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Journal articles on the topic 'International relations – Public opinion'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Riabova, A. L. "Public Opinion and International Relations." St. Petersburg State Polytechnical University Journal. Humanities and Social Sciences 215, no. 1 (April 2015): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5862/jhss.215.8.

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2

Dumoulin, Michel. "Opinion publique et politique extérieure en Belgique de 1945 à 1962 : Orientation des études et perspectives de la recherche en Belgique." Res Publica 27, no. 1 (March 31, 1985): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i1.20377.

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There are very few publications concerning the history of the foreign policy of Belgium. Those concerning the relation between public opinion and international relations are even less frequent. Based on publications of the results of public opinion polls organized by the Universitary lnstitute for Economic and Social Information (INSOC), and a limitedchoice of other written sources, it is possible to prove that the call on the public opinion concerning the history of international relations, and even more for the decision making, must be treated very carefully. In fact, there doesn't exist just one but several public opinions. The reactions in Belgium on the resolution of the United Nation concerningthe division of Palestine may be a clear example of the latter.

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3

von Bogdandy, Armin, Matthias Goldmann, and Ingo Venzke. "From Public International to International Public Law: Translating World Public Opinion into International Public Authority." European Journal of International Law 28, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 115–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chx002.

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4

Osée, Utangisila Bena, Bijimine Tshipamba Bijoux, Shafiko Biasuba Didier, and Elembe Oyangondo François. "Individuals and International Public Opinion as an Actor in International Relations." Open Journal of Social Sciences 07, no. 03 (2019): 478–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jss.2019.73039.

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5

INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Soft Power of Civil Society in International Relations." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 4 (November 1, 2012): 473–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000229.

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This special issue focuses on the role of civil society in international relations. It highlights the dynamics and impacts of public opinion on international relations (Zaller, 1992). Until recently, it was usual to consider public opinion in terms of its influence on policy makers and in terms of moulding public opinion in the broad frame of the policy makers in one's country. Given that public opinion in the United States was assessed and judged so frequently and diffused so globally, it was natural to frame questions guided by those concepts which pertained to the global and domestic context of the United States.

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6

Kono, Daniel Y. "Does Public Opinion Affect Trade Policy?" Business and Politics 10, no. 2 (August 2008): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1224.

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Although scholars have begun to explore the determinants of public attitudes toward trade policy, we still do not know whether these attitudes have policy consequences. This paper presents the first systematic analysis of this question. I find that higher public support for free trade leads to lower tariffs, but only in democracies. I also find that democracy leads to lower tariffs only where public support for free trade is relatively high. Hence, although both public opinion and regime type are important, neither matters independently of the other. This finding suggests a need for further research on the conditional effects of both.

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7

Druckman, James N., and Thomas J. Leeper. "Is Public Opinion Stable? Resolving the Micro/Macro Disconnect in Studies of Public Opinion." Daedalus 141, no. 4 (October 2012): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00173.

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Public opinion matters, both as a central element of democratic theory and as a substantive foundation for political representation. The origins and nature of public opinion have long attracted the attention of social scientists. Yet a number of questions remain; among the more perplexing is whether–and under what conditions–public opinion is stable. The answer depends in large part on whether one looks at aggregations of individual opinions (macro public opinion) or at the individual opinions themselves (micro public opinion). In this essay, we explore the macro/micro divide and offer a framework to determine when opinions are likely to be stable or volatile. This framework reflects both the content of the political environment and the nature of individuals' opinions. Using public opinion dynamics surrounding the Patriot Act as a primary example, we discuss the role of opinion stability in interpreting public opinion and in understanding the normative implications of public preferences.

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FURIA, PETER A., and RUSSELL E. LUCAS. "Determinants of Arab Public Opinion on Foreign Relations." International Studies Quarterly 50, no. 3 (September 2006): 585–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00415.x.

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9

Esmer, Yilmaz. "The Turkish public opinion and Europe." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 10, no. 1 (September 1996): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557579608400127.

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10

Anderson, Christopher J., and Jason D. Hecht. "The preference for Europe: Public opinion about European integration since 1952." European Union Politics 19, no. 4 (August 9, 2018): 617–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518792306.

