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Peiritsch, Brian. "An examination of international public relations course criteria : a analysis of nineteen public relations educators." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1041885.
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This study attempted to determine what specific course criteria pubic relations educators believed to be most important in an international public relations course. The researcher provided fifty-seven public relations educators with fifty statements covering potential areas an international public relations course could include. The statements covered the areas of business, media, culture, government and miscellaneous. Each public relations educators was asked to sort the statements according to how much he or she agreed or disagreed with them.The QMETHOD program was used to determine two factor groups from the nineteen responses received. The factor groups, Type I and Type II. Type I consisted of twelve public relations educators and Type II consisted of seven public relations educators.Public relations educators in both groups agreed that an international public relations course should teach students to follow global current events and public relations issues, should cover various countries and their cultural taboos, and teach students to identify social trends abroad.The researcher expected public relations educators to support an international public relations course structure which favored the study of a broad range of international public relations at both the undergraduate and graduate levels, and to achieve a consensus on statements relating to cultural sensitivity training. For the most part, the researcher's expectations were met. However, more technical skills issues (i.e., fundamental, pragmatic public relations knowledge needed to execute public relations plans) were raised than expected, and educators' views on the level at which international public relations should be taught differed from what the researcher had anticipated.Department of Journalism
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Powers, Kathleen E. "Beyond Identity: Social Relations for International Conflict and Cooperation." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1436885537.
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Strong, James. "More spinn'd against than spinning? : public opinion, political communication, and Britain's involvement in the 2003 invasion of Iraq." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/516/.
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When Tony Blair took Britain to war in Iraq in 2003, he overruled vociferous opposition from both the wider public and members of his own governing party. Public opinion was exercised by the issue on a vast scale. Over one million marched in London against the war. Opinion polls uniformly showed majority opposition to the use of force. Newspapers, the engine of media debate in this country, mostly attacked the government line, and encouraged their readers to protest or even, in one case, to rebel. The story of Iraq, however, is not simply one of an ideological or misguided premier dragging the entire nation to battle against its will. It is not simply one of ‘spin’, dossiers, Alastair Campbell, and Weapons of Mass Destruction. Much of the debate, and much of the hostility it generated, focused on areas that foreign policy analysts would consider peripheral; the domestic political consequences of war, the role of ‘spin doctors’ in the assessment of intelligence, and the question of whether the Prime Minister’s (successful) efforts to build a strong alliance with the world’s last superpower had transformed him into the President’s ‘poodle’. Interactions between ministers and the media were conditioned on both sides by an intimidating array of structural pressures. Diplomatic and journalistic calculations often clashed, trapping the government in the middle of an immensely complex ‘multi-level game’. News management influenced substantive foreign policy just as policy influenced news management, and the media arguably affected both, albeit often indirectly. The substance and the communication of the decision to go to war proved to be inseparable, both in the course of decision-making, and in their later retrospective assessment. Public Opinion, broadly defined, had a significant impact on British foreign policy at this time. Crucially, however, this impact operated through political communication mechanisms usually ignored by FPA.
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McConachie, Bradley. "The Future of Australia-China Relations: Can International Education Deliver a Network of Informed Opinion Leaders?" Thesis, Griffith University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/382705.
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As China is Australia’s largest trading partner, much of Australia’s future economic success will rely on the next generation of leaders and policymakers having a deep understanding of China’s culture and its way of doing business. While not discounting the commercial value of higher education, this thesis focusses on Australian universities’ contribution to the public good, through the enduring value of international education as public diplomacy. My study and internship within the Australian Studies Centre (ASC) at Peking University coincided with the Abbott Government’s implementation of the New Colombo Plan (NCP) as a public diplomacy initiative. Given that there is little evidence of the efficacy of funded scholarships making a strong contribution to a nation’s soft power, I became curious as to why the government highlighted international education to increase its influence in China and the Indo-Pacific region more broadly. As education programs are long-term public diplomacy strategies, and Australian politics have been tumultuous with five prime ministers in five years, investigating the reasoning behind the continued political support for international education as public diplomacy provides an insight into Australia-China relations.
This thesis investigates two key international education programs that were identified in the Australian Public Diplomacy Strategy 2014-2016; the NCP and the network of ASCs in China. A mixed method approach was undertaken to address the problem: Have Australian Government-funded international education programs resulted in a network of Sino-Australian opinion leaders who contribute to Australia’s public diplomacy efforts in China?
Many nations, including Australia, provide funding support for international education programs as they are thought to build relationships and mutual understanding between the peoples of different nations, and thereby contribute to international goodwill and the cause of peace.1 Two theories from the psychology and communications literature (the contact hypothesis and the two-step flow hypothesis in the development of opinion leaders) were used.
The findings show that the NCP and ASC programs do contribute to breaking down negative stereotypes and building mutual understanding between Australia and China. However, the programs’ outcomes would be improved through strengthening the conditions of contact. Government, and, home and host university support for the NCP was high, however, due to the lack of Chinese language skills and opportunities for out-of-class interactions the condition of high acquaintance potential was low. Equal status and common goals were identified as being present for NCP scholars but could be improved as students rarely co-operated on joint projects and felt like they were treated, positively but differently, to local students. Conversely, the ASCs require additional institutional and government support. In contrast to the NCP’s adequate funding, the ASCs need increased funding which is aligned to clear objectives. There are opportunities for the NCP scholars and the ASCs to work together to diversify the Australian students’ experiences and provide more opportunities for Australian and Chinese students and academics to collaborate.
Because of the intersection between policy and politics, the reasoning behind Australian Government funds for international education programs in China will be subject to change to meet the geopolitical environment of the time. We could naively rely solely on the government’s promulgated key objectives, however, without transparency regarding the intent of these programs, any evaluation could be meaningless. The strong fabric of personal and professional links between Australian and Chinese individuals and institutions will assist Australia to navigate difficult times in the bilateral relationship. Considering the limited public funding, using the NCP and ASCs as vehicles for delivering a positive message that Australia is engaged with its region, is sufficient reason for funding these programs. Improving conditions of contact would increase the probability of creating opinion leaders and therefore improving the future contribution that these programs make to the nation’s good.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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Assaf, Elias. "From Social Networks to International Relations: How Social Influence Shapes International Norm Adoption and The Global Order." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1574591937096021.
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Odeh, Rana Kamal. "The Impact of Changing Narratives on American Public Opinion Toward the U.S.-Israel Relationship." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401818860.
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Meledje, Djedjro Francisco. "La contribution des organisations non gouvernementales a la sauvegarde des droits de l homme." Amiens, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987AMIE0003.
