trade and environmental protection issues have gradually gained the full attention of government departments and people in many countries around the world, and gradually developed into one of the core issues in the global political, economic and multi-industry fields. The laws and regulations on environmental protection adopted by international organizations and countries and the basic rules of market trade constitute the basis for applying environmental control supervision. The researchers adopted a systematic online search to identify journal articles, reports, and other relevant documents related to the market trade and environmental protection. The online search was done mainly on Google, Google Scholar and Bing to retrieve related documents on market trade and environmental protection. The study unraveled a complex relationship between market trade and environmental protection, and the international community has paid too much attention. Foreign trade policy aims to avoid the development of a new market trade restriction and implementation program, protect market trade, eliminate the existing barriers to the market trade, restrict market trade laws and regulations, and finally achieve the way to increase the effectiveness of market trade. Therefore, environmental protection and market trade are two systems, and it is a core contradiction to abide by which fundamental principles are observed. To solve and deal with the relationship between market trade and the environment, it must redefine the relevant influencing factors in these two systems. The researchers suggested that through the coordination of management, there should be a careful study from the experience of relevant organizations, such as the European Union, NAFTA, OECD and then put forward specific ideas for coordinated management.
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Gotsova, Boryana. "The Gordian Knot of European Union Competence: Commercial Aspects of Intellectual Property After the Judgment in Case C-414/11Daiichi Sankyo." German Law Journal 15, no. 3 (May 1, 2014): 511–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019027.
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The division of external competences between the European Union and the Member States is a long-standing object of contention for constitutional and practical reasons. The competence to negotiate and conclude international agreements in a given area has as many highly political implications as concrete policy-making ones. This tension is well illustrated by the field of the commercial aspects of intellectual property. Community, and later Union, competence over this area was established only gradually. After multiple Treaty revisions and legal disputes over competence, the Treaty of Lisbon now lists the field as one of the main elements of the Union's Common Commercial Policy (CCP). The CCP itself is one of the founding policies, dating back to the European Economic Community. It structures the Union's trade relations with third countries, encompassing bilateral and multilateral trade and tariff agreements, as well as unilateral trade defense measures such as anti-dumping and anti-subsidy instruments. Today, the Treaty of Lisbon expressly provides for exclusive Union competence over the CCP, codifying the case law of the Court of Justice.
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Lima Sakr, Rafael. "FROM COLONIALISM TO REGIONALISM: THE YAOUNDÉ CONVENTIONS (1963–1974)." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 70, no. 2 (February 18, 2021): 449–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589321000014.
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AbstractHow was ‘international trade’ between former European empires and their former colonies in Africa governed after decolonisation? In the 1960s, the vast majority of African countries became independent, and so a new arrangement was necessary to govern their economic relations with Europe. The Yaoundé Conventions were then concluded between the European Community (EC) and the bloc of postcolonial African countries. Specialised literature provides comprehensive accounts of the Yaoundé Conventions. However, little is known about the role of law and lawyers in their making and governance. Part of this story concerns political and intellectual struggles in the legal profession about which projects, ideas, and norms would be applicable. Another part concerns the work of lawyers to organise those policies, theories and visions into an emerging conception and to employ it to influence the production and management of the Yaoundé Conventions. This article combines historical and socio-legal approaches to show that a distinct legal conception of regional trade agreements—called here the ‘development framework’—was pivotal to the design and application of the Yaoundé Conventions. This conception was primarily advanced and persuasively used by European and African lawyers. This contrasts with the conventional view that trade agreements are variations on a single legal concept. It is concluded that EC–Africa regionalism was a singular experiment, due significantly to the unique features of this legal conception.
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BILORUS, Oleh, Volodymyr VLASOV, Sergіi GASANOV, and Igor KHANIN. "The end of the globalization erа, deglobalization, “new” globalization, or transition to noospheric co-development?" Fìnansi Ukraïni 2020, no. 8 (October 23, 2020): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2020.08.007.
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The article highlights the controversial issues of the state, contradictions and trends of modern globalization in the face of new challenges and threats associated with political, immigration, pandemic, climate, economic and trade shocks – Britain’s exit from the EU, the implementation of the US President’s policy “America Above All”, the beginning of trade de-globalization as a result of the revision of free trade agreements (FTAs) and the trade “war” between the United States and China, the impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic and climate change on deepening the global economic recession, the collapse of national economies and international trade, lack of financial resources for active government support of the health care systems, social protection, small and medium-sized businesses. Political, economic, managerial and academic circles are actively discussing the problems of the “end” of globalization, de-globalization, “new” globalization, the need for a “new world order”, which will actually embody the fundamental values of democracy, economic freedom, free trade and, at the same time, will strengthen social responsibility of the world community and its international institutions, the main geopolitical, geo-economic and military centers of power (primarily the United States, China, the European Union, Russia, etc.) for the preservation of peace on the basis of consensus, recognition of global priorities in countering climatic and epidemic threats to human life on Earth , consistent implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals to eradicate poverty in all its forms and manifestations, combat inequality within and between countries, ensure continuous, inclusive and sustainable economic growth and promote social inclusion. The article drew attention to the strengthening of the trends of protectionism and economic nationalism, in particular, the US withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement and attempts to revise the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The article shows the loss of the US leadership in world trade due to the accelerated economic development of other countries, primarily the Asian region. The discussion of these problems at the Davos Economic Forum led to the conclusion about the likely end of Atlanticism and globalization. At the same time, the UN report (2018) highlighted a special section on trade hyperglobalization. The article hypothesizes that the Bali Round (2013) of negotiations on trade began the fourth wave of its globalization, and proposes a new theory of international trade – the theory of globalization impact.