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To determine how public opinion matters for the politics of European integration, we need to know what Europeans say about Europe. Yet, despite a proliferation of analyses of public support for Europe, fundamental questions remain. First, does aggregate opinion reflect a single preference for Europe? Second, is the content of opinions similar across countries? Third, have opinions about Europe become more structured over time? Finally, what are the long-term dynamics in opinions about Europe? To answer these questions, we construct a new dataset of historical public opinion since 1952 in France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Over the long run, aggregate opinion toward Europe reflects one dominant underlying dimension and its content is similar across countries. We examine the trends in support for Europe.

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11

Jones, Erik, and Niels van der Bijl. "Public Opinion and Enlargement." European Union Politics 5, no. 3 (September 2004): 331–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116504045156.

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12

Smith, Eric R. A. N. "What is public opinion?" Critical Review 10, no. 1 (January 1996): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913819608443410.

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13

Nemirova, Natalia. "Russian-American relations in the public opinion of Russia and the USA." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 14, no. 4 (2022): 409–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.403.

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The article is devoted to the study of Russian-American relations through the prism of public opinion of both countries. Foreign political views of citizens are an important element of international politics in the modern information society; they directly affect the development of international relations, providing an opportunity to legitimize and moralize foreign policy decisions of world leaders. Based on open secondary data from opinion polls, the article traces the history of the development of Russian-American relations in the post-Soviet period. The author proves that the formation of anti-Americanism ideas underlying the current reversion of consciousness to the Cold War era was formed by the early 2000s. The personality of President Vladimir Putin and his foreign policy strategy have become decisive for Russian-American relations, but at the same time, negative identification in the system of images of “friends and enemies” of Russians and Americans is realized by value-based foreign policy ideas, rather than by opportunistic situational value judgments. The media produces the existing crisis agenda, influencing the emotional, rather than meaningful response in citizens’ opinions. The events of 2014 triggered the current long-term crisis in Russian-American relations, a characteristic feature of which was the disparity (asymmetry) of mutual perceptions, which intensified after 2018. This period is also characterized by an increase in the ambivalence and turbulence of public opinion, primitivizing its model to the expression of the bloc consciousness “for — against”, “friend — enemy”. For Russians, their stance on the Ukrainian question alongside sanctions remain the key indicators in the perception of America. For Americans, such indicators are the strengthening of totalitarianism in Russia and interference in American elections. There are no short- and medium-term prospects for improving Russian-American relations in the current period.

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14

Roshandel, Jalil, and Sharon Chadha. "US‐Saudi relations and the (irrelevant) court of public opinion." RUSI Journal 147, no. 6 (December 2002): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840208446835.

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15

Bell, Mark S., and Kai Quek. "Authoritarian Public Opinion and the Democratic Peace." International Organization 72, no. 1 (October 26, 2017): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081831700042x.

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AbstractThe “democratic peace”—the regularity that democracies rarely (if ever) fight with other democracies but do fight with nondemocracies—is one of the most famous findings in international relations scholarship. There is little agreement, however, about the mechanism that underpins the democratic peace. Recently, scholars have shown that mass publics in liberal democracies are less supportive of using military force against other democracies. This finding has been taken to support the idea that the content of public opinion may provide one mechanism that underpins the democratic peace. Using a large-scale survey experiment, we show that mass publics in an authoritarian regime—China—show the same reluctance to use force against democracies as is found in western democracies. Our findings expand the empirical scope of the claim that mass publics are reluctant to use force against democracies, but force us to rethink how public opinion operates as a causal mechanism underpinning the democratic peace.

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16

Strezhnev, Anton, Beth A. Simmons, and Matthew D. Kim. "Rulers or Rules? International Law, Elite Cues and Public Opinion." European Journal of International Law 30, no. 4 (November 2019): 1281–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chaa002.

