Relevant bibliographies by topics / International relations – Public opinion

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'International relations – Public opinion'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "International relations – Public opinion"

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Riabova, A. L. "Public Opinion and International Relations." St. Petersburg State Polytechnical University Journal. Humanities and Social Sciences 215, no. 1 (April 2015): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5862/jhss.215.8.

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Dumoulin, Michel. "Opinion publique et politique extérieure en Belgique de 1945 à 1962 : Orientation des études et perspectives de la recherche en Belgique." Res Publica 27, no. 1 (March 31, 1985): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i1.20377.

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There are very few publications concerning the history of the foreign policy of Belgium. Those concerning the relation between public opinion and international relations are even less frequent. Based on publications of the results of public opinion polls organized by the Universitary lnstitute for Economic and Social Information (INSOC), and a limitedchoice of other written sources, it is possible to prove that the call on the public opinion concerning the history of international relations, and even more for the decision making, must be treated very carefully. In fact, there doesn't exist just one but several public opinions. The reactions in Belgium on the resolution of the United Nation concerningthe division of Palestine may be a clear example of the latter.
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von Bogdandy, Armin, Matthias Goldmann, and Ingo Venzke. "From Public International to International Public Law: Translating World Public Opinion into International Public Authority." European Journal of International Law 28, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 115–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chx002.

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Osée, Utangisila Bena, Bijimine Tshipamba Bijoux, Shafiko Biasuba Didier, and Elembe Oyangondo François. "Individuals and International Public Opinion as an Actor in International Relations." Open Journal of Social Sciences 07, no. 03 (2019): 478–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jss.2019.73039.

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INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Soft Power of Civil Society in International Relations." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 4 (November 1, 2012): 473–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000229.

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This special issue focuses on the role of civil society in international relations. It highlights the dynamics and impacts of public opinion on international relations (Zaller, 1992). Until recently, it was usual to consider public opinion in terms of its influence on policy makers and in terms of moulding public opinion in the broad frame of the policy makers in one's country. Given that public opinion in the United States was assessed and judged so frequently and diffused so globally, it was natural to frame questions guided by those concepts which pertained to the global and domestic context of the United States.
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Kono, Daniel Y. "Does Public Opinion Affect Trade Policy?" Business and Politics 10, no. 2 (August 2008): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1224.

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Although scholars have begun to explore the determinants of public attitudes toward trade policy, we still do not know whether these attitudes have policy consequences. This paper presents the first systematic analysis of this question. I find that higher public support for free trade leads to lower tariffs, but only in democracies. I also find that democracy leads to lower tariffs only where public support for free trade is relatively high. Hence, although both public opinion and regime type are important, neither matters independently of the other. This finding suggests a need for further research on the conditional effects of both.
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Druckman, James N., and Thomas J. Leeper. "Is Public Opinion Stable? Resolving the Micro/Macro Disconnect in Studies of Public Opinion." Daedalus 141, no. 4 (October 2012): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00173.

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Public opinion matters, both as a central element of democratic theory and as a substantive foundation for political representation. The origins and nature of public opinion have long attracted the attention of social scientists. Yet a number of questions remain; among the more perplexing is whether–and under what conditions–public opinion is stable. The answer depends in large part on whether one looks at aggregations of individual opinions (macro public opinion) or at the individual opinions themselves (micro public opinion). In this essay, we explore the macro/micro divide and offer a framework to determine when opinions are likely to be stable or volatile. This framework reflects both the content of the political environment and the nature of individuals' opinions. Using public opinion dynamics surrounding the Patriot Act as a primary example, we discuss the role of opinion stability in interpreting public opinion and in understanding the normative implications of public preferences.
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FURIA, PETER A., and RUSSELL E. LUCAS. "Determinants of Arab Public Opinion on Foreign Relations." International Studies Quarterly 50, no. 3 (September 2006): 585–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00415.x.

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Esmer, Yilmaz. "The Turkish public opinion and Europe." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 10, no. 1 (September 1996): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557579608400127.

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Anderson, Christopher J., and Jason D. Hecht. "The preference for Europe: Public opinion about European integration since 1952." European Union Politics 19, no. 4 (August 9, 2018): 617–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518792306.

