Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'International space cooperation'

Thesis: S.M. in Technology and Policy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Engineering Systems Division, Technology and Policy Program, 2014.<br>Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2014.<br>Original Chinese text of author translations (pages 468- 498). Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 202-229).<br>After ten years of planning and pre-development, the Chinese government approved the space station project on September 25, 2010. In October 2010, the People's Republic of China (PRC) officially announced its independent space station construction project planned for successful completion by 2022 with an operation life of approximately ten years. The Chinese Space Station (CSS) is of particular interest to those who research the country's patterns of behavior in cooperative ventures. The future space station is being advertised as an international collaborative project on an unprecedented scale for China. However, inviting international partners in the process of constructing and operating a space station presents an expansively demanding policy problem. China must determine if there are tangible benefits associated with different scales and scopes of space station cooperation. The key policy issue is finding a model that is effective for fair and rational cooperation based on mutual benefit, transparency, reciprocity, and cost sharing, while striking a balance with partners over ownership, intellectual property, and utilization rights. Through first hand professional and cultural experience in China and translations of various Chinese academic journals, I construct an analytical assessment of PRC space activities and expect CSS to take the form of a regionally focused space station leaving China with ultimate authority over day-to-day operations. Given its past behavior, China will likely control the majority share, establish a chain of command, and be in a position of power rather than establishing a system of equal share. Furthermore, China should extend offers for collaboration to strategic partners in the immediate Asia-Pacific region and beyond while continuing to include the United Nations. I argue that if CSS can be effectively managed as a platform for international cooperation and global leadership, then it can achieve subsidiary benefits for the Chinese government in domestic and foreign policy.<br>by Jordan J. Foley.<br>S.M. in Technology and Policy<br>S.M.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: NASA, European Space Agency, ESA, International Cooperation, Transatlantic Relations, Nationalism, INTELSAT, Ulysses, Galileo, SOFIA, ISS, International Space Station, Constellation, Aurora, Vision for Space Exploration, Moon, Mars. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-95). Also available in print.

This Thesis aims to examine recent efforts of the developing countries, within the Legal Subcommittee of the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS), to increase their participation in space activities and in particular, to develop their own indigenous space capabilities. The Thesis will demonstrate that the United Nations is not, given the present economic and political climate, the best forum within which the developing countries should try to develop space law.<br>Chapter 1 examines the main problems facing the developing countries in the transfer of space technology from the technologically advanced states. Chapter 2 examines the legal basis of their claims for greater cooperation. Chapter 3 examines the present debate within COPUOS where the developing countries are attempting to further develop international space law to their advantage. Chapter 4 suggests alternative routes which should be considered by the developing countries in order to work towards greater cooperation which will meet their needs.

In this thesis space technology trade and proliferation controls are analyzed, focusing on two substantive issues that illustrate the challenges and opportunities of reform. The first substantive issue examined is the challenge of domestic law and policy reform in light of international regulatory divergence. This issue is examined through a case study of the U.S. commercial communication satellite export control regime. The second issue is the international implications of space technology trade and proliferation control on global civil space cooperation. The unifying demonstration of this doctoral thesis is that States operate in an international legal system that perpetuates a self-justified security dilemma whose basis originates in the sovereign legal right of States to produce, procure, and maintain space technologies of a military nature. As a result, the international legal system governing space technology trade and proliferation creates a tension between perceived national security needs and the benefits of global cooperation.<br>Cette thèse a pour objet l'étude des contrôles du commerce et de la prolifération de la technologie spatiale. Elle se concentre sur deux questions majeures illustrant d'une part les défis que poseraient une future réforme et d'autre part les perspectives que cette dernière serait susceptible d'ouvrir. La première question examinée est le défi posé par une réforme de la politique et du droit interne au regard de la diversité de la règlementation internationale. Elle est abordée à travers une étude de cas portant sur le régime américain de contrôle des exportations de satellites de communication. La seconde question concerne les conséquences internationales induites par le contrôle du commerce et de la prolifération de la technologie spatiale sur la coopération spatiale civile mondiale. Cette thèse vise à démontrer que les Etats opèrent dans un système juridique international qui entretient un dilemme sécuritaire auto-justifié provenant du droit international des Etats à produire, acquérir et entretenir des technologies spatiales d'ordre militaire. Par conséquent, le système juridique international gouvernant le commerce et la prolifération de la technologie spatiale génère une tension entre les besoins de sécurité nationale tels qu'ils sont perçus et les bénéfices d'une coopération mondiale.