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Abstract One of the mechanisms by which international law can shape domestic politics is through its effects on public opinion. However, a growing number of national leaders have begun to advocate policies that ignore or even deny international law constraints. This article investigates whether international law messages can still shift public opinion even in the face of countervailing elite cues. It reports results from survey experiments conducted in three countries – the USA, Australia and India – which examined attitudes on a highly salient domestic political issue: restrictions on refugee admissions. In each experimental vignette, respondents were asked about their opinion on a proposed or ongoing restrictive refugee policy that was endorsed by the government but also likely contravened international refugee law. Respondents were randomly exposed to messages highlighting the policy’s illegality and/or elite endorsement. The results show that, on average, the international law messages had a small but significant persuasive effect in reducing support for the restrictive policy, at most 10 percentage points. Surprisingly, there was no evidence that the countervailing elite endorsement was a significant moderator of this effect. However, in the case of the USA and among Republican co-partisans of the president, the elite endorsement independently increased respondents’ beliefs that the restriction was legal under international law while having no effect on support for the policy. The results suggest that cues from domestic elites do not strictly trump those from international sources and that, despite cues about national leaders’ policy advocacy, international law can affect the attitudes of some voters even on an issue as heavily politicized as refugee policy.

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17

Graber, Doris A. "The Impact of Public Opinion on U.S. Foreign Policy Since Vietnam and International Public Opinion and the Bosnia Crisis." Perspectives on Politics 2, no. 04 (December 2004): 902–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592704870580.

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18

Lapolla, Arcangela. "Trends in Italian Public Opinion Towards Europe." International Spectator 41, no. 1 (January 2006): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932720609409031.

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19

Savigny, Heather. "Public Opinion, Political Communication and the Internet." Politics 22, no. 1 (February 2002): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00152.

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In contemporary society public opinion is generally mediated by the mass media, which has come to encompass the Habermasian ‘public sphere’. This arena is now characterised by the conflict between market and democratic principles, by competing interests of politicians and the media. The presentation of information for debate becomes distorted. The opinion of the ‘public’ is no longer created through deliberation, but is constructed through systems of communication, in conflict with political actors, who seek to retain control of the dissemination of information. The expansion of the internet as a new method of communication provides a potential challenge to the primacy of the traditional media and political parties as formers of public opinion.

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20

Malečková, Jitka, and Dragana Stanišić. "Public opinion and terrorist acts." European Journal of Political Economy 27 (December 2011): S107—S121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2011.04.001.

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21

AVŞAR, Abdulhamit. "THE ROLE VISUAL MEDIA AS A TOOL OF CULTURAL CONVERGENCE ON TURKEY-AZERBAIJAN RELATIONS." SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, no. 32 (July 15, 2022): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.657.

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Visual media has an important role in international relations, especially in ensuring cultural and social rapprochement, creating mutual awareness in public opinion. Many positive and negative opinions are formed through visual media. Today, there is closeness between the public opinion of Turkey and Azerbaijan that exceeds the will of the political administrations. Turkey's visual mass media, operating in Azerbaijan, have an important place in maintaining and strengthening this closeness, whose roots go back to the depths of history. In this context, Turkish visual media has assumed one of the main roles in the revival of cultural and social rapprochement between two peoples of the same ethnic origin, language and belief who have been separated for many years. In this context, Turkey's public broadcastindeg channel, Turkish Radio-Television Corporation (TRT), has a special place. TRT also opened its second representation in the Turkish Republics in Azerbaijan in 2001. In this way, it increased the number of news and programs and strengthened its contribution to the development of cultural and social relations between the two countries. In the period between 2004 and 2007, this contribution reached its peak, and besides its contribution to the promotion of Azerbaijan, it also contributed to the increase of a positive perception of Turkey in the Azerbaijani public. In this sense, it can be said that as a public diplomacy tool, it has been turned into one of the most important cultural tools in the relations between the two countries. However, it is noteworthy that there are no original studies on the effects of TRT's activities in Azerbaijan on public opinion formation and public diplomacy. The theoretical framework of this study was determined as the function of the press to form public opinion and public policy in international relations. For this purpose, the handling of the activities of the TRT Baku Representation Office in the Azerbaijani press between the years 2004-2007 and the impact of the broadcasting activities on setting the agenda will be evaluated.

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22

Caplan, Bryan, and Edward Stringham. "Mises, bastiat, public opinion, and public choice." Review of Political Economy 17, no. 1 (January 2005): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0953825042000313825.

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23

Fang, Songying, Xiaojun Li, and Adam Y. Liu. "Chinese Public Opinion about US–China Relations from Trump to Biden." Chinese Journal of International Politics 15, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poac001.