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BILORUS, Oleh, Volodymyr VLASOV, Sergіi GASANOV, and Igor KHANIN. "The end of the globalization erа, deglobalization, “new” globalization, or transition to noospheric co-development? (part 2)." Fìnansi Ukraïni 2020, no. 10 (December 24, 2020): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2020.10.007.
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The article highlights the controversial issues of the state, contradictions and trends of modern globalization in the face of new challenges and threats associated with political, immigration, pandemic, climate, economic and trade shocks – Britain’s exit from the EU, the implementation of the US President’s policy “America Above All”, the beginning of trade de-globalization as a result of the revision of free trade agreements (FTAs) and the trade “war” between the United States and China, the impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic and climate change on deepening the global economic recession, the collapse of national economies and international trade, lack of financial resources for active government support of the health care systems, social protection, small and medium-sized businesses. Political, economic, managerial and academic circles are actively discussing the problems of the “end” of globalization, de-globalization, “new” globalization, the need for a “new world order”, which will actually embody the fundamental values ??of democracy, economic freedom, free trade and, at the same time, will strengthen social responsibility of the world community and its international institutions, the main geopolitical, geo-economic and military centers of power (primarily the United States, China, the European Union, Russia, etc.) for the preservation of peace on the basis of consensus, recognition of global priorities in countering climatic and epidemic threats to human life on Earth , consistent implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals to eradicate poverty in all its forms and manifestations, combat inequality within and between countries, ensure continuous, inclusive and sustainable economic growth and promote social inclusion. The article drew attention to the strengthening of the trends of protectionism and economic nationalism, in particular, the US withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement and attempts to revise the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The article shows the loss of the US leadership in world trade due to the accelerated economic development of other countries, primarily the Asian region. The discussion of these problems at the Davos Economic Forum led to the conclusion about the likely end of Atlanticism and globalization. At the same time, the UN report (2018) highlighted a special section on trade hyperglobalization. The article hypothesizes that the Bali Round (2013) of negotiations on trade began the fourth wave of its globalization, and proposes a new theory of international trade – the theory of globalization impact.
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Agapov, A. "“Union for the Mediterranean”: Problems and Contradictions." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2010): 66–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-9-66-71.
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The Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) suggested by Nicolas Sarcozy, the Ex-President of France, has been generating many questions from the very beginning. As experts note, this was due to the unsuccessful project kick-off. Since its first years, the Community model proposed to the Mediterranean countries appealed to solution of the most important problems by joint efforts. Common immigration policy, economic and trade development, common legal rules support, environmental protection and cooperative development were meant to be the "backbones" of the project. Investigating difficulties and perspectives of the European countries cooperation the author points that the UfM represents a promising tool for the energy problem solution. The Europe's energy market diversification program and, therefore, its security largely depends on how successfully the European partners will be able to make advantage of it.
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Huang, Siyu, Wensha Gou, Hongbo Cai, Xiaomeng Li, and Qinghua Chen. "Effects of Regional Trade Agreement to Local and Global Trade Purity Relationships." Complexity 2020 (July 23, 2020): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2020/2987217.
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In contrast to the rapid integration of the world economy, many regional trade agreements (RTAs) have also emerged since the early 1990s. This contradiction has encouraged scholars and policymakers to explore the true effects of RTAs, including both regional and global trade relationships. This paper defines synthesized trade resistance and decomposes it into natural and artificial factors. Here, we separate the influence of geographical distance, economic volume, and overall increase in transportation and labor costs and use the expectation maximization algorithm to optimize the parameters and quantify the trade purity indicator, which describes the true global trade environment and relationships among countries. This indicates that although global and most regional trade relations gradually deteriorated during the period 2007–2017, RTAs generate trade relations among members, especially contributing to the relative prosperity of European Union (EU) and North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) countries. In addition, we apply the network to reflect the purity of the trade relations among countries. The effects of RTAs can be analyzed by comparing typical trade unions and trade communities, which are presented using an empirical network structure. This analysis shows that the community structure is quite consistent with some trade unions, and the representative RTAs constitute the core structure of international trade network. However, the role of trade unions has weakened, and multilateral trade liberalization has accelerated in the past decade. This means that more countries have recently tended to expand their trading partners outside of these unions rather than limit their trading activities to RTAs.
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Muhammad Khalid Rashid, Abdul Basit, Tehmina Fiaz Qazi, and Abdul Aziz Khan Niazi. "Comprehensive Analysis of Tariff Barriers Worldwide: A Composite Assessment Approach." Journal of Accounting and Finance in Emerging Economies 7, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 205–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jafee.v7i1.1583.