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To determine how public opinion matters for the politics of European integration, we need to know what Europeans say about Europe. Yet, despite a proliferation of analyses of public support for Europe, fundamental questions remain. First, does aggregate opinion reflect a single preference for Europe? Second, is the content of opinions similar across countries? Third, have opinions about Europe become more structured over time? Finally, what are the long-term dynamics in opinions about Europe? To answer these questions, we construct a new dataset of historical public opinion since 1952 in France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Over the long run, aggregate opinion toward Europe reflects one dominant underlying dimension and its content is similar across countries. We examine the trends in support for Europe.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "International relations – Public opinion"

1

Peiritsch, Brian. "An examination of international public relations course criteria : a analysis of nineteen public relations educators." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1041885.

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This study attempted to determine what specific course criteria pubic relations educators believed to be most important in an international public relations course. The researcher provided fifty-seven public relations educators with fifty statements covering potential areas an international public relations course could include. The statements covered the areas of business, media, culture, government and miscellaneous. Each public relations educators was asked to sort the statements according to how much he or she agreed or disagreed with them.The QMETHOD program was used to determine two factor groups from the nineteen responses received. The factor groups, Type I and Type II. Type I consisted of twelve public relations educators and Type II consisted of seven public relations educators.Public relations educators in both groups agreed that an international public relations course should teach students to follow global current events and public relations issues, should cover various countries and their cultural taboos, and teach students to identify social trends abroad.The researcher expected public relations educators to support an international public relations course structure which favored the study of a broad range of international public relations at both the undergraduate and graduate levels, and to achieve a consensus on statements relating to cultural sensitivity training. For the most part, the researcher's expectations were met. However, more technical skills issues (i.e., fundamental, pragmatic public relations knowledge needed to execute public relations plans) were raised than expected, and educators' views on the level at which international public relations should be taught differed from what the researcher had anticipated.
Department of Journalism
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Powers, Kathleen E. "Beyond Identity: Social Relations for International Conflict and Cooperation." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1436885537.

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Strong, James. "More spinn'd against than spinning? : public opinion, political communication, and Britain's involvement in the 2003 invasion of Iraq." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/516/.

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When Tony Blair took Britain to war in Iraq in 2003, he overruled vociferous opposition from both the wider public and members of his own governing party. Public opinion was exercised by the issue on a vast scale. Over one million marched in London against the war. Opinion polls uniformly showed majority opposition to the use of force. Newspapers, the engine of media debate in this country, mostly attacked the government line, and encouraged their readers to protest or even, in one case, to rebel. The story of Iraq, however, is not simply one of an ideological or misguided premier dragging the entire nation to battle against its will. It is not simply one of ‘spin’, dossiers, Alastair Campbell, and Weapons of Mass Destruction. Much of the debate, and much of the hostility it generated, focused on areas that foreign policy analysts would consider peripheral; the domestic political consequences of war, the role of ‘spin doctors’ in the assessment of intelligence, and the question of whether the Prime Minister’s (successful) efforts to build a strong alliance with the world’s last superpower had transformed him into the President’s ‘poodle’. Interactions between ministers and the media were conditioned on both sides by an intimidating array of structural pressures. Diplomatic and journalistic calculations often clashed, trapping the government in the middle of an immensely complex ‘multi-level game’. News management influenced substantive foreign policy just as policy influenced news management, and the media arguably affected both, albeit often indirectly. The substance and the communication of the decision to go to war proved to be inseparable, both in the course of decision-making, and in their later retrospective assessment. Public Opinion, broadly defined, had a significant impact on British foreign policy at this time. Crucially, however, this impact operated through political communication mechanisms usually ignored by FPA.
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McConachie, Bradley. "The Future of Australia-China Relations: Can International Education Deliver a Network of Informed Opinion Leaders?" Thesis, Griffith University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/382705.