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Abstract Numerous public opinion surveys have found that Americans’ views of China have become extremely negative in recent years. Much less is understood about the trends in Chinese views of the USA and the countries’ bilateral relations. As leaders in both countries have come under public pressure about their policy stances toward the other side, it is critical to fill the gap. This study develops a theoretical argument about how a concern for political legitimacy may allow public opinion to influence foreign policy making in authoritarian countries, and it presents findings from a two-wave public opinion survey in China conducted before and after the 2020 US presidential election. The results show that Chinese evaluations of the bilateral relationship and of the USA slumped during the Trump era but rebounded somewhat after Biden took office. In addition, the majority of Chinese respondents believed their country to be the world’s largest and leading economy and favored China being the world’s leading power, either by itself or alongside the USA. Furthermore, younger and more educated respondents held more negative views, although these were mitigated by personal connections with and experiences in the USA. These findings have important policy implications.

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24

Akami, Tomoko. "The Emergence of International Public Opinion and the Origins of Public Diplomacy in Japan in the Inter-War Period." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 3, no. 2 (2008): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119108x323664.

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AbstractThis article argues that what we now call public diplomacy emerged in the mid- to late 1930s in the case of Japan. It questions the notion that public diplomacy is new in contrast to 'traditional' diplomacy. It also questions the conventional understanding of Japan's diplomatic isolationism of the 1930s. The article argues that as a result of greater mass political participation, the idea of 'international public opinion' emerged as a new norm in inter-war international politics. States increasingly regarded news and cultural activities as crucial resources of their soft power for winning this international public opinion. Responding to technological developments in communications, they developed a more systematic approach to propaganda in order to utilize these resources in mainstream foreign policy. Even in the age of the socalled rise of nationalism and diplomatic isolationism, Japan could neither afford not to respond to other states' actions nor to ignore international public opinion. In the diplomatic crises of the 1930s, Japan began to coordinate news and cultural propaganda activities, and integrated them into a broader propaganda scheme. Here we see the origin of what is now called public diplomacy. This modern and internationalist thinking then prepared the institutional base for wartime propaganda.

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25

Zhang, Juxi, and Chongyu Ma. "Analysis of Sino-Russian Media Cooperation and the Construction of International Online Public Opinion Discourse under the Dual Influence of Ecological and Online Environments." Journal of Environmental and Public Health 2022 (August 17, 2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/7740313.

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In the context of traditional media, the media can dominate the topic and composition of public opinion, but in the context of the convergence of online media, the dominance of public opinion has gradually evolved from the direction of the coexistence of single items and pluralism, especially from the international level. In other words, the construction of the comprehensive strategic writing partnership between China and Russia in the new era has given a new orientation and connotation to the bilateral relations and cooperation in the new era. In the face of an increasingly complex international public opinion environment, media cooperation between China and Russia is crucial. Therefore, based on an in-depth analysis of the construction of the discourse power of international public opinion under the dual influence of the ecological environment and the network environment, the construction of the discourse power of international public opinion is discussed from the aspects of the construction of discourse objects, the construction of the main body, and the enrichment of the content of international communication.

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26

Dockrill, M. L. "Public opinion and nuclear weapons." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 610–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623140.

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27

Robinson, Neil. "Public opinion in postcommunist Russia." International Affairs 73, no. 3 (July 1997): 594–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624323.

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28

Page, Benjamin I. "IS PUBLIC OPINION AN ILLUSION?" Critical Review 19, no. 1 (January 2007): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913810701499627.

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29

Shapiro, Robert Y. "Public opinion, elites, and democracy." Critical Review 12, no. 4 (September 1998): 501–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913819808443514.

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30

TOMZ, MICHAEL R., and JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. "Public Opinion and the Democratic Peace." American Political Science Review 107, no. 4 (November 2013): 849–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000488.