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International trade has fundamental importance for all the countries and the analysis concerning international trade particularly concerning tariff barriers is high on the agenda of researchers in the field of economics, business and politics. Aim of the study is to assess the world tariff barriers of 158 countries. Overall design of the study comprises of a crisp literature review, data extraction and analysis. It is a study of one hundred fifty-eight countries that uses secondary data taken from World Development Indicators (WDI) 2020. It uses Grey Relational Analysis (GRA) as research methodology. Results of GRA show that Macao SAR, China, Hong Kong, Singapore, Montenegro, Mauritius, Brunei Darussalam, Myanmar, Chile, Peru and Australia have relatively highest grey relational grades meaning thereby, low tariff trade barriers whereas Grenada, Antigua and Barbuda, Belize, Central African Republic, Nepal, Guinea-Bissau, Fiji, Gabon, Barbados, Djibouti, St. Kitts and Nevis have lowest grey relational grade meaning thereby, these countries have high level of tariff based barriers of international trade. Interestingly, all the member countries of European Union occupy the rank of 27 (i.e. all countries have the same rank) which can be explained in the perspective of their union of tariff. Since, they have uniformed tariff policy as against rest of the world, therefore, have same rank. It is a study based on reliable real time data set. The study has value for all stakeholders i.e. international community, local governments, society at large, policy makers, researchers and international institutions.
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Sangwan, Sunanda. "The European Community and the Non-Associated Countries: The Trade Agreement Between the EEC and India." Journal of World Trade 25, Issue 3 (June 1, 1991): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1991015.
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Zhao, Changping, Xinli Qi, Jin Wang, Fengyang Du, and Xiaolan Shi. "Predicting Possible New Links to Future Global Plastic Waste Trade Networks." Sustainability 14, no. 8 (April 14, 2022): 4692. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14084692.
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China’s waste plastic ban has sparked a discussion about how the global plastic waste trade (GPWT) will develop in the future. To answer this question, this article uses the link forecasting and QAP method to predict and analyze the possible development trend of the GPWT in the future. The research results show that GPWT has certain stability and sustainability; although plastic waste trade has narrowed under the ban, it still has the potential trend of reconnecting the same type of links. Specifically, from a regional perspective, the future trade of new plastic waste trade will be dominated by cross-regional trade. Plastic waste may continue to flow to countries in the Asian–Pacific, Middle East, and African regions, while European countries will strengthen the internal recycling and processing of plastic waste. From the perspective of the national income level, the establishment of the new relationship will show an evolutionary trend in which high-income countries are dominated and the scale of trade between non-high-income countries expands. In addition, the differences in the level of economic development, liner transport connectivity, and the proportion of mismanagement of plastic waste among countries has a positive effect on the establishment of a new relationship in the GPWT, while tariff rates have an inhibitory effect. In general, the GPWT will still exist in the future, which requires the international community to guide the GPWT to promote the recycling and reuse of plastic waste in a real sense and adjust the unreasonable trade model.
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Carnevale, Richard A. "Trade Problems Arising from Differing Maximum Residue Levels for Veterinary Drug and Pesticide Residues." Journal of the American College of Toxicology 15, no. 5 (October 1996): 418–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/10915819609018009.
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An international effort is under way to harmonize the procedures and assumptions used for establishing maximum residue levels (MRL) for residues of veterinary drugs and pesticides. Apparent conflicts in MRLs may not actually reflect differing safety assessments for the residues but may be due to different safety factors, methods of analysis, consumption factors, etc. Equivalence is an important principle in the U.S. position on agricultural trade. Countries wishing to export food products to the U.S. must demonstrate that their country's residue control programs are equivalent to the U.S. program. From the U.S. export perspective, there have been several instances of trade problems resulting from different MRLs. The most significant was the decision by the European Economic Community not to accept U.S. beef if the animals were administered anabolic steroids. Another example involved the Japanese rejection of U.S. pork because of sulfamethazine residues. These examples illustrate the importance of harmonization to future efforts to facilitate free trade and reduce the resource burden on government regulatory bodies.
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Yakovleva, Nailya. "LATIN AMERICA IN PORTUGAL'S FOREIGN ECONOMIC STRATEGY." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2022): 158–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.07.
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The article deals with the current and insufficiently explored issue of Portugal's international relations with Latin American countries. It is shown that after a series of crises, the Portuguese economy managed to reach a growth trajectory, change the image of a European outsider and gain the authority in the world community. Special attention is paid to the current stage of structural modernization, the characteristic of which is the innovatization and digitalization of production processes, the development of high-tech industries. The ongoing changes have led to significant edits in the foreign economic strategy of the Portuguese authorities and the transition to an offensive export policy. The growth of the economy, the course towards its internationalization by supporting exports and expanding foreign economic relations have contributed to the intensification of cooperation with other regions of the world, including Latin American countries. It is noted that the Latin American direction is an important element of the foreign policy activities of the Portuguese authorities. Historically, Portugal's relations with the countries of the region have been built in different formats: at the bilateral level and through participation in regional and interregional groupings. In recent years, there has been an increase in the expansion of Portuguese business in Latin America. And although the process of trade development of Latin American markets faces objective difficulties and develops relatively slowly, the region is assigned the role of a promising partner of Portugal in the implementation of the strategy of export diversification, increasing the share of innovative products of high processing in it. It is emphasized that in every Latin American country, Portugal is trying (sometimes very effectively) to find its trade and economic niche. At the same time, Brazil has a special status in Portugal's relations with Latin American partners.