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As China is Australia’s largest trading partner, much of Australia’s future economic success will rely on the next generation of leaders and policymakers having a deep understanding of China’s culture and its way of doing business. While not discounting the commercial value of higher education, this thesis focusses on Australian universities’ contribution to the public good, through the enduring value of international education as public diplomacy. My study and internship within the Australian Studies Centre (ASC) at Peking University coincided with the Abbott Government’s implementation of the New Colombo Plan (NCP) as a public diplomacy initiative. Given that there is little evidence of the efficacy of funded scholarships making a strong contribution to a nation’s soft power, I became curious as to why the government highlighted international education to increase its influence in China and the Indo-Pacific region more broadly. As education programs are long-term public diplomacy strategies, and Australian politics have been tumultuous with five prime ministers in five years, investigating the reasoning behind the continued political support for international education as public diplomacy provides an insight into Australia-China relations. This thesis investigates two key international education programs that were identified in the Australian Public Diplomacy Strategy 2014-2016; the NCP and the network of ASCs in China. A mixed method approach was undertaken to address the problem: Have Australian Government-funded international education programs resulted in a network of Sino-Australian opinion leaders who contribute to Australia’s public diplomacy efforts in China? Many nations, including Australia, provide funding support for international education programs as they are thought to build relationships and mutual understanding between the peoples of different nations, and thereby contribute to international goodwill and the cause of peace.1 Two theories from the psychology and communications literature (the contact hypothesis and the two-step flow hypothesis in the development of opinion leaders) were used. The findings show that the NCP and ASC programs do contribute to breaking down negative stereotypes and building mutual understanding between Australia and China. However, the programs’ outcomes would be improved through strengthening the conditions of contact. Government, and, home and host university support for the NCP was high, however, due to the lack of Chinese language skills and opportunities for out-of-class interactions the condition of high acquaintance potential was low. Equal status and common goals were identified as being present for NCP scholars but could be improved as students rarely co-operated on joint projects and felt like they were treated, positively but differently, to local students. Conversely, the ASCs require additional institutional and government support. In contrast to the NCP’s adequate funding, the ASCs need increased funding which is aligned to clear objectives. There are opportunities for the NCP scholars and the ASCs to work together to diversify the Australian students’ experiences and provide more opportunities for Australian and Chinese students and academics to collaborate. Because of the intersection between policy and politics, the reasoning behind Australian Government funds for international education programs in China will be subject to change to meet the geopolitical environment of the time. We could naively rely solely on the government’s promulgated key objectives, however, without transparency regarding the intent of these programs, any evaluation could be meaningless. The strong fabric of personal and professional links between Australian and Chinese individuals and institutions will assist Australia to navigate difficult times in the bilateral relationship. Considering the limited public funding, using the NCP and ASCs as vehicles for delivering a positive message that Australia is engaged with its region, is sufficient reason for funding these programs. Improving conditions of contact would increase the probability of creating opinion leaders and therefore improving the future contribution that these programs make to the nation’s good.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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Assaf, Elias. "From Social Networks to International Relations: How Social Influence Shapes International Norm Adoption and The Global Order." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1574591937096021.

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Odeh, Rana Kamal. "The Impact of Changing Narratives on American Public Opinion Toward the U.S.-Israel Relationship." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401818860.

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Meledje, Djedjro Francisco. "La contribution des organisations non gouvernementales a la sauvegarde des droits de l homme." Amiens, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987AMIE0003.