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One of the most striking findings in political science is the democratic peace: the absence of war between democracies. Some authors attempt to explain this phenomenon by highlighting the role of public opinion. They observe that democratic leaders are beholden to voters and argue that voters oppose war because of its human and financial costs. This logic predicts that democracies should behave peacefully in general, but history shows that democracies avoid war primarily in their relations with other democracies. In this article we investigate not whether democratic publics are averse to war in general, but whether they are especially reluctant to fight other democracies. We embedded experiments in public opinion polls in the United States and the United Kingdom and found that individuals are substantially less supportive of military strikes against democracies than against otherwise identical autocracies. Moreover, our experiments suggest that shared democracy pacifies the public primarily by changing perceptions of threat and morality, not by raising expectations of costs or failure. These findings shed light on a debate of enduring importance to scholars and policy makers.

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31

Chung, Eunbin, and Anna O. Pechenkina. "Group-affirmation and trust in international relations: Evidence from Ukraine." PLOS ONE 15, no. 12 (December 31, 2020): e0239944. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0239944.

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How can states with a history of recent armed conflict trust one another? Distrust between Ukraine and Russia aggravates security fears and limits hopes for a meaningful resolution of the bloodiest armed conflict in Europe since 1994. Hostility levels have risen dramatically between the populations of Ukraine and Russia after the events of 2013–2015. Political psychology offers two competing approaches to increase trust between the publics of different countries: appealing to an overarching, common identity above the national level vs. affirming a sense of national identity. This project asks which of these approaches increases trust towards Russia among the Ukrainian public. The study employs a survey experiment (between-subjects design) to evaluate these competing claims. The survey is to be fielded by a reputable public opinion research firm, the Kiev International Institute of Sociology, based in Ukraine.

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32

Ellis, Sylvia. "British public opinion and the Vietnam war." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 18, no. 3 (July 3, 2020): 314–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s42738-020-00051-0.

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33

Milner, Helen V., and Dustin Tingley. "Public Opinion and Foreign Aid: A Review Essay." International Interactions 39, no. 3 (July 2013): 389–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2013.784090.

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34

Efimova, Anna, and Denis Strebkov. "Linking Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Russia." International Spectator 55, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2019.1700040.

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35

Lanoue, David J. "Polling to Govern: Public Opinion and Presidential Leadership." Perspectives on Politics 2, no. 04 (December 2004): 844–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592704390584.

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36

Dursun-Ozkanca, Oya. "French public opinion on the European Union’s Eastern enlargement and public-elite relations." French Politics 11, no. 3 (September 2013): 241–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fp.2013.12.

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37

Gravelle, Timothy B. "Trumping foreign policy: public diplomacy, framing, and public opinion among middle power publics." Australian Journal of International Affairs 72, no. 5 (August 28, 2018): 473–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2018.1515178.

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38

Diligensky, G. "Politics and Public Opinion in Russia." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2001): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2001-10-46-57.

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39

CHONG, ALAN. "Lessons in International Communication: Carr, Angell and Lippmann on human nature, public opinion and leadership." Review of International Studies 33, no. 4 (October 2007): 615–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210507007693.

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AbstractThe sub-field of International Communication within International Relations is insufficiently cognisant of the social foundations of communication. Through a selective interpretation of three prominent interwar thinkers’ works, it will be argued that International Communication is a largely social, even ideological, field. The advantage of reading interwar international theory lies in their eclectic appreciation of the power of public opinion and leadership without undue fixation with realist and idealist labels. By reading Edward Carr, Norman Angell and Walter Lippmann, one can tease out the following three themes for organising the study of International Communication: human nature assumptions; opinion as power; and leadership in foreign policy in terms of public education.

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40

Miller, Karen. "“Air Power Is Peace Power” The Aircraft Industry's Campaign for Public and Political Support, 1943–1949." Business History Review 70, no. 3 (1996): 297–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3117240.

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An analysis of the aircraft industry's public relations campaign suggests that individuals' thoughts and feelings about airplanes and atomic weapons, domestic politics, and international events had greater influence on public opinion and political action than the PR program. However, the industry's public relations program did bring together many groups interested in air power. By linking these groups and capitalizing on the domestic and international situation, the public relations firm Hill and Knowlton of New York helped to create a climate in which air power was an acceptable solution to national defense and budgetary problems.

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41

Chow, Wilfred M., Enze Han, and Xiaojun Li. "Brexit identities and British public opinion on China." International Affairs 95, no. 6 (November 1, 2019): 1369–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz191.