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Sung, Hankyoung. "Delays in Multilateral Trade Negotiations: An Experimental Study." Asian Economic Papers 11, no. 1 (January 2012): 160–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00131.
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This paper aims to derive policy implications for real trade negotiations from experiments on multilateral legislative bargaining games. The experiment results reveal that the existence of a strong player with veto power could delay the games. Considering the similarity between the games with the veto player and multilateral trade negotiations such as the Doha Development Agenda (DDA), this paper argues that strong countries such as the G-4 (the United States, the European Community, Brazil, and India) may cause delays in the negotiations. Based on experimental findings, this paper suggests group negotiations as a policy option for the DDA.
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Zhang, X. "The Coronavirus Will Not Change the long-Term Upward Trend of China’s Economic Development." Finance: Theory and Practice 24, no. 5 (October 24, 2020): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2587-5671-2020-24-5-15-23.
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The author investigates the impact of COVID‑19 and macro-policy adjustment on China’s economic development. The aim is to describe the situation and trend of China’s economic development before and after COVID‑19. The research method is the comparative data analysis. The study shows that in response to COVID‑19, the Chinese government, on the one hand, has accelerated its opening-up, taken the opportunity of fighting against the pandemic to provide medical assistance to and cooperate with other countries, and actively promoted the building of a community with a shared future for mankind and the process of globalization. On the basis of the Belt and Road Initiative and multilateral, regional, and subregional cooperation mechanisms such as the United Nations, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), G20 (Group of 20), and APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation), China and the Eurasian Economic Union began to cooperate more frequently and the trade relations between Japan, South Korea, and European developed countries became closer. Meanwhile, committed to building a global interconnection partnership, China actively participates in global economic governance and provides various public products. The Chinese government has proposed “Six Guarantees” on the basis of “Six Stability”. In order to achieve the purpose of stabilizing foreign trade and expanding imports, China has imposed various measures to accelerate the liberalization and facilitation of international trade and investment, such as implementing the new version of the “Foreign Investment Law”, establishing free trade zones, and promoting its experience and organizing international import expositions. Additionally, the Chinese government also implemented targeted fiscal and monetary policies, increased support for enterprises, especially small and medium-sized enterprises, and promoted the construction of “new infrastructure” and innovation of business model, which have formed the driving forces for the transformation of the economic development model in China from traditional business to cloud business, from traditional marketing to live streaming marketing, from traditional sales to online sales. The author concluded thatChina’s adjustment of macro policies in response to COVID‑19 was effective and played an important role in the resumption of production and life, stabilizing foreign trade activities, releasing domestic demand and promoting stable and sustained growth of the economy
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Gladkov, Igor. "FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE CONTEXT OF INCREASING GLOBAL UNCERTAINTY." Contemporary Europe, no. 100 (December 31, 2020): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope720205969.
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The article analyzes the competitive positions in the system of modern international trade of the world's largest regional integration community – the European Union (EU), consisting of 28 member countries. The most important trends in the dynamics and geographical structure of the EU's foreign trade relations are considered against the background of increasing global turbulence, as well as in the run-up to the UK's withdrawal from this grouping. Based on actual and statistical data, the author substantiates the claim that the leading integration bloc managed to maintain its leadership in the world commodity exchange in the conditions of increasing global uncertainty due to its well-thought-out foreign trade policy, which includes a number of quite effective tools. According to the author, the experience gained by the EU is undoubtedly of interest for a more detailed study, since during the entire six-year period under review (2014-2019), there were very significant changes in the sphere of world trade, both at the global and regional levels. These include rising tensions caused by the spread of protectionist sentiments among leading actors, the formation of new types of trade alliances, and the use of sanctions against competitors under the guise of untenable rhetoric. However, the current year has brought more large-scale disasters associated with the emergence of a new virus infection of a planetary scale. Such trends have a negative impact on the dynamics of global trade, including foreign trade relations of the European Union.
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Khmelnitskiy, M. M. "THE EUROPEAN UNION NORTH–SOUTH DIVIDE AND THE FUTURE OF THE EURO." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(33) (December 28, 2013): 134–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-6-33-134-140.
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The debt crisis is continuing in the eurozone, putting on agenda a question about the future of the euro and European integration. In 2012 none of the Southern European states could achieve the EU average GDP per capita. If the Greece’s GDP reduces in 2013 by 4,5% as expected, the Government will hardly fulfill its objective to achieve the growth in 2014. Moreover, Europe has become divided into two macroregions: poor South and prosperous North. The differences between them seem to be predefined because of specific EU policy during the creation of the economic union and when the euro was being introduced; these differences are one of the main causes of the crisis. Inspite of the fact that the Southern countries are still in economic decline, the Northern counties are insisting on austerity measures without any plans to reindustrialize Greece, Spain and Portugal in perspective. The «troika» of lenders saved the eurozone on account of multi-billion aid but it is still nothing done to cope with existing political and economic contradictions such as: trade deficit between «North» and «South», dependence on exports, specific international specialization of Greece, Spain and other countries. Three scenarios can be worked out to foresee the situation in the EU: optimistic, pessimistic and neutral. The pessimistic scenario was widely spread in the expert community. However, it is not that popular at the moment. A strong political will is needed to realize the optimistic scenario in the EU, mainly that of Germany and the Netherlands. At the moment the occasions meet the neutral scenario. It means that the euro area still exists but the coming years can become a «lost decade».