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Les developpements de la protection internationale des droits de l homme ont revele l importance des organisations non gouvernementales (ong) dans l evolution du systeme international. Les ong revendiquent un droit-devoir d intervention dans le domaine des droits de l homme; cette revendication auto-consacree etant confortee par une legitimite internationale basee sur le principe du statut d observateur acquis par les ong aupres des organisations intergouvernementales (oig). Une vision d ensemble du mouvement associatif montre que le monde occidental est le siege de l epanouissement des ong; ce fait a certainement une influence sur le fonctionnement des ong de protection des droits de l homme. Les relations entre les ong, les ressources financieres des ong, leur composition et leur structure determinent leurs modalites d intervention dans le domaine des droits de l homme ainsi que leur efficacite relative. Envisagee par rapport a l attitude des etats et des oig dans le domaine des droits de l homme, les inter ventions des ong se developpent globalement dans deux sens: elles visent a cooperer avec les institutions publiques, ou a interpeller les auteurs de violation des doits de l homme. Sur un plan general, les ong participent a la formation des normes et elles cooperent avec les etats et les oig a leur mise en oeuvre. Dans leurs activites d interpellation, les ong font le plus souvent valoir la sanction d opinion. Au sein des oig, des procedures existent qui permettent aux ong de denoncer les violations des droits de l homme
The development of the international protection of human rights reveals the importance taken by non-governmental organization (ngo) in the evolution of the international order. Ngos claim a right and a duty of intervention in the dealing of question relating to the defense of human rights. This claim is reinforced by the observer status they get in intergovernmental organizations (ngo). A general view of ngo movement permits to see the predominance of western world in facilitating the development of private associations. This fact certainly has an influence into the functioning of ngos engaged in human rights protection. Relations between ngos, ngos financial resources, their membership and their structure determine their modes of intervention in the field of human rights and their eficiency. In viewing the question through states and igos attitude and action in the field of human rights, the intervention of ngos can be globally perceived in two ways: these organizations cooperate with public institutions engaged in human rights actions or they are dedicated in denounciation of human rights violations. Generally, ngos participate to the formation of international norms and they cooperate with states and igos in their implementation. In their activitites of denounciation of human rights violations, ngos give importance to the sanction of public opinion: but, their aloso use intergovernmental petition systemsin force
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Dieck, Hélène. "The influence of American public opinion on US military interventions after the Cold War." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0014.

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Les études académiques récentes sur l'influence de l'opinion publique sur les interventions militaires dans les démocraties occidentales concluent pour la plupart que l’opposition du public n’a pas empêché le président de faire usage de la force. Ces études se concentrent souvent sur le choix d'intervenir dans un conflit donné et omettent d'analyser les ajustements apportés à l'intervention elle-même du fait de l'opinion publique. Cette étude tente au contraire de montrer qu'on ne peut comprendre l’influence de l'opinion publique si l'on se limite à la décision d'intervenir et n’étudie pas les décisions connexes liées à la conduite et à la réussite d'une intervention: le choix des moyens humains et financiers, les objectifs, la stratégie de communication. La littérature scientifique actuelle omet également de dévoiler la manière dont l'exécutif tente de gérer la contrainte de l'opinion publique et comprendre ainsi quelle est sa véritable marge de manœuvre vis-à-vis de celle-ci. En effet, l’opinion publique et la présidence s’influencent mutuellement : le président est souvent contraint de trouver un compromis entre les objectifs politiques et militaires désirés et ce que le public est prêt à accepter. En incluant l'impact de l'opinion publique sur la mise en œuvre des opérations militaires, cette recherche conclut que le public américain a eu une influence majeure sur le degré d'engagement, les objectifs et la durée des interventions militaires de l'après Guerre froide. Notre étude s’appuie principalement sur des entretiens avec des responsables politiques impliqués dans le processus décisionnel ayant conduit à l’usage de la force après la Guerre froide. Ce processus décisionnel sera analysé à travers cinq études de cas
Recent qualitative studies of the relationship between public opinion and U.S. foreign policy put decisions into the following two categories: the President tends to lead or to follow public opinion; public opinion influences decision-making, constrains the decision, or has no impact. These studies typically research the initial decision to intervene, but fail to examine the subsequent decisions to sustain and win a war: financial and human means, conduct, objectives, duration, and communication. I argue that these elements of a winning strategy are impacted by concerns with public support at home. The impact of public opinion on the decision whether to use force is better understood when analyzing the compromise between the perception of anticipated public opinion and the necessities of a military campaign. Public opinion impacts the strategy, the timing, and length of an intervention, and inversely, those elements impact the anticipated public opinion and ultimately the decision to use force or choose a different course of action. The president can expect to influence public opinion and raise the acceptability of an intervention through various means. As a consequence, there is a back-and-forth process between anticipated public support for a given intervention and the consideration of the use of force. Contrary to the current literature, which tends to conclude that the president enjoys a substantial margin for maneuver, an analysis of post Cold War cases of interventions, limited interventions, and military escalations shows that anticipated public opinion limited the president's margin for maneuver and influenced not only the decision to intervene but also the military strategy and in the end, the result of the intervention. These findings contradict the realist paradigm for which only the structure of the international system matters and domestic politics are irrelevant in the study of international relations
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Tollefson, Julie Jo. "Japan's Article 9 and Japanese Public Opinion: Implications for Japanese Defense Policy and Security in the Asia Pacific." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1526812071227061.