This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science

Even though international cooperation traditionally is a concept encountered in public international law, it has an important role to play in the private satellite communications sector. Satellite communications being activities that intrinsically have a global outreach, mutatis mutandis they require legal rules that would not focus on purely regional or local interests. National and international space law have for the past decade encountered criticism with respect to obvious insufficiencies that in turn affected space activities. The first reaction of learned space lawyers was to call for some redrafting of international space law. A second thought about it had them take into account national legislation in this possible harmonization process, but in any case this was to primarily be of concern for States.<br>However, the new millennium has brought its share of intellectual renewal and in the field of space law it has been translated in the acknowledgement that the private sector would have an important role to play, on the international scene, for the improvement of space law. It is this new legal thinking that has been characterized as "international cooperation" as applied to the private sector, that is the subject of this study. Hence, what is looked at is the position of the satellite communications sector on the international scene and what expertise it has to share with public fora for the overall improvement of space law and space activities.

La Chine, avec sa forte volonté de devenir une puissance mondiale, a connu beaucoup de succès en matière d’activités spatiales et est toujours en train de développer son secteur spatial. Elle est à ce jour considérée comme une puissance spatiale par les autres pays après son premier vol spatial habité en 2003. Aujourd’hui, la Chine dispose de plusieurs séries de satellites, propose des services de lancements sur le marché international, et procède à l’exploration de l’espace extra-atmosphérique par le programme d’exploration de la Lune. Malgré tous les succès chinois, des problèmes existent quant à l’administration et à la législation en la matière.Nonobstant les changements de directeurs et des politiques générales du pays, la politique spatiale reste assez cohérente. Le système administratif pour mettre en oeuvre la politique spatiale chinoise et pour entreprendre les programmes spatiaux est assez complexe et manque de cohérence. Malgré les défauts du système, la politique spatiale chinoise est quand même bien mise en oeuvre à l’échelle nationale par les institutions administratives parce qu’à ce jour, les activités spatiales chinoises sont exercées quasi-totalement par le gouvernement. A l’échelle internationale, la Chine, désirant devenir puissance spatiale et ensuite puissance mondiale, participe alors activement au sein des organisations internationales compétentes en matière spatiale et développe des coopérations bilatérales avec les autres pays ou régions, ce qui a bien mis en oeuvre la politique spatiale de coopération.En matière de la législation pour les activités spatiales, la Chine est assez en retard. Seuls deux documents juridiques valables à l’échelle nationale sont adoptés à ce jour pour réglementer le secteur spatial. Une loi spatiale exhaustive est nécessaire pour répondre aux besoins du développement des activités spatiales et de coopérations et à la tendance mondiale de privatiser commercialiser le secteur, et remplir les obligations internationales de la Chine parce qu’elle a signé quatre traités spatiaux parmi les cinq qui servent de base du droit international de l’espace. Hormis les principes internationaux sur la responsabilité de l’Etat posés par les traités onusiens, il y a également d’autres aspects juridiques qui peuvent être intégrés dans une loi nationale spatiale. Des propositions sont faites après avoir étudié les lois nationales des autres pays pour élaborer une loi spatiale chinoise : mettre en place une autorité administrative durable avec les compétences bien définies pour réglementer les opérations spatiales chinoises ; définir des termes importants; déterminer le partage de responsabilité encas de dommages causés par les activités spatiales et les critères financiers pour ceux qui désirent entreprendre des activités spatiales ; fixer et préciser les sanctions ; améliorer le système d’immatriculation des objets spatiaux ; intégrer un régime de réparation pour les dommages causés par les activités spatiales.La Chine a mis l’accent sur les