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Aubakir, Assima. "NEW EU STRATEGY FOR CENTRAL ASIA: HISTORY, VISION, PROSPECTS." Central Asia and The Caucasus 21, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 007–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.20.4.01.
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Today, the Central Asian region is once again becoming a point of attraction for the interests of the international community—in geopolitical, as well as in trade and economic terms. The interests of major world powers intersect here, and each has its own approach to establishing relations with the regional countries. The European Union, which never considered this region a geopolitical priority, has been implementing its own Central Asia Strategy since 2007. In July 2017, the Council of the European Union decided to completely revise the Strategy based on new realities, as well as the ambitions and priorities of the regional states in their relations with the EU. A new strategy for relations between the European Union and Central Asia was adopted in June 2019. The revision of the strategy is slated to allow the EU to strengthen its cooperation with the Central Asian countries, highlight the most effective projects, and revise those aspects of interaction that did not bring the desired results. Currently, there is an intensification of intra-regional cooperation in Central Asia; there are positive trends in the development of dialog on important issues of the regional agenda. For this reason, the approaches and tools of European diplomacy in the implementation of its policy in Central Asia are expected to undergo significant adjustments as the Strategy is updated. The subject of this article is precisely this transit period in the relations between the European Union and Central Asia.
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Drexl, Josef. "International Competition Policy after Cancún: Placing a Singapore Issue on the WTO Development Agenda." World Competition 27, Issue 3 (September 1, 2004): 419–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/woco2004024.
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<p>Is there still a chance for Europe’s initiative on a WTO Multilateral Framework Agreement on competition policy after the failure of the 2003 Ministerial Conference of Cancún? Do developing countries that reject the initiative act against their own interests? Do we really need such an agreement in the light of alternative approaches to international competition law? This article tries to answer these questions and supports principles of a possible WTO competition law considerably different from those proposed by the European Community. These principles reject a concept of an international competition law as a market-access guaranteeing instrument of trade policy and would implement the protection of international competition in trans-border markets as the objective of WTO competition law. This kind of law reacts to today’s situation in which trade liberalisation and international protection of intellectual property rights enable undertakings to abuse their freedoms and their property rights in larger markets emerging as a consequence of WTO law after the Uruguay Round. In this sense the proposals of this article contribute to the solution of problems of globalisation.</p>
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Courtis, Kenneth S. "La politique industrielle dans la Communauté économique européenne : Crise et changement." Études internationales 12, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 269–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701195ar.
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The ultimate goal of industrial policy is to allow constant improvement in both the quality and standard of living. Necessary conditions to such improvement are full employment at both high, real wages and at increasing rates of productivity. For the European Economic Community, productivity must not only increase absolutely but also relatively, in comparison to other international competitors. Yet during the 60's and early 70's, Europe's competitive position in a number of major industrial sectors weakened, such that the energy shock, when it did come, signaled a reversal in established terms of trade. Suddenly, the Common Market was confronted with new problems of adjustment and decline. It is within this context that both the role and the focus of EEC industrial policy have changea and that come to play the underlying dynamics that shape European industrial policy formulation. In these new economic conditions, traditional policies of demand management, of counter-cyclical measures and of monetary control have proved inadequate to restore real growth, full employment and ordered structural change. While purely national solutions appear to be no longer possible in many sectors, member countries have become increasingly locked into competitive rather than the complementary industrial strategies. New and intense political strains have emerged. Political legitimacy and a clear mandate are critical to the formulation and implementation of industrial policy. Although the essential economic logic of the Treaty of Rome is clear, its political dimensions are less evident. Indeed there is nothing in the Common Market treaty about industrial policy. Yet as the question of industrial development moves to the centre of political debate, the future evolution of the community will be increasingly linked to EC industrial policy. This article analyzes European industrial policy as we enter the 80's. It begins with an analysis of the economic realities and the social and political forces behind the changing focus of European industrial policy and examines briefly the context of industrial policy formulation at the European Community level. Subsequently it turns to the new sectoral pattern and emphasis of European industrial policy. Finally, the article evaluates the evolution of European industrial policy in the latter part of the 70s and considers emerging trends.
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Lazanyuk, Inna V., and David Mambu Diu. "Angola’s economy under sanctions: problems and solutions." R-Economy 8, no. 3 (2022): 208–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/recon.2022.8.3.017.