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Les developpements de la protection internationale des droits de l homme ont revele l importance des organisations non gouvernementales (ong) dans l evolution du systeme international. Les ong revendiquent un droit-devoir d intervention dans le domaine des droits de l homme; cette revendication auto-consacree etant confortee par une legitimite internationale basee sur le principe du statut d observateur acquis par les ong aupres des organisations intergouvernementales (oig). Une vision d ensemble du mouvement associatif montre que le monde occidental est le siege de l epanouissement des ong; ce fait a certainement une influence sur le fonctionnement des ong de protection des droits de l homme. Les relations entre les ong, les ressources financieres des ong, leur composition et leur structure determinent leurs modalites d intervention dans le domaine des droits de l homme ainsi que leur efficacite relative. Envisagee par rapport a l attitude des etats et des oig dans le domaine des droits de l homme, les inter ventions des ong se developpent globalement dans deux sens: elles visent a cooperer avec les institutions publiques, ou a interpeller les auteurs de violation des doits de l homme. Sur un plan general, les ong participent a la formation des normes et elles cooperent avec les etats et les oig a leur mise en oeuvre. Dans leurs activites d interpellation, les ong font le plus souvent valoir la sanction d opinion. Au sein des oig, des procedures existent qui permettent aux ong de denoncer les violations des droits de l hommeThe development of the international protection of human rights reveals the importance taken by non-governmental organization (ngo) in the evolution of the international order. Ngos claim a right and a duty of intervention in the dealing of question relating to the defense of human rights. This claim is reinforced by the observer status they get in intergovernmental organizations (ngo). A general view of ngo movement permits to see the predominance of western world in facilitating the development of private associations. This fact certainly has an influence into the functioning of ngos engaged in human rights protection. Relations between ngos, ngos financial resources, their membership and their structure determine their modes of intervention in the field of human rights and their eficiency. In viewing the question through states and igos attitude and action in the field of human rights, the intervention of ngos can be globally perceived in two ways: these organizations cooperate with public institutions engaged in human rights actions or they are dedicated in denounciation of human rights violations. Generally, ngos participate to the formation of international norms and they cooperate with states and igos in their implementation. In their activitites of denounciation of human rights violations, ngos give importance to the sanction of public opinion: but, their aloso use intergovernmental petition systemsin force
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Dieck, Hélène. "The influence of American public opinion on US military interventions after the Cold War." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0014.
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Les études académiques récentes sur l'influence de l'opinion publique sur les interventions militaires dans les démocraties occidentales concluent pour la plupart que l’opposition du public n’a pas empêché le président de faire usage de la force. Ces études se concentrent souvent sur le choix d'intervenir dans un conflit donné et omettent d'analyser les ajustements apportés à l'intervention elle-même du fait de l'opinion publique. Cette étude tente au contraire de montrer qu'on ne peut comprendre l’influence de l'opinion publique si l'on se limite à la décision d'intervenir et n’étudie pas les décisions connexes liées à la conduite et à la réussite d'une intervention: le choix des moyens humains et financiers, les objectifs, la stratégie de communication. La littérature scientifique actuelle omet également de dévoiler la manière dont l'exécutif tente de gérer la contrainte de l'opinion publique et comprendre ainsi quelle est sa véritable marge de manœuvre vis-à-vis de celle-ci. En effet, l’opinion publique et la présidence s’influencent mutuellement : le président est souvent contraint de trouver un compromis entre les objectifs politiques et militaires désirés et ce que le public est prêt à accepter. En incluant l'impact de l'opinion publique sur la mise en œuvre des opérations militaires, cette recherche conclut que le public américain a eu une influence majeure sur le degré d'engagement, les objectifs et la durée des interventions militaires de l'après Guerre froide. Notre étude s’appuie principalement sur des entretiens avec des responsables politiques impliqués dans le processus décisionnel ayant conduit à l’usage de la force après la Guerre froide. Ce processus décisionnel sera analysé à travers cinq études de casRecent qualitative studies of the relationship between public opinion and U.S. foreign policy put decisions into the following two categories: the President tends to lead or to follow public opinion; public opinion influences decision-making, constrains the decision, or has no impact. These studies typically research the initial decision to intervene, but fail to examine the subsequent decisions to sustain and win a war: financial and human means, conduct, objectives, duration, and communication. I argue that these elements of a winning strategy are impacted by concerns with public support at home. The impact of public opinion on the decision whether to use force is better understood when analyzing the compromise between the perception of anticipated public opinion and the necessities of a military campaign. Public opinion impacts the strategy, the timing, and length of an intervention, and inversely, those elements impact the anticipated public opinion and ultimately the decision to use force or choose a different course of action. The president can expect to influence public opinion and raise the acceptability of an intervention through various means. As a consequence, there is a back-and-forth process between anticipated public support for a given intervention and the consideration of the use of force. Contrary to the current literature, which tends to conclude that the president enjoys a substantial margin for maneuver, an analysis of post Cold War cases of interventions, limited interventions, and military escalations shows that anticipated public opinion limited the president's margin for maneuver and influenced not only the decision to intervene but also the military strategy and in the end, the result of the intervention. These findings contradict the realist paradigm for which only the structure of the international system matters and domestic politics are irrelevant in the study of international relations
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Tollefson, Julie Jo. "Japan's Article 9 and Japanese Public Opinion: Implications for Japanese Defense Policy and Security in the Asia Pacific." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1526812071227061.
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Holzhacker, Denilde Oliveira. "Atitudes e percepções das elites e da população em geral sobre a política externa brasileira nos anos 90." Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-22062007-133857/.
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O objetivo desta tese é investigar, de forma comparativa, as diferenças e semelhanças entre as percepções e orientações da elite e da opinião pública de massa a respeito da política externa brasileira. Para isso, foram analisados os resultados do survey \"Percepções das Elites e da População brasileira sobre as Relações Externas do País\", realizado em 1998 e 2001, pelo Núcleo de Pesquisa em Relações Internacionais da Universidade de São Paulo. Além disso, foram utilizados depoimentos coletados entre membros da elite brasileira no âmbito da pesquisa \"A Alca nas Visões das Elites\" (2003), NUPRI-ILDES. A hipótese central do trabalho é que as elites e a massa apresentam padrões de atitudes similares a respeito dos diferentes aspectos da inserção internacional brasileira a partir dos anos 90. No entanto, os resultados indicaram que não há na sociedade brasileira um consenso sobre os efeitos da globalização sobre o País, existindo três padrões de atitudes quanto à globalização: alienação, afluência e participação conflituosa. Essas posições indicaram visões distintas sobre os resultados da globalização, que influenciam diretamente a posição brasileira no sistema internacional. Essas visões, por outro lado, também influenciam as posições das elites e da massa a respeito das opções e orientações da política externa brasileira nos anos 90. As elites e a massa dividem-se em três posições a respeito das orientações da política externa brasileira no período: para uns a política externa deveria voltar-se para os interesses estritamente econômicos, para outros ela deveria ser um instrumento de busca da cooperação e o desenvolvimento geral dos povos, e um terceiro grupo apóia uma política baseada na busca do poder e do prestígio no sistema internacional. Essas posições mostraram forte associação com uma visão positiva da atuação do País no sistema internacional. Entre as estratégias da política externa brasileira destacou-se o forte envolvimento do País em negociações internacionais, além disso, esse tópico é considerado um dos que mais mobilizaram os grupos da sociedade brasileira nos anos 90, por isso, buscou-se analisar as atitudes das elites e da massa no que se refere à participação do País em dois processos negociadores: o Mercosul e a ALCA. As maiores divergências entre elites e massa prevaleceram nas questões relacionadas à ALCA. No que se refere ao Mercosul existe no interior da sociedade brasileira um forte consenso sobre os resultados que a integração poderão trazer em termos de desenvolvimento econômico e também de maior influência para o País nos processos internacionais, apesar da falta de consenso sobre os impactos até o momento gerados pela integração com os Países do Cone Sul. De maneira geral, os resultados indicaram que as elites e a massa mostram atitudes coerentes e associadas ao debate que marcou a diplomacia brasileira nos anos 90.The objective of this thesis is to investigate, in a comparing form, the differences and similarities between the perceptions and orientation of the elite and the mass of Brazilians, regarding the Brazilian foreign policy. For this, it had been analyzed the results of survey \" Perceptions of the Elites and of the Brazilian Population on the Foreign Policy\", carried through in 1998 and 2001, by the Center of Research in International Relations of the University of São Paulo, moreover, had been used interview with members of the Brazilian elite about FTAA negotiations (NUPRI-USP/ILDES - 2003). The central hypothesis of the work is that the elites and the mass show of similar attitudes regarding the different aspects of the Brazilian international insertion from years 90. However, the results had indicated that it does not happen, in the Brazilian society, a consensus on the results of the globalization. In the Brazilian society there are three attitudes regarding globalization: alienation, affluence and participation confliction. These positions indicate distinct perceptions on the effects of the globalization and that directly influence the Brazilian position in the international system. These perceptions, on the other hand, also influence the elites and the mass positions regarding the options and orientations of the Brazilian foreign politics in the 90´s. The elites and the mass revealed three attitudes: a) the external politics is turned for strict economic interests, b) the external politics is an instrument for the search of the cooperation and the development of the peoples and, c) politics is based on the search for power and prestige in the international system. These positions had shown to associate with a positive vision about the country´s performance in the international system. The strategies of the Brazilian external politics distinguished the strong involvement in international negotiations. This topic is considered one that has strongly mobilized the Brazilian society in years 90, so it is important to analyze the attitudes of the elites and the mass regarding the participation in two negotiating processes: the Mercosur and the FTAA. The biggest divergences between the elites and mass has taken advantage in the related questions the FTAA, as for the Mercosur a strong consensus exists in the interior of the Brazilian society about the results that the integration will be able to bring in terms of economic development, despite the lack of consensus on the impacts until the moment generated by the integration with the countries of the South Cone. In a general way, the results have indicated that the elites and the mass show a coherent attitude and associate the debate inside of the country in years 90.