activités spatiales « utiles », à savoir les activités pouvant contribuer directement à l’amélioration de la vie du peuple ou à d’autres domaines de la société. Les applications spatiales sont alors particulièrement importantes pour la Chine, notamment les télécommunications par satellites. Après l’adhésion de la Chine à l’OMC, le marché chinois des télécommunications est en train de s’ouvrir vers le reste du monde. Néanmoins, la Chine n’a pas encore adopté une loi exhaustive sur les télécommunications, même si plusieurs règlements ont été mis en place pour réglementer ce domaine, tout en intégrant les dispositions de l’UIT. La législation chinoise pour les autres domaines d’applications spatiales, telles que la télédétection, la navigation par satellites et la télévision par satellites, est également en retard, particulièrement parce que ces applications sont largement contrôlées par le gouvernement. En matière de télédétection, il n’est pas nécessaire pour la Chine d’élaborer des règles juridique. Concernant la navigation satellitaire, il n’y a pas de régime juridique international. La Chine est en train de développer son propre système Bei Dou de navigation par satellites, une politique chinoise en la matière est nécessaire pour le développement du système et la commercialisation des services. De plus, il vaut mieux que les règles en matière de contrats soient perfectionnées pour répondre aux spécificités de services de navigation satellitaire. Les règles chinoises en matière de télévision par satellite limitent strictement la liberté d’information, mais quelques catégories de contenus généralement interdites par les Etats avancés en matière législative ne sont pas limitées, à savoir les contenus sur le génocide, l’apartheid, la propagande, et la protection spéciale des mineurs et des femmes. Il est conseillé d’ajouter des règles interdisant ces contenus dans la loi chinoise et de modifier peu à peu les règles déjà pour que le peuple chinois puisse bénéficier d’une plus grande liberté d’information<br>China, with its strong desire to become a world power, has been very successful in terms of space activities and is always trying to develop its space industry. It is considered as a space power by other countries after its manned flight in 2003. Today, China owns several series of satellites, provides launch services on the international market, and has begun its activities in the field of space exploration by the lunar exploration program. Despite all the successes of China, there are problems with the administration and legislation in this area.Notwithstanding changes in directors and in general policies of the country, the Chinese space policy has remained relatively consistent. But the Chinese administrative system to implement the space policy and to undertake the space programs is rather complex and lacks coherence. Despite the shortcomings of the administrative system, the Chinese space policy has still been well implemented nationally by the space institutions because today, China’s space activities are carried out almost entirely by the government. Internationally, China, willing to become a space power and then a world power, has been participating in relevant international organizations and developing bilateral cooperation with other countries or regions.In terms of legislation on space activities, China has fallen behind the other space powers. Only two legal documents have been adopted so far to regulate the Chinese space sector. A comprehensive space law is necessary to meet the needs for development of space activities and cooperation, for global trend to privatize the sector, and for fulfilling the international obligations of China since it has signed four of the five space treaties that formed the basis of international space law. Apart from the international principles on state responsibility and liability raised by the UN treaties, other legal aspects can also be integrated into a national space law. Proposals for developing a comprehensive Chinese space law are made after considering the national laws of other countries: to establish a sustainable administrative authority with clearly defined powers to regulation China’s space operations, to define key terms, to determine the allocation of liability in case of damage caused by space activities and financial criteria for those who wish to undertake space activities, to establish a penalty system, to improve the registration system of space objects, and to integrate a redress system for damage caused by space activities