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Abstract Many studies have explored the importance of public opinion in British foreign policy decision-making, especially when it comes to the UK's relations with the United States and the European Union. Despite its importance, there is a dearth of research on public opinion about British foreign policy towards other major players in the international system, such as emerging powers like China. We have addressed this knowledge gap by conducting a public opinion survey in the UK after the Brexit referendum. Our research findings indicate that the British public at large finds China's rise disconcerting, but is also pragmatic in its understanding of how the ensuing bilateral relations should be managed. More importantly, our results show that views on China are clearly split between the two opposing Brexit identities. Those who subscribe strongly to the Leave identity, measured by their aversion to the EU and antipathy towards immigration, are also more likely to hold negative perceptions of Chinese global leadership and be more suspicious of China as a military threat. In contrast, those who espouse a Remain identity—that is, believe that Britain would be better served within the EU and with more immigrants—are more likely to prefer closer engagement with China and to have a more positive outlook overall on China's place within the global community.

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42

Clinton, David. "The Distinction between Foreign Policy and Diplomacy in American International Thought and Practice." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 6, no. 3-4 (March 21, 2011): 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119111x583950.

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Throughout his writings, Harold Nicolson advocates a distinction between ‘policy’ (to be subject to democratic control) and ‘negotiation’ (to remain the province of professional diplomatists), preferring to separate these two quite different activities, rather than lumping them together under the general term ‘diplomacy’ (an intermingling that he found conceptually muddled and politically impossible to sustain once general public opinion becomes politically mobilized). Nicholas Murray Butler and George Kennan, who may be taken as representing idealist and realist American opinion in the twentieth century, found themselves at one in rejecting Nicolson’s distinction. Butler believed that the progressive enlightenment of public opinion, resulting in the attainment of the ‘international mind’, would improve both the formulation of policy and the conduct of negotiations; Kennan deprecated public opinion, at least in the United States, as irredeemably clumsy and ill-informed, and was convinced that this domestic political force would not be satisfied with directing policy, but would insist on interfering with negotiation as well. Across the board, American opinion seems to be hostile to Nicolson’s differentiation. This rejection of Nicolson’s view illustrates a more general influence of distinctively American thinking about international relations on American attitudes towards, and expectations of, diplomacy.

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43

Weldon, Steven, and David Laycock. "Public opinion and biotechnological innovation." Policy and Society 28, no. 4 (December 2009): 315–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polsoc.2009.09.005.

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44

Bogoraz Daniel, Larisa, and Pavel Litvinov. "Appeal To World Public Opinion." Index on Censorship 31, no. 2 (April 2002): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220208537036.

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45

Connolly, Eileen, John Doyle, and Fiona Dwyer. "Public Opinion and Development Issues: A Survey of Irish University Student Opinions." Irish Studies in International Affairs 19, no. 1 (2008): 209–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2008.0012.

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46

Connolly, Eileen, John Doyle, and Fiona Dwyer. "Public Opinion and Development Issues: a Survey of Irish University Student Opinions." Irish Studies in International Affairs 19, no. -1 (January 1, 2008): 209–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2008.19.209.

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Erikson, Robert S., John P. McIver, and Gerald C. Wright. "State Political Culture and Public Opinion." American Political Science Review 81, no. 3 (September 1987): 797–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962677.

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Abstract:

Do the states of the United States matter (or are they of no political consequence)? Using a data set with over 50 thousand respondents, we demonstrate the influence of state political culture on partisanship and ideology. For individuals, we find that the state of residence is an important predictor of partisan and ideological identification, independent of their demographic characteristics. At the aggregate level, state culture dominates state demography as a source of state-to-state differences in opinion. In general, geographic location may be a more important source of opinion than previously thought. One indication of the importance of state culture is that state effects on partisanship and ideology account for about half of the variance in state voting in recent presidential elections.

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Hager, Anselm, and Hanno Hilbig. "Does Public Opinion Affect Political Speech?" American Journal of Political Science 64, no. 4 (May 2020): 921–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12516.

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Kapur, Devesh. "Public Opinion and Indian Foreign Policy." India Review 8, no. 3 (August 6, 2009): 286–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480903116818.

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Enns, Peter K., and Julianna Koch. "Public Opinion in the U.S. States." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 13, no. 3 (September 2013): 349–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440013496439.

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