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Richardson, Erin L. "SANE and the Limited Test Ban Treaty of 1963 mobilizing public opinion to shape U.S. foreign policy /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1257556741.
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Kumar, Shivaji. "Explaining the India-U.S. Strategic Partnership: The Impact of Middle-Class Identity." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1354732453.
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Joo, Hyo Sung. "South Korean Men and the Military: The Influence of Conscription on the Political Behavior of South Korean Males." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1048.
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This thesis evaluates the effects of compulsory military service in South Korea on the political behavior of men from a public policy standpoint. I take an institutional point of view on conscription, in that conscription forces the military to accept individuals with minimal screening. Given the distinct set of values embodied by the military, I hypothesize that the military would need a powerful, comprehensive, and fast program of indoctrination to re-socialize civilians into military uniform, trustable enough to be entrusted with a gun or a confidential document. Based on the existence of such a program and related academic literature, I go on to look at how a military attitude has political implications, especially for the security-environment of the Korean peninsula. Given the ideological nature of the inter-Korean conflict, the South Korean military was biased against the liberals, as liberals were most likely to generate policies supporting conciliatory and cooperative measures towards North Korea, like the removal of U.S. forces from South Korea and the repeal of the National Security Laws that outlaw discussion of communism. For an empirical evaluation, I pose the hypothesis that this political bias would manifest itself in the male public via the military’s indoctrinative program. With data from the Korean General Social Survey, the Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, and the South Korean General Election Panel Study, I have found that males respond acutely to specific security issues in favor or against according to the military’s point of view. However, the evidence for an overall bias on political parties generally was inconclusive. The uncertainty was mainly rooted in the fact that liberal parties have strategically avoided speaking out on specific policy issues during election.
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Thiébaut, Cyrille. "Opinions, information et réception : la réactivité du public français aux représentations médiatiques de l’Europe de la défense (1991-2008)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010332.
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Après la création du marché unique et de l’euro, la mise en place d’une politique européenne de défense est vue comme le prochain défi de la construction européenne. Pourtant, celle-ci alimente peu le débat public en France. Les citoyens semblent désintéressés et sous-informés. Néanmoins, il ressort des sondages que la défense européenne jouit d’un très fort soutien au sein de la population française, autour des 80%, ce qui laisse penser qu’une forte connotation positive lui est attachée. Cependant, ce soutien est conditionné : il relève avant tout d’une volonté d’assurer l’autonomie de la France vis-à-vis des Etats-Unis sans que soit considéré pour autant un transfert de souveraineté au niveau européen. Comment expliquer un soutien aussi massif ? Comment les individus se représentent-ils l’Europe de la défense à laquelle ils se disent favorables ? D’où viennent ces représentations ? La défense européenne étant un enjeu à la fois non domestique et non prioritaire pour les citoyens, nous supposons que les opinions sur cette question reposent principalement sur ce qu’en disent les médias. À partir de cette hypothèse, nous menons une analyse de la couverture de l’Europe de la défense – en termes de cadrage – dans la presse quotidienne nationale française. Les résultats de cette étude révèlent un « cadrage transatlantique » dominant qui va dans le sens des observations faites à partir des sondages. De plus, la PESD bénéficie d’un environnement interprétatif homogène et positif : le discours médiatique sur l’Europe de la défense a tout d’un discours promotionnel. Enfin, il apparaît que la façon dont la presse en traite est typiquement française. Néanmoins, ce n’est pas parce que les médias proposent un cadre d’intelligibilité d’un enjeu que le public s’y rallie nécessairement. L’influence des médias n’est ni automatique ni directe. A partir d’entretiens exploratoires, nous confrontons les deux discours, celui de la presse et celui de citoyens. Il apparaît que si les discours des interviewés sur la défense européenne sont également positifs, ceux-ci semblent prendre leur distance avec les discours de la presse. Qu’ils soient capables de proposer des cadres alternatifs sur le sujet ou qu’il s’agisse d’un effet de la situation d’enquête reste cependant à déterminerSince the creation of the Single Market and the launch of the Euro, a European defense policy has been considered the next challenge faced by the European Union. However, there has been little public debate about this policy in France. Citizens seem to lack both interest in it and information about it. Nonetheless, according to the surveys we collected, around 80% of the French population declare their support for European defense. We found that this support is linked to attitudes towards the United States, rather than attitudes towards European integration. How can we explain the support of such a significant majority ? Why do people have such positive representations of this issue ? Where do these representations come from ? As ESDP is an issue removed from daily-life, an unobtrusive issue, we assume that the opinions about it depend on what the media has to say. With this hypothesis in mind, we conducted a media analysis of European defense framing in French newspapers. Our results show that the dominant frame is what we have called a “transatlantic frame”, which is consistent with our analysis of the surveys data. Media discourse on ESDP is also very homogeneous from one newspaper to the other, and highly positive : it could easily be mistaken for a discourse of promotion. Finally, the way newspapers frame European defense appears to be specific to French media. In spite of the significant overlap in surveys and the media about ESDP, we cannot assume that people would necessarily accept and use the same frame as the media does : media influence is neither direct nor automatic. Conducting interviews, we compare individuals’ discourse and media discourse. People’s discourse on European defense is highly positive too, even though they distance themselves from the discussion in the press. However, we do not know if this distance is because they have constructed their own frames outside of media influence, or if it is a result of the interview situation
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Cronenwett, Megan R. "Accounting for the Role of the Public in Democratic States' Counterterrorism Policies: A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Spain and the United Kingdom." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1303144037.
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Sinkkonen, Marja E. "Rethinking Chinese national identity : the wider context of foreign policy making during the era of Hu Jintao, 2002-2012." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:89137b0a-ab44-45ee-b1e0-32c251a967a3.