In 1980, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) made its first serious pitch to Congress in support of a permanently manned outpost in low earth orbit. Their initial case for the program’s necessity heavily relied on Cold War logics and military thinking, with international participation functioning as a mere afterthought. Although NASA and its foreign partners now flaunt the evidence of their successful cooperation, the internationalism inherent in the station’s current name and form was the result of station development, not the initial goal of NASA officials. Two major shifts defined NASA’s treatment of the space station over the course of its development. The first was a turn away from collaboration with the military. For previous projects, such as the space shuttle program, NASA had depended on military backing to justify the expense of human spaceflight to Congress. This military backing ensured that NASA’s interactions with international agencies remained shallow. The shift away from the military which occurred with the space station revealed the tension between NASA’s civilian nature and its military ties, and proved the turning point in NASA’s evolution into a truly civilian agency. Of all the international partners, Japan’s involvement was crucial to the changes which took place at NASA through the space station program as, in the moment of truth, Japan’s strident objections to the possibility of Pentagon contributions made military and international involvements incompatible. The second change was a transition towards more substantial international collaborations with foreign space agencies, which NASA increasingly saw as crucial to the success of the project and as a replacement for military backing before Congress. This paper argues that this increasing focus on the international aspects of the space station was driven by the cooling of the relationship between NASA and the military, which left NASA scrambling for funding and supporters for the space station. It was the domestic political situation, not a sense of internationalism, which compelled the internationalization of both the station and the agency.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico<br>This research seeks to portray and analyze the process of internationalization and the international cooperation of higher education in Brazil, since 2010 mainly, when it is inaugurated the Federal University of Latin American Integration (UNILA) in the city Foz do IguaÃu-PR, with regional integration proposal, through the teaching of Latin American countries and the Caribbean, and also that year it was founded the University of International Integration of African Brazilian Lusophone (UNILAB) having an integrative proposal between the nations that make up the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLC), comprising Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, Portugal, Sao Tome and Principe, East Timor, Equatorial Guinea and Brazil in the city of RedenÃÃo-CE. With these universities Brazil presents to the world, an internationalization project by higher education, through a cooperation project called South, with a promise to ensure the humanistic, scientific and technological knowledge and the partnership in South Atlantic area, which appears as an area of political interest to Brazil for some time. The main aim of this research is to understand the strategies for internationalization of higher education in a globalized world, and to know how Brazil has been acting in this process. In this study we used as methodological basis, a descriptive exploratory survey on the perception of internationalization of higher education, from international universities in Brazil, and geopolitical and economic interests in Latin America and Africa. We interviewed teachers, administrative staff, students and people from the society, to get a sense of social actors involved and we based on literary scholars authors on the subject. We seek to understand in this study, how educational policies may interfere with power relations and local arrangements, allowing greater regional role in a globalized world. We obtained as results that the challenges are many, internally and externally, in the institution and in the municipalities involved, but it is geographically feasible and relevant for educational policies in the South Atlantic zone.<br>Essa pesquisa procura apresentar e analisar o processo de internacionalizaÃÃo e a cooperaÃÃo internacional do ensino superior no Brasil a partir principalmente do ano de 2010, quando à inaugurada a Universidade Federal da IntegraÃÃo Latino Americana (UNILA) na cidade de Foz do IguaÃu-PR, com a proposta de integraÃÃo regional, atravÃs do ensino dos paÃses da AmÃrica Latina e Caribe e tambÃm nesse ano foi fundada a Universidade da IntegraÃÃo Internacional da Lusofonia Afro-Brasileira (UNILAB) possuindo uma proposta integradora, entre as naÃÃes que compÃem a Comunidade dos PaÃses de LÃngua Portuguesa (CPLP), formada por: Angola, Cabo Verde, GuinÃ-Bissau, MoÃambique, Portugal, SÃo Tomà e PrÃncipe, Timor-Leste, Guinà Equatorial e Brasil na cidade de RedenÃÃo-CE. Com essas universidades o Brasil apresenta ao mundo um projeto de internacionalizaÃÃo, por meio do ensino superior, atravÃs de uma proposta de cooperaÃÃo denominada Sul-Sul, com a promessa de garantir o conhecimento humanÃstico, cientÃfico, tecnolÃgico e a cooperaÃÃo solidÃria na zona do AtlÃntico Sul, que se apresenta como Ãrea de interesse polÃtico para o Brasil hà algum tempo. O principal objetivo dessa pesquisa à compreender as estratÃgias para a internacionalizaÃÃo do ensino superior em um mundo globalizado, e como o Brasil vem agindo nesse processo. Nesse estudo utilizamos como embasamento metodolÃgico um levantamento descritivo e exploratÃrio sobre a percepÃÃo da internacionalizaÃÃo do ensino superior, a partir das universidades de integraÃÃo internacional no Brasil, e os interesses geopolÃticos e econÃmicos na AmÃrica Latina e na Ãfrica. Entrevistamos professores, tÃcnicos administrativos, alunos e pessoas da prÃpria sociedade, para obter uma visÃo dos atores sociais envolvidos e nos embasamos na literatura de autores estudiosos no assunto. Procuramos entender nesse estudo, como polÃticas educacionais podem interferir nas relaÃÃes de poder e nos arranjos locais, possibilitando uma maior atuaÃÃo regional em um mundo globalizado. Obtivemos como resultados que os desafios sÃo muitos, a nÃvel interno e externo, na prÃpria instituiÃÃo e nos municÃpios envolvidos, porÃm à geograficamente viÃvel e de relevÃncia para as polÃticas educacionais na zona do AtlÃntico Sul.