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Relevance. Africa is the continent most targeted by sanctions. African states were made subject to sanctions by the United Nations and various regional organizations such as the African Union, Economic Community of West African States, and the European Union. There is, however, still a lack of understanding of these sanctions’ intended and unintended effects in the African context, which is the research gap this study seeks to address. Research objective. This paper analyzes the role and mechanisms of the sanctions imposed by Western countries (especially the USA) against Angola and other African states to achieve certain geopolitical goals. Data and methods. This study relies on the comprehensive and recently updated dataset of the Global Sanctions Data Base (GSDB). The GSDB lists over 1,101 sanction cases by country and international organization. Sanctions are classified according to the three parameters: their type, objective and degree of success. The methodological framework of this study comprises the historical-logical, statistical, comparative, and analytical methods. Results. We analyzed the dynamic of the macro-economic indicators targeted by the sanctions against Angola and its political elite in 1995-2021 and found that the effects of these sanctions were not very profound. The UN sanctions, however, had a statistically and economically significant effect on the country's economic growth as they led to a considerable exports shrinkage and decline in GDP. The latter effect was possible because Angola's economy is heavily reliant on oil exports. As the imports curbed, since 1995 Angola’s trade structure has undergone some significant changes: the share of the imports from China grew by 12% between 1995 and 2019 while the share of France decreased by 8.2%, Portugal, by 9.6%, and the USA, by 10.8% Conclusions. Analysis of the GSDB data has led us to the following conclusions: first, sanctions are becoming an increasingly popular tool of international relations; second, European countries are the most frequent users of sanctions and African countries are their most frequent targets; third, sanctions are becoming increasingly diverse; and, finally, the share of trade sanctions is decreasing while the share of financial and travel sanctions is growing. At the current stage, the effect of the sanctions is weak in comparison with the declared goals although they have a negative impact on the living standards in the target countries.
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Lymar, Margaryta. "European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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Gurtner-Zimmermann, A. "Abnehmende Kooperation in der Umweltpolitik trotz zunehmender wirtschaftlicher Integration : das kanadisch-amerikanische Verhältnis im Umweltbereich." Geographica Helvetica 47, no. 3 (September 30, 1992): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-47-112-1992.
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Abstract. Over the last decades, Canada and Switzerland, countries with "small" economies, when compared with their neighbours, have experienced increasing economic Integration with their main trading partners, the United States and the European Community (EC) respectively. Using a political-economic approach, this article analyzes the effects of growmg Integration for management of transboundary, environmental problems in North America. As well, in view of the Canadian experience, possible implications for Switzerland in its future relationship to the EC are addressed. In the past the Canadian-American debate over transboundary environmental problems has centered around questions of territory. Despite increasing economic Integration, the dominant reaction to ecological interdependence has been reliance on national policies. In accordance with the American, economic leadership in the continental System, the kind of political response to transboundary, environmental Problems is mainly dictated by the importance of the problem in the United States. The Great Lakes are an area of mutual concern and, therefore, an example for limited, environmental Cooperation and the adoption of an environmental advanced Position. In the U. S., the political response to acid rain was reactive and delayed, since only certain regions were concerned. Despite Canadian domestic and international efforts during the 1980s, until recently no significant progress has been made in developing effective measures to abate air emissions. The conclusion of the Canada-U. S. Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in 1988 did not change the very nature of the mutual environmental relationship. However, in the corollary to the FTA serious threats to the environment can be identified. Liberalized trade and restrained State Intervention foster the accelerated exploitation of Canada's natural resources and further the harmonization of environmental Standards between the two countries. In view ofthe Canadian experience, the article concludes that for Switzerland an economic agreement with the EC without parallel environmental commitments could have significant, negative consequences.
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Zarichna, Olena V. "NEW FORMS OF CROSS-BORDER COOPERATION." Management 28, no. 2 (March 29, 2019): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.30857/2415-3206.2018.2.8.
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Introduction. Active engagement of Ukraine and its regions in the system of international cooperation in the context of the development of world integration processes is possible due to the use of cross-border cooperation tools. in the form of jointly developed programs of trade and economic, scientific-technical, environmental-ecological, cultural, historical-religious cooperation.The hypothesis of scientific research. Using cross-border cooperation will solve the problems of accelerating the socio-economic development of transboundary regions, improve the personnel infrastructure training of regions and the country as a whole in order to deepen cooperation with the EU, to solve urgent issues with the neighbors of the post-Soviet space; accelerate European integration processes.The purpose of the article is to develop theoretical propositions to substantiate the effective algorithm of cross-border cooperation development on the basis of synergistic combination of integration processes and innovations in all types of cooperation.Methods of research: an interdisciplinary approach – for combining a set of general scientific and special research methods; systemic and structural-functional analysis – to determine the system of international cross-border links; institutional approach – to determine the impact on cross-border cooperation created by political institutions; situational approach – for correlating the development of cross-border cooperation with a specific socio-economic situation; a comparative analysis – for comparing processes of cross-border cooperation in different countries of Europe and post-Soviet space.Results: the experience of the international community in implementing the system of cross-border cooperation is analyzed; the legal-legal and methodological principles of cross-border cooperation as a direction of European integration processes in Ukraine are researched; The mechanisms of development of foreign economic relations in the border regions of Ukraine in the conditions of realization of its European integration aspirations are revealed.Conclusions: development of theoretical positions on the substantiation of the active development of the regions as one of the elements of the pan-European system of priorities, which corresponds to the principled integration of states through the integration of regions, which represent joint actions aimed at establishing and deepening economic, social, environmental, scientific, technical, cultural and other relations between territorial communities, various institutions of transboundary regions with the relevant authorities of other states within the competence defined s national legislation.
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Humeniuk, Borys. "Russia’s War against Ukraine and Its Impact on Regional and Global Processes." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-1.