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This thesis analyses China's national identity construction and its foreign policy implications especially towards Japan and the United States during the Hu Jintao period 2002-2012. The vast literature on China's rise takes “rising nationalism” in China as one of the key indicators of increased likelihood for aggressive behaviour in the future. This work problematizes some of the simplified assumptions made in this literature by emphasising the domestic context from which foreign policies rise. I argue that culture specific values deriving from national identities shape attitude structures and affect the whole thinking and conceptualisation related to foreign policy with wide-ranging consequences. Thus, in this research national identity is operationalised through values and attitudes deriving from it. With empirical evidence, I show in my thesis that most things discussed as "nationalism" in China studies literature can be analytically separated into at least two components, each with different foreign policy relevant correlates. Analysing two sets of survey material with statistical methods I show that the type of national attachment in China constrains foreign policy preferences in a different way than often assumed in the literature: "patriots" support an internationalist stance in contrast to "nationalists" who favour more assertive behaviour towards Japan and the US as well as generally protectionist economic policies. In addition to analysing the associations between core values and foreign policy preferences, I also provide other examples of cultural factors shaping Chinese foreign policy context including the role of historical legacies and their political use, and the role of the media in the formation of foreign threat perceptions and foreign policy preferences. The need to better understand these national identity dynamics is emphasised because of the ongoing pluralisation of Chinese foreign policy establishment, which gives more space to domestic input from various levels of society.
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Mollès, Devrig. "Triangle atlantique et triangle latin : l'Amérique latine et le système-monde maçonnique (1717-1921) : éléments pour une histoire des options publiques internationales." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAA027.
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Cette thèse analyse le système‐monde maçonnique entre 1717 et 1921, perçu comme un produit et un agent de la modernité occidentale, comme le prototype fondateur de l’opinion publique internationale et comme une plaque tectonique de la géoculture du système-monde moderne. Elle fluctue entre une perspective globale, une perspective atlantique et un ancrage latino‐américain, fourni notamment par les principales puissances océaniques d’Amérique latine (Argentine, Brésil, Mexique). Quelle fut l’évolution globale des réseaux maçonniques au cours des XIXe et XXe siècles ? Quelle fut leur géopolitique et leur géoculture ? Dans quelle mesure peut‐on ou non parler de « système maçonnique international » ? Quelle fut la place de l’Amérique latine dans cette dynamique ? Comment le sous‐continent américain s’intégra‐t‐il dans le système‐monde maçonnique ? Les réseaux maçonniques y furent‐ils une plaque tectonique géoculturelle et des vecteurs de transferts culturels ? Contribuèrent‐ils à l’intégration du sous‐continent américain au sein de la grande communauté atlantique mais aussi à l’intégration et à l’autonomisation latino américaine ?This thesis investigates the birth and development of the Masonic world‐system, seen as a product and an agent of western modernity, as the prototype of international public opinion and as a tectonic plate of the géoculture of the modern world‐system. This text focuses on the first period of its development (1717‐1921). It fluctuates between a global perspective,an Atlantic perspective, and a Latin American anchorage, provided by the major oceanic powers of Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico). What was the global evolution of the Masonic networks in the 19th and 20th centuries? What were their geopolitics and their géoculture? Is it possible to talk about an "international Masonic system"? What was the place of Latin America in this dynamic? How the American subcontinent became a part of the Masonic world‐system? In Latin America in the 19th and 20th centuries, were the Masonic networks a tectonic plate of géoculture and the vectors of cultural transfers? Did they contribute to the integration of the American sub‐continent in the Atlantic community? Did they contribute discreetly to the regional integration and to the Latin American empowerment ?
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Botes, Marina. "The public diplomacy of the United States of America in the war on terror." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2007. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11192007-141127.
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Vogt, Gilles. "Neutres face à la guerre franco-allemande (1870-1871) ? : diplomatie et dynamiques d'opinions dans les Etats de Suisse, de Belgique et du Danemark." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAG010/document.
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Remarquant la nature transfrontalière des défis politiques et culturels soulevés par la guerre franco-allemande de 1870-1871, cette thèse propose d’interroger l’expérience de la neutralité dans les sociétés de trois États – le Danemark, la Suisse et la Belgique – choisis pour leur complémentarité en matière de stratégie, de géographie, d’institutions et d’organisation constitutionnelle. Documents diplomatiques, archives administratives, journaux, publications contemporaines du conflit, témoignages artistiques, correspondances et carnets privés servent une étude transnationale déclinée en trois principales orientations. La première met en lumière l’environnement technique et technologique dans lequel évoluent les neutres, les sentiments que trahissent leurs témoignages ainsi que leurs efforts pour devenir et rester non-belligérants. La deuxième questionne l’engagement des neutres dans la guerre à travers, notamment, le parcours de philanthropes et de soldats volontaires. La troisième orientation pose enfin une question a priori paradoxale : le neutre est-il un vainqueur ou un vaincu du conflit franco-allemand ?Noting the cross-border nature of the political and cultural challenges raised by the Franco-German War of 1870-1871, this doctoral thesis proposes to question the experience of neutrality within the societies of three States – Denmark, Switzerland and Belgium – chosen for their complementarity in terms of strategy, geography, institutions and constitutional organisation. Diplomatic documents, administrative archives, newspapers, publications, artistic works, letters and private documentation serve a transnational study divided into three main directions. The first direction reveals the technical and technological environment in which neutrals operate, the feelings betrayed by their testimonies and their efforts to become and remain non-belligerent. The second direction interrogates the involvement of the neutrals during the war through – among others – the trajectories of philanthropists and volunteer soldiers. The third orientation poses a seemingly paradoxical question: is the neutral a victor or a vanquished of the war of 1870-1871 ?
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Nadeau, François M. "Casques bleus et unifolié : le maintien de la paix et l'identité canadienne, 1956-1973." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq25688.pdf.
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Cummins, Joshua I. "Hearts and Minds: US Foreign Policy and Anti-Americanism in the Middle EastAn Analysis of Public Perceptions from 2002-2011." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1366212110.
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Ricaud, Raphaël. "La public diplomacy des Etats-Unis : théories, pratiques, effets (1948-2008)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100143/document.
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La présente étude vise à appréhender en trois temps la public diplomacy des Etats-Unis, objet civilisationnel protéiforme. Notre premier chapitre a pour objectif la constitution d’un appareil théorique permettant de comprendre le fonctionnement de la projection d’une image extraterritoriale des Etats-Unis. La multiplicité d’acteurs, d’auteurs et de prescripteurs façonnant la public diplomacy américaine nécessite d’en dresser une taxonomie. Par ailleurs, les nombreux prismes disciplinaires par lesquels la public diplomacy est décrite font amplement varier son signifié. Pour donner du sens à cet ensemble hétérogène, nous choisissons d’étudier la public diplomacy des Etats-Unis sous l’angle de la propagande. Notre second chapitre est une étude pratique. Celle-ci révèle que la littérature consacrée à la public diplomacy est de nature quasi hagiographique. Présentée comme vertueuse par ses acteurs, la réalité est tout autre. Quatre cas d’étude – la « campagne de vérité » sous Truman, la « guerre du Vietnam » sous Johnson, l’Office of Public Diplomacy for Latin America and the Caribbean sous Reagan, ainsi que la « guerre contre la terreur » sous Bush fils – montrent que sa praxis est en contradiction avec sa rhétorique. Lors de l’ultime chapitre, on s’interrogera sur les différences entre effets annoncés et effets constatés. Le phénomène le plus notable est la constitution d’un maillage international de personnes influentes au sein d’instituts servant de relais au message américain. Cet effet fait-il des chercheurs en Etudes américaines des propagandistes à leur insu ?This three-part dissertation considers U.S. public diplomacy as a protean American Studies object. Part one is the creation of a theoretical apparatus to assist readers in their comprehension of how America projects its image abroad. The (too) many actors, authors and policy-makers involved in the shaping of American public diplomacy require the creation of a taxonomy. What is more, depending on academic focus, the meaning of public diplomacy varies. To make sense of this heterogeneous set, we choose to use propaganda as the master signifier tying together the different facets of public diplomacy. Part two is a practical study. Quasi hagiographic literature massages the reader into believing public diplomacy is of a virtuous nature. Yet four case studies (Truman’s Campaign of truth, Johnson’s Vietnam War, Reagan’s Office of Public Diplomacy for Latin America and the Caribbean and Bush 43’s so-called “War on Terror”) reveal the width of the gap that separates rhetoric from practice. Part three ponders the difference between supposed and real effects of American public diplomacy. Its most tangible achievement being the creation of a network of influential people and institutions to relay the American message abroad, one may wonder whether American Studies specialists unknowingly become propagandists themselves
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Klyve, Christoffer Ringnes. "Public opinion and international development." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29407.