Потенційне використання космосу у військових цілях представляє собою нову і дуже серйозну загроза для міжнародного миру та безпеки. Загроза вторгнення в космос має глобальний характер, і небезпечніше тим, що на відміну від атомної зброї, вона належно не усвідомлена міжнародним співтовариством. Договір з космосу (1967 р.) зобов'язує держави при вивченні і використанні космічного простору уникати забруднення, оскільки небесні тіла оголошено загальною спадщиною людства. При цитуванні документа, використовуйте посилання http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/33373

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Emmilyne Christine do Nascimento.pdf: 3101255 bytes, checksum: 57ea0d9a59f61cb186c67d00b101ca0f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-21<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>This paper analyzes the reasons why Brazil and Ukraine builded the binational company Alcantara Cyclone Space (ACS), which aims at international marketing of satellite launches from Launch Center of Alcantara (LCA). Thus, sought to reflect on the feasibility of this partnership to the expected results by the two States. It is understood that cooperation between Brazil and Ukraine falls within the parameters of Brazilian South-South technical cooperation, where one can already see that this partnership changed the course trodden by the Brazilian space program, considering that Brazil (which does not have a rocket launch itself), joining with Ukraine, might as well join the group of countries that has a complete space program. We conclude that the need to address the limitations and the desire to compete in the space sector are moving to Brazil and Ukraine to join forces to keep the company ACS in activity and to continue in the process of cooperation, which is heading towards a breakthrough both technical (exchange of students and technicians from both countries) and technological (joint construction of the next rocket ACS, Cyclone-5). It is understood that the marketing of space services is the focus of the project ACS and intentions as technology transfer is part of the partnership as a possibility, but not as a reality.<br>O presente trabalho analisa os motivos que levaram o Brasil e a Ucrânia a construírem a empresa binacional Alcântara Cyclone Space (ACS), visando à comercialização internacional de lançamentos de satélites a partir do Centro de Lançamento de Alcântara (CLA). Buscou-se assim, refletir sobre a viabilidade dessa parceria e o quanto ela pode proporcionar aos dois Estados na concretização dos interesses esperados com a referida empresa. Entende-se que a cooperação entre o Brasil e a Ucrânia enquadra-se nos parâmetros brasileiros de cooperação técnica sul-sul, de onde já se pode perceber que tal parceria mudou os rumos trilhados pelo programa espacial brasileiro, tendo em vista que o Brasil (que não possui um foguete de lançamento próprio), ao se unir com a Ucrânia, pode assim ingressar no grupo restrito de países que detém um completo programa espacial. Conclui-se que a necessidade de suprir as limitações e o desejo de competir no setor espacial estão movendo o Brasil e a Ucrânia a unir forças para manter a empresa ACS em atividade e a dar continuidade em seu processo de cooperação, que caminha para um avanço tanto no âmbito técnico (intercambio de alunos e técnicos de ambos os países) quanto tecnológico (construção conjunta do próximo foguete da ACS, Cyclone-5). Entende-se que a comercialização de serviços espaciais é o foco do projeto ACS e que intenções como a transferência de tecnologia é parte da parceria como uma possibilidade, mas não como uma realidade atual.

This thesis has been prepared as urban study BVV in Brno. The project deals with the revitalization of the area, streamlining usage in the long run. The area is delimited to the northeast street Hlinka, southwest Street Bauer. The territory is located near the center of Brno, near the Mendel Square. It is directly connected to the ring road. The main objectives of the project are to restore its original luster campus, thanks to which Brno became known in the world - to create an international cultural and sports science node. Open to the public year-round resort and create new areas of specific housing related to the function of the complex.

Orientador: Andre Tosi Furtado<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T20:06:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CostaFilho_EdmilsondeJesus_D.pdf: 2183949 bytes, checksum: ffde0322a264c0cdd6e0349a07af46ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006<br>Resumo: O êxito da cooperação espacial sul-sul pode ser considerado um caso sui generis na literatura internacional, devido às dificuldades inerentes que os projetos de co-desenvolvimento cientifico e tecnológico imputam a países periféricos. O trabalho tem por objetivo fazer uma análise de um programa de cooperação tecnológica sino-brasileira na área espacial, o Programa CBERS, buscando enfocar a dimensão do aprendizado do Brasil com a cooperação. Esta análise foi estruturada em torno de três eixos: macro, relacionado ao aspecto político da cooperação; meso, relacionado ao aspecto organizacional do INPE; e micro, relacionados aos aspectos científicos e tecnológicos da área de Engenharia e Tecnologia Espacial do instituto. Segundo a proposta metodológica, estes eixos se complementam e se interligam formando uma ferramenta capaz de analisar o aprendizado da cooperação. O estudo se baseou em um levantamento de informações quantitativas e qualitativas junto ao INPE e ao MRE, assim como em entrevistas com técnicos brasileiros participantes do programa. Os resultados do estudo apontam que, embora os três eixos sejam igualmente importantes para o aprendizado nacional, estes apresentaram um claro desbalanceamento, onde a dimensão política e a organizacional do Programa no Brasil tiveram um avanço maior em detrimento das dimensões científicas e tecnológicas<br>Abstract: The success of south-south space cooperation may be considered a unique case in the international literature, due to the difficulties concerning to scientific and technological co-development which peripheral countries face. This research intends to analyze a China-Brazil technological cooperation program on the space field (the CBERS Program), seeking to focus on the dimension of Brazilian learning with the cooperation. This analysis was structured over three focuses: macro, related to the political aspect of the cooperation; meso, related to the organizational aspect of INPE (National Institute for Space Researches); and micro, related to the scientific and technological aspects of the Institute¿s Engineering and Space Technology Division. According to the methodological proposal, these focuses match and link to each other, becoming a tool which is able to analyze the learning process upon the cooperation. This study was based on a both quantitative and qualitative information survey provided by the INPE and the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MRE), and also on interviews with Brazilian technicians who participated in the program. The results of the study point out that, although the three focuses have equal importance for the national learning, they present clear unbalance: the political and organizational dimension had a more significant advance than the scientific and technological dimensions of the Program in Brazil<br>Doutorado<br>Doutor em Política Científica e Tecnológica