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The article analyses the impact of the russian-Ukrainian war on regional and global processes. The emphasis is placed on Ukraine’s ongoing national liberation war as an opportunity for the final liberation of national consciousness from the vestiges of the Stalinist administrative-political system of the ex-Soviet empire, and the eradication of anti-state (primarily pro-russian) political forces. There is a chance for self-affirmation of Ukrainian identity in the international arena as a politically monolithic state entity with Euro-Atlantic values based on science-intensive and high-tech potential. The study reveals that the russian-Ukrainian war demonstrated the flaws of the European security system, the miscalculations of the leaders of NATO countries, leading European politicians, and the weakening of the security situation on the continent. The author states that the creators of the European security system recognised the mistakes they had made and quickly started working on eliminating previous miscalculations. The foundation of the new international coalition in support of Ukraine was laid by the meeting in Ramstein on 26 April 2022, which showed the determination of allies to invest in the result – the victory of Ukraine. The author highlights the new quality of relations between Ukraine and NATO, which emerged in March–April 2022 as a basic component of the newly created system of European and global security. Moreover, the article demonstrates the fundamental impact of the russian-Ukrainian war on the system of international relations, its security, economic, and trade components, as well as the reformatting of world Orthodoxy amid the discrediting of the russian orthodox church. In general, the security architecture in Europe has radically changed since 24 February 2022. The russian invasion of Ukraine has caused a serious impact on the new perception and new understanding of the Northern European defence community by its members. The post-war, remodelled European security system can no longer be imagined without Ukraine’s multilateral participation in it as a basic element of this system. Keywords: national liberation war, identity, NATO, the architecture of European security
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Sokolska, T. V., and S. P. Polishchuk. "Role of public government in cross-border cooperation." Public administration aspects 6, no. 5 (June 18, 2018): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151828.
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The article considers the role and place of public authorities in shaping the policy of effective cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and the EU taking into account the national interests.Particular attention is paid to the principles and features of territorial cooperation, taking into account the specifics of the EU’s external cooperation as well as the interests of the participating countries.The basic principles of the cooperation are determined on the basis of connections as well as contractual interregional and interstate relations, in compliance with the national legislation and respect for the international obligations of the states that are subjects of contractual relations; the thematic objectives are defined.The current state of Ukraine and the EU countries cross-border cooperation development is characterized and the main factors limiting this process are outlined. The most significant ones are the insufficient level of the national economic development and inconformity of the national legislation with European standards; lack of well-balanced management at the local level; the impossibility of implementing international projects of economic and social development due to ineffective management; lack of proper infrastructure; lack of marketing which aims to facilitate the existing resource potential of the border regions; sparking interethnic conflicts; the lack of skilled personnel in different spheres of establishing effective cooperation between the authorities, business and the public, etc. are also among them.Lack of sufficient financial resources and managerial powers in local administrations, in particular, for establishing the information infrastructure necessary for the cooperation with the authorities of the foreign countries regions and the development of financial projects is a specific problem of cross-border cooperation.The role of international projects and regional programs such as EU4Business, cross-border cooperation (Black Sea, Romania, Moldova, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland), EU programs, such as ERASMUS, HORIZON (61 projects amounting to 11.95 million euros were announced in 2016), COSME (May 2016) and their role in improving the socio-economic development of the border regions as well as solving common problems in ecology, health, safety and security, promoting the living conditions of citizens are grounded in the paper.The role of the united territorial communities (UTC) in cross-border cooperation activating, in particular their participation in international projects is grounded and the results of this activity in the Transcarpathia are presented. Insufficient level of professional training of public authorities representatives is pointed out. It is proved that cross-border cooperation is one of the main economic mechanisms of attracting foreign investments and grant funds for the economy modernization, for new jobs creation through the small business development, attraction of innovative technologies, access to the European market and the entry of Ukraine into the European community in the current economic situation.The expediency of working out the coherent effective state policy of cross-border cooperation with the EU, in which the legal, institutional and financial instruments should be clearly defined, along with the determined means of its implementation and mandatory public monitoring of the results is emphasized. The development of cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and the EU countries, ensuring a competitive economy running, the effective development of international trade, improvement of conditions and support of entrepreneurship, can be realized under the condition of implementation of the policy of public administration at the regional level.
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Studinski, Volodymyr. "Global reorientation of the world economic space in the modern dimension against the background of the russian-Ukrainian war of 2014-2022." University Economic Bulletin, no. 52 (March 18, 2022): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2022-52-78-84.