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This thesis explores public attitudes towards international development cooperation. Noting the lack of previous academic treatment of this particular topic, it includes an overview of available polling data on relevant questions, followed by a review of more general literature pertaining to public opinion towards foreign policy, as a macro-level concept. Finding the macro-level perspective insufficient, the thesis then explores one particular model for understanding public opinion on the individual level. The final chapter discusses in some detail how one particular form of development assistance---child sponsorship---might influence public opinion. Claims that child sponsorship necessarily has detrimental effects on public opinion are found to have little foundation in either empirical studies or relevant theory. Conclusive statements concerning any effect child sponsorship might have on public opinion are not made, but the thesis does argue that public opinion towards development assistance can, under certain conditions, be considered reasonable.
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Eggeling, Kristin Anabel. "Brand new world : the politics of state-branding in Kazakhstan and Qatar." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16789.
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This thesis explores the political use of branding in international relations by focusing on the branding exercises of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the State of Qatar over the last two decades. In most of the existing literature, branding is theorised as a representational and instrumental practice that is strategically used to increase a country's competitive edge. Adopting a critical constructivist lens to the study of International Relations (IR), this thesis challenges this reading and argues instead that branding is a productive and inherently political practice that (re)produces dominant interpretations of state-identity rather than merely describing them. Based on the core constructivist claim that much of politics revolves around the competition to give meaning to the world, this thesis argues that the version of the state promoted through branding is neither neutral nor brand new, but inherently politicised and tied to the conversation and legitimation of the incumbent political regime. Inspired by the ongoing practice turn in IR, the starting point for the analysis is a focus on the display of the state through a range of everyday practices long ignored by IR scholars. In particular, it focuses on how the political leadership in both Kazakhstan and Qatar has used the urban development of their capital cities, the hosting of international sports events, and the construction of 'world-class' universities to present new ideas about their state to various inter/national audiences. Using an original data corpus of multimodal primary and secondary material, the analysis traces how branding practices produce and normalise a certain interpretation of Kazakhstani and Qatari statehood, and then interrogates how we can understand this interpretation as politicised and tied to the interests of the regime. The goal of the analysis is twofold. First, this thesis aims to elucidate how relevant instances of state- branding unfold and travel across different empirical contexts (Kazakhstan and Qatar) and cases (urban development, sports and education). Second, it aims to push current scholarly understandings by (re)conceptualising branding as a genre of contemporary identity politics, and produce broader insights about the characteristics and mechanisms of this increasingly normalised - yet often as politically non-salient dismissed - practice of international relations.
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Dumitrascu, Radu. "Corporate-adaptation in international public relations." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3156.
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Thesis (M.A.)--George Mason University, 2008.Vita: p. 72. Thesis director: Tim Gibson. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Communication. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed July 18, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-71). Also issued in print.
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Giwa, Gillian Travia. "Public Opinion about International Trade: assessing the impact of cultural proximity." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-04082014-141753/.
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The use of experimental methods in International Relations (I.R.) studies continues to be relatively unpopular, and especially so among the International Political Economy (IPE) research fraternity in Brazil. Notwithstanding, this paper is the product of an experimental survey administered among the undergraduate students\' population at the University of São Paulo in April 2014, in which the hypothesis that cultural proximity mattered to public opinion about trade partners was investigated and subsequently validated. In pretreatment tests, language, religion and social norms and values were identified as proxies for cultural proximity. These were incorporated into four treatment vignettes that described a potential trade partnership in terms of its economic gains as well as the cultural (dis)similarity of the partner country. With the addition of a control condition - having no economic or cultural information - the five vignettes were embedded into questionnaires administered to 503 students across 7 faculties. Treatment effects under all conditions confirmed that people\'s decisions were affected by the cultural indicators. Their contradictory response to descriptive questions however, implies that though their actions may be conducive with culturally influence, people\'s declarations will tend to suggest otherwise.A utilização de métodos experimentais em estudos de Relações Internacionais (RI) continua sendo relativamente incomum e, particularmente, entre os pesquisadores de Economia Política Internacional (EPI) no Brasil. Não obstante, este trabalho foi o resultado de um survey experimental aplicado entre os alunos de graduação da Universidade de São Paulo em abril de 2014, cuja hipótese de que a proximidade cultural importava para a opinião pública no que tange os parceiros comerciais foi investigada e, posteriormente validada. Nos testes de pré-tratamento, a língua, a religião e as normas e os valores sociais foram identificados como os indicadores para a proximidade cultural. Estes indicadores foram incorporados em quatro vinhetas de tratamento, em que uma parceria comercial foi descrita em termos dos ganhos econômicos, bem como a (não) similaridade cultural do país parceiro. Com a adição de uma condição de controle - em que não havia nenhuma informação econômica ou cultural - as cinco vinhetas foram incluídas em questionários aplicados a 503 estudantes entre 7 faculdades. Havia efeitos do tratamento em todas as condições e, portanto, foi possível confirmar que as decisões das pessoas foram afetadas pelos indicadores culturais. No entanto, as respostas contraditórias às questões descritivas sugeriram que por mais que as ações do público tendem a demonstrar coerência com a influência de atributos culturais, suas declarações verbais tendem a apontar ao contrário.
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Bowden, Robin L. "Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 /." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).
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Mathieu, Ilinca. "La question du sens de l'action dans les opérations extérieures : décision politique, soutien public et motivation militaire dans le cadre de la participation française à la FIAS et à la FINUL renforcée." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014CLF10452.