Le mécanisme de responsabilité internationale des États en matière spatiale est double : la responsabilité contrôle énoncée par l’Article VI du Traité de l’Espace et la responsabilité pour dommages posée par l’Article VII du Traité et mise en œuvre par la Convention sur la responsabilité internationale pour les dommages causés par des objets spatiaux. Les activités des entités non gouvernementales sont permises à condition qu’elles soient autorisées et continûment surveillées par les États. La montée en puissance des entités privées dans le domaine spatial à côté des entités gouvernementales a amené les États à se doter progressivement de législations nationales qui poursuivent des objectifs aussi bien économiques que stratégiques. Il est évident que les traités spatiaux sont inadéquats au traitement de toutes les questions découlant de la commercialisation des activités spatiales. Par ailleurs, les concepts primordiaux employés dans les traités spatiaux sont mis à l’épreuve par la commercialisation/ la privatisation des activités spatiales. Le principe de responsabilité spatiale conserve-t-il encore son effectivité dans ce contexte ? Le régime de responsabilité spatiale entrave-t-il le développement des activités privées? Est-il devenu démodé dans la réglementation de ces activités? Voici l’interrogation qui nous guide tout au long de cette étude : par quels moyens et dans quelle mesure les législations nationales relatives aux opérations spatiales remplissent-elles un rôle complémentaire à celui des traités spatiaux ? Pour y répondre, dans un premier temps, nous nous intéresserons aux fondements juridiques des législations nationales relatives aux opérations spatiales. Nous nous focaliserons particulièrement sur la manière dont les États réceptionnent les traités spatiaux. En plus de se conformer aux engagements découlant des traités spatiaux, les législations nationales relatives aux opérations spatiales permettent aux États d’élaborer une politique juridique spatiale favorisant le développement de leur industrie spatiale. Les législations nationales ont pourtant des limites qui nécessitent d’être palliées par une coopération internationale<br>States bear responsibility for their national space activities according to Article VI of the Outer Space Treaty and liability for damages caused by space objects under Article VII of the Outer Space Treaty and the Liability Convention. The activities of non-governmental entities in outer space have been permitted to the condition of authorization and continuing supervision by the appropriate State Party to the Outer Space Treaty. The emergence of non-governmental entities in the space field has been the origin of the multiplication of national space legislations, which have been economic and strategic tools for States. It is clear that space treaties are inadequate to deal with all issues relating to the commercialization of space activities. In addition, the basic concepts of space treaties have been challenged and reinterpreted. In this context, space treaties have still been relevant in the changing context of space? The responsibility and liability regime provided by them are hindering the development of space activities? Here is the question guiding our research: By what means and to which extent national space legislations have played a complementary role to that of space treaties? In response to this in the first instance, we will study the basis of national space legislations on space operations, in other words the implementation of space treaties at the national level. Subsequently, we will underscore the legal policy of States, which serves the development of local space industry. It is also necessary to recall that national space legislations have limits, which must be remedied by an international cooperation