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Formulation of the problem. In modern conditions, in particular after the beginning of full-scale Russian aggression against Ukraine on February 24, 2022, it poses a number of serious problems to the world in various dimensions. The economic space of world civilization is one of them. First of all, this is due to the fact that in conditions of war, especially full-scale, important factors in victory are not only the quantitative military advantage of one of the warring parties, but also economic advantages based on modern production technologies. At the same time, there are questions of consolidation of the world community on the side of the country that fell victim to the aggressor country. In this particular case, we are talking about Ukraine, which was attacked by the Russian Federation. It is the consolidation of European Union member states, NATO member states, as well as individual countries such as the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Poland, Germany, Japan, Australia and other countries that strengthens Ukraine's unequal struggle with Russia. In addition, the role of international organizations such as the UN, the EU, the World Trade Organization and others cannot be underestimated. Combining the efforts of individual states, international organizations, and international economic systems that oppose the aggressive policy of the Russian Federation, undermines the efforts of the aggressor country in the sphere of world domination. The economic sanctions imposed by the world's leading countries and international organizations at the very beginning of Russia's full-scale aggression against Ukraine put the economy of the aggressor country, in particular its financial system, on the brink of disaster. Practically today there is a reorientation and reorganization of the world economic civilization system and the creation of a new paradigm of economic security. This is the largest transformation since the Second World War, as the security mechanisms in general and economic security in particular, enshrined in the UN Charter, the 1975 Helsinki Accords do not provide any guarantees today. Even the Budapest Memorandum, which guaranteed Ukraine's security and territorial integrity, did not work and was violated by the Russian Federation, which signed the document. Analysis of recent research and publications. At the moment, there are no fundamental and generalizing works on this subject, as the topic itself is quite new and requires a comprehensive study in the future. At the same time, there are a large number of assessments of the current situation and prospects for the development of the world's civilized economic global space. The purpose of this study is to determine the possible prospects for the transformation of the world's civilized economic space and the new place of Ukraine in this system. Results of the research. The article attempts to consider the prospects of global reorientation of the world economic space in the context of modern large-scale changes against the background of the Russian-Ukrainian war. Conclusions. As a result of the full-scale aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, it posed a number of serious risks to the world community in the economic, political, military, environmental and other spheres. The world had to react to the disturbance of world balance and balance caused by Russia's aggressive policy. As a result, a number of decisive steps have been taken by the world community in the field of reorientation of the global economic space.
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Vuković, Ivan. "Development of European Union and joining perspective of Croatia." Tourism and hospitality management 13, no. 2 (June 2007): 507–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.13.2.7.
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In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
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Bakalinska, Olga. "ADVOCACY OF COMPETITION IN THE WORLD AND UKRAINE: COMPARATIVE CHARACTERISTICS." Access to Justice in Eastern Europe 5, no. 4 (October 18, 2022): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33327/ajee-18-5.4-n000428.
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Background: The advocacy of competition is a modern civilisational mechanism of cooperation, which balances private and public interests in economic activity and realises the functions of state management and control of economic activity, ensuring reasonable distribution of public goods. Competition is a fundamental driving force that determines the course of economic processes and contributes to the growth of economic prosperity and innovation in society. Its provision, protection, and development are among the main priorities of state economic policy in general and competition policy in particular. The purpose of this article is a comparative legal analysis of the advocacy of competition in different countries. This study will also identify the peculiarities of the use of advocacy tools in these places. Methods: In studying the proposed problem, the following methods were used: general philosophical and general scientific (dialectical, systemic, formal-logical, etc.); universal (induction, deduction); special-scientific (formal-legal, comparative law); interpretation of the rules, etc. One of the main methods used is the comparative method for researching the common and distinctive features of the advocacy of competition in the EU, USA, Mexico, the Republic of South Africa, and Ukraine. Results and Conclusions: The results show that countries with advanced economies have approached advocacy of competition gradually after more than a century of anti-monopoly competition legislation. In post-transformational economies, we see the formation of competitive policy principles activated after independence and the transition to market-based business practices. The globalisation of international trade relations leads to the need to implement complex competition advocacy programs and unify norms at the level of individual states and unions. Advocacy of competition remains important as a tool of self-regulation of economic activity. The European vector of Ukraine’s development caused the emergence of new mechanisms of interaction between the state, the individual, and society. Having chosen to strive for European integration, Ukraine began to build a new model of cooperation between all market participants, the introduction of which was based on the provisions of the Association Agreement between Ukraine, on the one hand, and the EU, the European Atomic Energy Community and their member states, on the other hand, using implementation mechanisms of both individual norms and entire institutions of public-private partnership. The implementation of competition advocacy mechanisms in Ukraine is applied using the mechanisms of the analogy of individual norms and tools of competition policy. The formation of new good competitive practices is connected with russia’s war.
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Bandung, Sonideritus. "Social Interest dan Relevansinya Terhadap Keterlibatan Indonesia dalam G-20." Forum 51, no. 2 (November 9, 2022): 260–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.35312/forum.v51i2.443.
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The purpose of this study is to discuss the theory of social interest which was coined by Adler. Adler believes that social interest is an attitude of interest that comes from within to connect with other people. The attitude of interest is manifested in the form of cooperation for social interests and social progress. Apparently, this fact reaffirms the existence of humans as social beings. Adler's theory of social interest is correlated with Indonesia's involvement in the G-20 international forum. The G-20 is a cooperation forum involving 19 major countries and the European Union in overcoming important issues such as climate issues, multilateral trade, and the global economic crisis due to the Covid-19 pandemic. Indonesia's participation in the G-20 forum presupposes Indonesia's commitment and contribution to promote mutual prosperity. The method used inthis study is the library research. The results found that humans cannot walk alone. They always need someone else. They must have the desire to take part, share and cooperate with othesr. The process of opening up, establishing relationships, and taking part in community is the first step for humans to achieve mutual prosperity