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De nombreuses études concluent à la supériorité des démocraties dans la guerre. A travers notre analyse des relations unissant aujourd’hui les piliers de la trinité clausewitzienne classique – pouvoir politique, peuple et armée – notre recherche s’attache à mettre en évidence l’importance, à cet égard, de la définition du « sens de l’action ». Complexe à conceptualiser, cet objet naît de l’interaction des trois piliers de la trinité qui contribuent à le construire. Cette dynamique prend son origine dans le sens conféré, par le discours politique,à la décision de recourir à la force. Ce sens politique repose sur les intérêts nationaux tels qu’appréhendés par les décideurs, mais également, du fait de la contrainte démocratique, sur les préférences de l’opinion publique telles que perçues par le politique. Le soutien public apparaît essentiel pour alimenter la volonté politique dans le conflit, mais influence aussi le moral des militaires déployés en opérations. Notre étude s’attache donc, en second lieu, à analyser les composantes du sens conféré par les militaires à la mission qu’ils exécutent, afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure un sens politique insuffisamment clair peut influencer le soutien public et, in fine, une éventuelle perte de sens chez les soldats. Cette analyse multiscalaire cherche en définitive à répondre à la question de savoir pourquoi l’on se bat, en approfondissant deux cas d’étude : la participation de l’Armée de terre française à la FIAS, en Afghanistan, et à la FINUL renforcée, au Liban. Elle peut s’inscrire, plus largement, dans le courant d’analyse cherchant à déterminer les facteurs d’efficacité dans la guerre, en esquissant l’idée que les démocraties peuvent, du fait des contraintes qui leur sont propres, présenter une faiblesse à cet égardMany studies have determined that democracies perform better in war. Through our analysis of the relationship that links the pillars of today’s clasewitzian trinity – political leaders, people and soldiers – our study seeks to highlight the importance, to this regard, of defining the « meaning of the action ». In spite of a complex conceptualization, this object can be apprehended by analyzing the interactions of the three pillars, within the frame of a military intervention abroad. This interactional dynamic’s origin lies in the meaning given by the political discourse to the decision to use force. This political meaning leans on national interests (as perceived by policymakers), but also on public preferences (as perceived by policymakers), due to democratic constraint. Public support appears essential to underpin the political will during a conflict, but it also affects soldiers’ morale in the field. Secondly, our study thus seeks to analyse the components of the meaning given by soldiers to their mission,in order to determine to what extent an uncleared or blurred political meaning might affect public support and ultimately provoke a loss of meaning among the military. This multiscale approach aims to answer to the ultimate question of knowing why are we fighting, by deepening two case studies : the French Army contribution to ISAF (in Afghanistan) and UNIFIL II (in Lebanon). It can more broadly come within the framework of previous researchs studying strategic and battlefield effectiveness, by underlying that democracies might have a weakness in this regard
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Knopf-Silvestre, Frédérique. "L'Ordre souverain de Malte en droit international public." Toulouse 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/1999TOU10068.
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L'ordre souverain de malte aura resiste a bien des tourments de l'histoire. Issu des croisades, les evenements le porteront successivement de jerusalem a chypre, puis rhodes et malte ou il exercera sa souverainete. Chasse par les troupes de bonaparte, apres diverses etapes, il s'installera definitivement a rome. Institution unique reunissant a la fois les qualites d'ordre religieux et d'ordre souverain, il divise aujourd'hui les juristes : ne possedant plus de territoire, est-il toujours sujet de droit international ? la question depasse la theorie, lorsque 81 pays, dont l'italie, sur le territoire duquel l'ordre a son siege, reconnaissent l'ordre comme institution souveraine avec laquelle ils echangent leurs ambassadeurs. La france s'y refuse encore, tout en acceptant de recevoir son grand maitre avec tous les egards dus a un chef d'etat ! si l'ordre n'est pas un etat, au sens donne aujourd'hui par le droit international public, il est indiscutablement bien plus qu'une organisation non gouvernementale. Il s'agit bien d'une institution sui generis. Ces discussions ne l'empechent guere de continuer une oeuvre humanitaire considerable, commencee il y aura bientot neuf cent ans.
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Kane, Elleen. "A comparison of Indiana school public relations programs with and without public relations specialists based on standards set by the National School Public Relations Association." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1033639.
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Since public relations specialists began working in public school districts in the 1970s, only five percent of public school districts in Indiana have employed these specialists. The objective of the study was to identify factors that would explain why so few districts employ specialists. The study focused on the impact that employing a public relations specialist had on a district's overall public relations program as a means of explaining this lack of employment. The study tested the hypothesis that school districts with specialists would differ significantly from districts without specialists in the National School Public Relations Association standards employed by the districts.Superintendents of all 263 Indiana public school districts were asked to complete a 45question survey that identified public relations standards met in 11 categories established by the National School Public Relations Association for a minimum public relations program. The study received a 62 percent response rate.The respondents were divided into two categories: districts with specialists and districts without specialists. Districts with specialists answered 65 percent of the questions in the survey yes, indicating that they employed particular NSPRA standards; districts without specialists answered 35 percent of the questions yes. A chi-square analysis found this difference signficant, which allowed the research hypothesis to be accepted.Further analysis found that advanced public relations education and training slightly increased a superintendent's likelihood of employing a public relations specialist and that superintendents with specialists attributed greater importance to public relations in particular communications scenarios.Department of Journalism
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Perkins, Kelly R. "A Q-analysis of gender differences in public relations students' ethical expectations of the public relations profession." Virtual Press, 1998. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1074538.
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This study attempted to determine whether or not there was a gender difference in students' ethical expectations of the public relations profession. Forty-two Ball State University public relations students participated. The students were given 49 statements that either supported or opposed a specific action that a public relations practitioner may take in an ethical dilemma, or a belief that public relations professionals may hold. Each student was asked to indicate how strongly he/she agreed or disagreed with each statement.The students' answers were analyzed using the QMETHOD factor analysis program. Two groups of individuals were defined: Factor I, "Female Dominated"; and Factor II, "Male Dominated." As the names indicate, the defining characteristic of these groups was the gender composition. The majority of females in the study fell into the first group, and the majority of the males in the study fell into the second group. Factor I z-scores were predominantly positive, whereas Factor II z-scores were predominantly negative-the results were close to perfect mirrors of one another. The findings supported the researcher's hypothesis that there is a gender difference in ethical expectations.Department of Journalism
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Leong, Rosa. "A study of research trends in international public relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2120010.
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West, Chasah E. "Organizational-Public Relations| A Cultural Measure of International Publics." Thesis, University of Louisiana at Lafayette, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1594479.
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This thesis aims to measure the dimensions that comprise a relationship between an organization and its public (Organization-Public Relationship) across cultures in order to ascertain which of the dimensions are valued most in those various cultures. Through a historical look at public relations literature, the relatively new theory of Organization-Public Relations is traced, explained, and then applied. O-PR dimensions considered for study are trust, control mutuality, relationship commitment, relationship satisfaction, and face and favor. The study undertaken will be exploratory in nature; the survey will be distributed to international college students currently attending American universities, 18-25 and analyzed using one-way ANOVA to provide a comparison. While many culture-specific models of public relations exist, this study does not attempt to build a new model, but to measure cultures across an existing one. The expected outcomes will provide insight into building and measuring effective cross-cultural, and multi-cultural public relations campaigns, as well as allow for a further validation and understanding of international application of the Organization-Public Relationship Assessment (OPRA): a cross-cultural, multiple-item scale for measuring organization?public relationships developed by Huang (2001). Data will also be collected, analyzed, and compared on perception of likelihood of relationship dimensions affecting word-of-mouth advertising from students
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Hooker, Judine M. "A Q study of public relations professionals' and corporate attorneys' perception of each other." Virtual Press, 1993. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/864935.