Dans un contexte bipolaire Est-Ouest, l’accord de coopération spatiale franco-soviétique conclu lors de la détente demande la réalisation de programmes spatiaux engageant l’action des scientifiques. Cette recherche étudie les interactions entre les politiques publiques et la capacité d’agir des organismes délégués et des réseaux scientifiques en France et en URSS entre 1966 et 1988. L’analyse vise à appréhender la capacité des acteurs à répondre aux objectifs assignés à cette politique de coopération. L’objectif diplomatique vise à « dépasser l’affrontement entre les deux blocs » lancé en 1966 sur le long terme, faisant de la coopération bilatérale un instrument de diplomatie scientifique, et l’objectif visant à matérialiser la relation sous forme de projets spatiaux automatiques et de missions de vols habités. Des réseaux de scientifiques russes et français contribuent à l’internationalisation des sciences, comme le montrent en 1986 le projet VEGA et les missions de vols habités PVH et Aragatz. La manière dont ces objectifs interfèrent avec des facteurs structurels externes met en lumière la capacité des acteurs à établir une gouvernance au moyen d’une communication innovante, formelle et informelle. Dans un contexte de relations internationales parfois tendues, la démonstration de cette aptitude renforce le champ de la diplomatie spatiale. Il s’agira de contribuer à une histoire croisée de la coopération spatiale en France et en URSS. L’ambition est de rendre compte, par l’analyse des interactions des réseaux scientifiques du spatial avec le politique et dans le contexte des relations internationales des Etats, de leur capacité à coopérer en situation concurrentielle. Cette démarche entend contribuer à la relecture d’une séquence de la guerre froide que l’historiographie récente revisite par les circulations Est-Ouest<br>In the East-West bipolar context, a Franco-Soviet space cooperation agreement demanding the implementation of space programs involving the work of scientists was concluded in 1966. This thesis examines the interactions between the public politics applied in centralised institutions between 1966 and 1988, and the capacity of delegated bodies and scientific networks in France and the USSR to act in a situation characterized by periods of retraction and détente.The analysis draws on the role of politics of cooperation having two distinct objectives: the superior and long-term political goal of "overcoming the confrontation of the two blocs" launched in 1966, for which bilateral cooperation becomes the instrument of scientific diplomacy, and the objective to materialise the relationship in the form of joint robotic space and human spaceflight projects. The way in which these objectives are influenced by external factors highlights the capability of actors to establish a system of governance through innovative formal and informal communication. In a context of sometimes tense international relations, the demonstration of this aptitude reinforces the field of a space diplomacy. This work will contribute to an intertwined history of space cooperation between France and the USSR. The ambition is to account for their ability to collaborate in a competitive situation by analysing the interactions between scientific networks in space and politics intertwined with international relations between the states.This approach aims to contribute to the re-reading of a sequence of the Cold War that recent historiography revisits through East-West circulations

L'art comme jeu n'est pas une simple métaphore. Il correspond à la forme que prennent de nombreuses œuvres d'art notamment les maquettes et miniatures contemporaines et aujourd'hui le jeu est représenté ou mis en scène dans de nombreuses expositions. Cependant l'artiste n'est pas un joueur comme les autres mais un joueur professionnel qui s'oppose à la figure du non-artiste ou de l'artiste amateur défendue par les artistes des avant-gardes qui avaient élevé le jeu au rang d'art. Alors que la consommation de l'art prend la forme d'un divertissement à grande échelle et que l'on assiste à une Disneylandisation des musées, l'art contemporain comme jeu ne semble plus aussi subversif que celui des années soixante. Pourtant l'art comme jeu en tant que modèle et outil de changement social perdure. C'est un art d'attitude, héritier des dernières avant-gardes, se tenant en dehors des frontières habituelles de l'art et réalisant le dépassement souhaité par les situationnistes ou Allan Kaprow<br>Art as play is not only a metaphor. It is the particular form of many works of art, especially contemporary models and miniatures. Play itself is nowadays represented or staged in numerous exhibitions. However, the artist is not a player like any other but a professional player in contrast to the figure of the non-artist or amateur artist defended by avant-garde artists who had raised play to the level of art. While the consumption of art takes the form of large-scale entertainment and we witness a Disneylandisation of museums, contemporary art as play no longer seems as subversive as it did in the sixties. Yet art as play as model and tool for social change endures. It is an art of attitude, heir to the last avant-gardes, standing outside the usual boundaries of art and an art that achieves the desired by Allan Kaprow and the Situationists