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Archaeological fieldwork at the William Conner House Site, home of an early 19th century entrepreneur, was performed in 1990 by Ball State University. The house, listed in the National Register, was built in 1823, occupied until ca. 1916, restored in 1934, and has since functioned as a house museum. Although restoration disturbed portions of the site, substantial undisturbed remains were found to exist on-site. Archaeological testing yielded 26,000+ archaeological specimens and revealed 22 features, including a possible outbuilding, cobble walk, brick pad, fire pit, small refuse pit, and post holes/molds. Herein, the Conner House is described and the history of its usage is recounted. The archaeological research design and methods are explained. Results of investigation are presented. Socioeconomic status theory and indicators are identified, and the site is compared to other 19th century residential sites, socioeconomically. Conclusions are stated. Sites to which the Conner Site is compared are described in an appendix. A glossary is provided.Department of Journalism
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Knauber, Ines. "Profile Development of Commenters Versus Non-Commenters on International Marketing Questionnaires." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc330948/.
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The objectives of this dissertation were to: (1) discover whether commenters and non-commenters on an international marketing questionnaire differ based on sociodemographic, nationality, and personality characteristics; (2) determine whether commenters with greater life satisfaction are more likely to provide positive comments; (3) determine whether commenters differ in response styles due to their national background; and (4) discover whether commenters differ (based on sociodemo-graphic, nationality, and personality characteristics) in their propensity to comment on the design rather than on other questionnaire issues. An exploratory design was used to satisfy these objectives.
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Thompson, John Mortimer. "The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.
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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.
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James, Richard 1949. "Public opinion and the British Legion in Spain, 1835-1838." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23848.
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This thesis examines public opinion towards the participation opinion of the British Auxiliary Legion in the Spanish Civil War. It is based on an analysis of British newspapers, periodicals and political discussion between 1835 and 1838. It suggests that, although there was some degree of support for the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston in sending the legion to aid liberalism in the Peninsula, yet that support declined rapidly. In spite of Palmerston's eventual claim that intervention in Spain had been worthwhile, public opinion was not to reflect the view that his policy had been a right one, or that the British Auxiliaries had been indispensable to the cause of Spanish constitutionalism.
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McLaughlin, James A. "The Chavez corollary the new hegemony on the block /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491192.
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Edelman, Ross David. "Cyberattacks in international relations." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e1d71a7a-7680-4f97-b98d-a41a4b484fda.
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New methods of conflict and coercion can prompt tectonic shifts in the international system, reconfiguring power, institutions, and norms of state behavior. Cyberattacks, coercive acts that disrupt or destroy the digital infrastructure on which states increasingly rely, have the potential to be such a tool — but only if put into practice. This study examines which forces in the international system might restrain state use of cyberattacks, even when they are militarily advantageous. To do so I place this novel technology in the context of existing international regimes, employing an analogical approach that identifies the salient aspects of cyberattacks, and compares them to prior weapons and tactics that share those attributes. Specifically, this study considers three possible restraints on state behavior: rationalist deterrence, the jus ad bellum regime governing the resort to force, and incompatibility with the jus in bello canon of law defining just conduct in war. First, I demonstrate that cyberattacks frustrate conventional deterrence models, and invite, instead, a novel form of proto-competition I call ‘structural deterrence.’ Recognizing that states have not yet grounded their sweeping claims about the acceptability of cyberattacks in any formal analysis, I consider evidence from other prohibited uses of force or types of weaponry to defining whether cyberattacks are ‘legal’ in peacetime or ‘usable’ in wartime. Whereas previous studies of cyberattacks have focused primarily on policy guidance for a single state or limited analysis of the letter of international law, this study explicitly relates international law to state decision-making and precedent. It draws together previously disparate literature across strategic studies, international law, and diplomatic history to offer conclusions applicable beyond any single technology, and of increasing importance as states’ dependence on technology grows.
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Boyer, Jessica Jean. "Crisis public relations : a case study of the issuance of same-sex marriage licenses by the San Francisco Mayor's Office." Scholarly Commons, 2005. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/608.
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This case study examined the San Francisco Mayoral Office's public relations management of the issuance of same-sex marriage licenses. The research was conductedas a case-study, integrating a comprehensive literature review and semi-structured interviews. Analysis of the results suggested that the Mayoral Office's campaign was successful in meeting its goal of marrying same-sex couples; the Office was somewhat effective in getting its primary messages reported by the print media, and the Office utilized innovative strategies to reach its key publics through the use of diverse spokespersons and a humanizing focus. Five major implications emerged from the study. First, crisis planning is essential to the effective management of crisis situations. Second, humanizing controversial messages to target audiences can be very effective. Third, providing media training to spokespersons can improve the organization's overall message. Fourth, segmenting key messages within the target audience is fundamental. Fifth, spokespersons' roles can have a significant impact on the public's perception of an organization's management of a crisis situation.
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Starr, Mary Patricia. "Making public relations personal : an exploratory study of the implications of palanca and guanxi on international public relations." Scholarly Commons, 2003. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/582.
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Largely developed as a professional occupation in the United States throughout the 20111 century, public relations now faces several changes and challenges as more American organizations venture onto the international landscape during the 21 st century. This study examined the evolution of public relations into an international practice, considering whether strategies and tactics are affected by cultural differences.
The view that cultures can have an effect on the individual, communication processes and organizational practices is based on Hofstede's cultural dimensions. Palanca is a term used in Latin American societies, referring to the use of personal influence on one's behalf by relatives or friends. Guanxi, or personal connection, is a traditional practice of relationship marketing in the Chinese community. The literature review for the study examined the connection between cultural dimensions and this conceptualization of social networking in Latin America and China. The study investigated the effects of social networking on public relations practitioners in Latin America and China using a 15-item questionnaire conducted through email and telephone interviews. The analysis sought to determine how culturally-based social networking influences socialization, business practices, ethics and public relations strategies.
The results for research question one indicated that palanca and guanxi were very similar in the cultural dimensions of individualism-collectivism and power distance; both are high collectivist and high power distance. They exhibited similarities related to uncertainty avoidance, though Latin America is high in uncertainty avoidance and China is medium. The two cultures differed along the dimensions of masculinity-femininity and long-term orientation. Research question two addressed business ethics related to culture. While practitioners did encounter ambiguous or unethical situations, their actions were largely dictated by the ethical standards and codes of their organizations. Research question three discussed public relations strategies and tactics. Public relations strategies were viewed as very similar to the U.S., regardless of where the respondents were based. Practitioners in both Latin America and China emphasized managing relationships as a vital component of public relations efforts. However, practitioners in China found media relations and the flow of communication to be underdeveloped in comparison to the U.S.
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Wang, Xiuli. "Winning American hearts and minds : country characteristics, public relations and mass media." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available, full text:, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Al-Anzi, Jomah H. "Advocates and press agents : a Q-study of the perceived roles of public relations practioners in Indiana institutions of higher education." Virtual Press, 1993. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/864899.
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This study examined how the public relations function was perceived by top administrators as viewed by public relations directors (Phase 1), and how that perception compares with the "ideal" or preferred function as indicated by public relations within Indiana colleges and universities (Phase 2). Out of 46 possible subjects, 32 participated in a survey which represented a 70% response rate.After Q-Sorts have been tabulated, the researcher concluded that respondents from phase 1 were divided in their responses into two equal groups with no clear majority of response being represented consistently. On the other hand, phase 2 respondents showed strong conviction with a dominant majority of respondents showing consistency in their selection.Department of Journalism
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Callister, Graeme. "Public opinion and foreign policy : British and French relations with the Netherlands, 1785-1815." Thesis, University of York, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5304/.