Problemem naukowym analizowanym w pracy jest zagadnienie współpracy państw i organizacji międzynarodowych w działalności kosmicznej zorientowanej na badanie, eksperymentalne wykorzystanie i poszerzanie ludzkiej obecności w przestrzeni kosmicznej. Celem pracy jest pogłębienie zrozumienia zasad i mechanizmów funkcjonowania współpracy międzynarodowej w działalności kosmicznej w kontekście motywacji kierujących państwami w niej uczestniczącymi. Przeprowadzona analiza pozwala na odniesienie wypracowanych wniosków do realizacji projektów międzynarodowych w działalności kosmicznej, a także w innych wielkoskalowych programach o charakterze naukowo-technicznym. Wybrane wnioski formułowane są w postaci rekomendacji mających znaczenie praktyczne dla kształtowania form współpracy w przyszłości. Analizy prowadzone w pracy oparte są w dużym stopniu na doświadczeniu współpracy międzynarodowej w budowie i eksploatacji Międzynarodowej Stacji Kosmicznej (ISS). Zastosowane w pracy ujęcie badawcze na pierwszym planie stawia czynniki polityczne, strategiczne i ekonomiczne, traktując zagadnienie współpracy w działalności kosmicznej jako element stosunków międzynarodowych państw, posiadający własną dynamikę, ale podlegający wpływowi ogólnej sytuacji międzynarodowej, jak również nań oddziałujący. Aspekty operacyjne, naukowe i techniczne działalności kosmicznej, choć często niemożliwe do pominięcia, traktowane są drugoplanowo. Wnioski z badań jednoznacznie potwierdzają, iż współpraca w działalności kosmicznej, która została oparta na poprawnym zidentyfikowaniu interesów partnerów, a następnie wypracowaniu formy zapewniającej spełnianie i równoważenie oczekiwań oraz rozwinięciu efektywnych mechanizmów implementacji, przynosi korzyści każdemu z uczestników. Dzięki współpracy międzynarodowej rozwój badań i pokojowego wykorzystania przestrzeni kosmicznej postępuje szybciej i bardziej efektywnie. Z tego powodu badania służące poznaniu mechanizmów takiej współpracy i jej optymalizowaniu stanowić powinny istotny obszar nauki zajmującej się współczesnymi stosunkami międzynarodowymi. W pracy przedstawiono również uwarunkowania polskiej polityki kosmicznej ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem jej międzynarodowych aspektów. Sformułowano szereg obserwacji dotyczących praktycznych sposobów realizacji tej polityki i wskazano działania, które powinny zostać podjęte dla możliwie najbardziej efektywnego wykorzystania możliwości, jakie otwiera dla Polski współpraca międzynarodowa. The Ph.D. dissertation is focused on the subject of international cooperation of states and international organisations in space activities. It covers exploration and experimental utilisation of space and human expansion beyond Earth. The goal of the research was to improve understanding of principles and mechanisms of international cooperation in space activities, with particular focus on motivations of state actors. The results of the analysis are applicable for both international space projects and large scale non-space scientific and technical projects. Several observations are presented in a form of recommendations for future international cooperation ventures. Main part of the analysis covers the development and utilisation of the International Space Station (ISS). The research was primarily focused on political, strategic and economic factors in international space cooperation, which was regarded as a separate element of international relations of states, with its own dynamics reflecting changes in international environment. The operational, scientific and technical aspects of space activities were of secondary interest. The research confirmed that the international cooperation may result in benefits shared by all partners only if it is founded on a correct identification of partners’ interests, followed by a development of forms of cooperation effectively balancing their expectations and creation of mechanisms for their efficient implementation. In most cases the mutually beneficial international cooperation leads to faster and more effective exploration and utilisation of space. Therefore the research aimed at better understanding of space cooperation and its optimisation may provide tangible benefits and should represent a part of international relations research activities. The dissertation also covers selected aspects of the Polish space policy, with particular focus on its international dimension. Several observations related to practical implementation of the space policy were formulated. Some actions that can lead to the most effective use of opportunities represented by international cooperation were identified.

The thesis deals with the question of militarization and weaponization of the outer space and it analyse the actor's behaviour regarding space militarization and weaponization. The aim of the thesis is to find out whether the key actors cooperate or not in dealing with the use of the outer space. The relations between the key actors are analysed from the perspective of the game theory, particularly with the two models of behaviour: prisoner's dilemma and the tragedy of the commons. These models are used based on the assumption that they best describe the relations between actors in international relations as either cooperative or competitive. The aim is to evaluate whether these two models are valid in researching the behaviour of the key actors in the question of militarization of space. The analysed actors are the United States, Russia and China, as these are the three most important and successful space-faring nations with the biggest potential in the future of space exploration. Analysing their relations, the thesis attempts to evaluate whether the two models of the game theory are valid or not. For evaluating the prisoner's dilemma, bilateral relations are analysed, for the tragedy of the commons, their multilateral relations are analysed. What we learn from the analysis is that both models...

South African law treats planning and the environment separately, causing considerable problems when developing land. Concerns in this regard are worldwide and various approaches have been adopted to solve them. This research seeks to explore what legal solutions can be provided using some international examples, fitting them within the unique governance, historical and legal context of South Africa.<br>Jurisprudence<br>LLM