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This thesis examines the interplay of public opinion, national identity and foreign policy during the period 1785-1815, focusing on three consistently interconnected countries: the Netherlands, France and Great Britain. The Netherlands provides the centrepiece to the study, which considers how the Dutch were perceived as a nation, a people and as a political entity, at both governmental and popular levels, in the three countries throughout the period. Public opinion is theorised as a two-part phenomenon. Active public opinion represents the collated thoughts and responses of a certain public to an event or set of circumstances. Latent public opinion represents the sum of generally-accepted underlying social norms, stereotypes or preconceptions; the perceptions and representations latently present in unconscious mentalités. The thesis examines how perceptions and representations of the Netherlands in all three countries fed into public opinion and, ultimately, into national identity either of the self or the ‘other’. It then investigates the extent to which the triangular policies of Britain, France and the various incarnations of the Dutch state were shaped by popular perceptions, identities and opinion. While active opinion is shown to have generally been of negligible importance to the policy-making process, it is argued that the underlying themes of latent opinion often provided the conceptual background that politicians from all three countries used to make policy. The influence of latent opinion was often as much unconscious as deliberate. Latent opinion was rarely the inspiration for foreign policy, but it frequently provided the boundaries of expectation within which policy was formed.
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Canavan, Jane. "Public scrutiny, consciousness and resistance in an Ecuadorian highland village." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1444/.
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Cabala is a small, rural village of mestizo and indigena people in the Ecuadorian Andes. Since the local haciendas were disbanded in 1962 the economy and population of the village have both declined and the remaining villagers have increased their engagement in the money economy. Nevertheless most contemporary villagers were suspicious of urban Ecuador which they perceived as being organised exclusively according to trade transactions and saw themselves as belonging to a distinct moral community characterised by participation in exchange relations. Cabalano society was largely ordered according to the logic of a 'good faith economy' and any breach of the obligations inherent in exchange relations threatened not just the relationships between participants but the social order of the whole village. Transgressions of the social order were minimised by the stress most villagers placed on the correct performance of social roles and the maintenance of personal reputations. Thus the social and political order of the village was weighted towards conservatism and I describe how awareness of public scrutiny of their behaviour influenced how most villagers behaved towards members of their own household, managed their responses to the world and treated illness. At the same time, however, many villagers were able to manipulate public opinion, at least sometimes, and were able to both initiate, and adapt to, changes in the social order. Furthermore increased engagement in the money economy suggests that villagers were aware they could choose to order their social relations according to a different logic but chose not to. In the conclusion to the work, therefore, I argue that most villagers made an active choice to stress the importance of exchange relations in order to resist the perceived anomie of the modern, Ecuadorian state.
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Moretti, Marco. "Le droit international public et les peuples nomades." Nice, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004NICE0016.
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Entre le XVIe et le milieu du xixe siècle, la personnalité juridique internationale et la souveraineté des peuples nomades étaient reconnues par les auteurs publicistes et par les Etats dans leur relations avec ces peuples. A cette époque les principes qui réglaient les relations entre les nations étaient différents de principes actuels et découlaient, au plus haut degré, d'une loi de nature universelle. Selon ces principes, toutes les sociétés ayant une organisation politique et sociale étaient considérées comme égales en droit et souveraines sans considération pour la forme et le niveau de développement de cette organisation. Vers le milieu du XIXe siècle, toutefois, les principes naturalistes sont abandonnés et un nouveau concept, positif, du droit international public s'affirme, selon lequel ce droit devait être considéré comme un droit découlant exclusivement des relations entre Etats. La personnalité juridique et la souveraineté des entités politiques qui ne s'étaient pas constituées en Etats, comme les peuples nomades, n'étaient plus reconnues par le droit international public. A la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, dans le cadre du système de protection des droits de l'homme, les droits collectifs et la personnalité juridique distincte de certaines entités politiques non étatiques, comme les peuples qui luttent pour l'autodétermination, les minorités et les peuples indigènes ont été reconnus par les droit international public. C'est dans le contexte de la protection de ces collectivités que les peuples nomades reviennent aujourd'hui sur la scène internationale et sont protégés par le droit international publicBetween the XVIth and the half of the XIXth century the international legal personality and the sovereignty of nomadic peoples were recognised both by the authors of International Law and by the States in their relationships with those peoples. At this time, the principles of international Law were different from the actual ones and derived from the law of nature. In this context any society endowed with a political organisation was considered as independent and sovereign, without any consideration for the form and the level of development of this organisation. Around the half of the XIXth century, however, naturalists concepts were abandoned and a new positive concept of International Law asserted itself. According to this new concept, International Law resulted exclusively from the principles set up and recognised by the States in their mutual relationships. Therefore, the rights of societies not yet organised in accordance with State's structure were no longer recognized by International Law. At the end of the second world war, as a consequence of the development of the international system of protection of human rights, the collective rights and distinct legal personality of non-State entities like peoples struggling for self-determination, minorities and indigenous peoples, were recognised and affirmed by International Law. Nomadic peoples fitting in one of those three legal categories, are nowadays protected and recognised by international law
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Šámalová, Anna. "Vliv Public Relations komunikace Aeroflotu na názor veřejnosti." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-15882.
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The thesis titled "The Influence of Aeroflot's PR Communication on Public Opinion" points out the "PR activity - newspaper article - public awareness and opinion" chain. The objective of the thesis is to point out the relationships between the individual parts of the chain and the overall impact of PR activities on the general public's awareness and opinion. The thesis focuses on the issues of Public Relations in the case of Aeroflot's PR communication at the time when the company was interested in acquiring Czech Airlines. The document also includes an analysis of the media outputs that were published about Aeroflot in the period under review and the subsequent research illustrating the general public's awareness of and opinion on the matter.
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Hanpongpandh, Peeraya. "A comparison of perceptions of public relations, marketing, and advertising educators toward integrated marketing communications." Virtual Press, 1994. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/917012.
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This thesis sought to answer the research question: How do the top educators in the area of public relations, marketing, and advertising perceive the concept of integrated marketing communications as compared to one another?The mail survey applying Q methodology was sent to 15 top educators in each of the three fields in the United States for a total sample of 45 educators. A total of twenty-five responses were returned representing 55.5 percent of the sample. When the respondents were analyzed by discipline, there were eight responses from the pubic relations educators, nine from the marketing educators, and eight from the advertising educators. As a result the responses from each disciplines comprised, respectively, 53.3 percent, 60 percent, and 53.33 percent of the total sample.The statements in Q-Sorting were collected from the review of literature and in interviews with the Ball State University advertising, and public relations professors. Each statement either agreed or disagreed with the perception of integrated marketing communications. Each educator was asked to indicate how strongly they agreed or disagreed with each statement.A computer program developed for Q-Methodology studies was used to extract the factors from the educators' responses. After the Q-Sorts were tabulated, the researcher identified two factors, Factor I, and Factor II. The majority of Factor I respondents were the marketing, and advertising educators. The majority of Factor II respondents were public relations educators.The researcher concluded that these two groups had clearly different attitudes toward IMC. Stated in another way, marketing educators and advertising educators had similar perceptions of IMC, while public relations educators perceived the IMC concept very differently. Public relations educators indicated that the concept of IMC would be acceptable if it should be viewed as a total organizational communications function.Department of Journalism
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Listerman, Thomas. "Biotechnology in press and public an international study of press coverage about biotechnology and its relationship to public opinion." Dresden TUDpress, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2971569&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Listerman, Thomas. "Biotechnology in press and public : an international study of press coverage about biotechnology and its relationship to public opinion /." Dresden : TUDpress, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2971569&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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