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Holzhacker, Denilde Oliveira. "Atitudes e percepções das elites e da população em geral sobre a política externa brasileira nos anos 90." Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-22062007-133857/.

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O objetivo desta tese é investigar, de forma comparativa, as diferenças e semelhanças entre as percepções e orientações da elite e da opinião pública de massa a respeito da política externa brasileira. Para isso, foram analisados os resultados do survey \"Percepções das Elites e da População brasileira sobre as Relações Externas do País\", realizado em 1998 e 2001, pelo Núcleo de Pesquisa em Relações Internacionais da Universidade de São Paulo. Além disso, foram utilizados depoimentos coletados entre membros da elite brasileira no âmbito da pesquisa \"A Alca nas Visões das Elites\" (2003), NUPRI-ILDES. A hipótese central do trabalho é que as elites e a massa apresentam padrões de atitudes similares a respeito dos diferentes aspectos da inserção internacional brasileira a partir dos anos 90. No entanto, os resultados indicaram que não há na sociedade brasileira um consenso sobre os efeitos da globalização sobre o País, existindo três padrões de atitudes quanto à globalização: alienação, afluência e participação conflituosa. Essas posições indicaram visões distintas sobre os resultados da globalização, que influenciam diretamente a posição brasileira no sistema internacional. Essas visões, por outro lado, também influenciam as posições das elites e da massa a respeito das opções e orientações da política externa brasileira nos anos 90. As elites e a massa dividem-se em três posições a respeito das orientações da política externa brasileira no período: para uns a política externa deveria voltar-se para os interesses estritamente econômicos, para outros ela deveria ser um instrumento de busca da cooperação e o desenvolvimento geral dos povos, e um terceiro grupo apóia uma política baseada na busca do poder e do prestígio no sistema internacional. Essas posições mostraram forte associação com uma visão positiva da atuação do País no sistema internacional. Entre as estratégias da política externa brasileira destacou-se o forte envolvimento do País em negociações internacionais, além disso, esse tópico é considerado um dos que mais mobilizaram os grupos da sociedade brasileira nos anos 90, por isso, buscou-se analisar as atitudes das elites e da massa no que se refere à participação do País em dois processos negociadores: o Mercosul e a ALCA. As maiores divergências entre elites e massa prevaleceram nas questões relacionadas à ALCA. No que se refere ao Mercosul existe no interior da sociedade brasileira um forte consenso sobre os resultados que a integração poderão trazer em termos de desenvolvimento econômico e também de maior influência para o País nos processos internacionais, apesar da falta de consenso sobre os impactos até o momento gerados pela integração com os Países do Cone Sul. De maneira geral, os resultados indicaram que as elites e a massa mostram atitudes coerentes e associadas ao debate que marcou a diplomacia brasileira nos anos 90.
The objective of this thesis is to investigate, in a comparing form, the differences and similarities between the perceptions and orientation of the elite and the mass of Brazilians, regarding the Brazilian foreign policy. For this, it had been analyzed the results of survey \" Perceptions of the Elites and of the Brazilian Population on the Foreign Policy\", carried through in 1998 and 2001, by the Center of Research in International Relations of the University of São Paulo, moreover, had been used interview with members of the Brazilian elite about FTAA negotiations (NUPRI-USP/ILDES - 2003). The central hypothesis of the work is that the elites and the mass show of similar attitudes regarding the different aspects of the Brazilian international insertion from years 90. However, the results had indicated that it does not happen, in the Brazilian society, a consensus on the results of the globalization. In the Brazilian society there are three attitudes regarding globalization: alienation, affluence and participation confliction. These positions indicate distinct perceptions on the effects of the globalization and that directly influence the Brazilian position in the international system. These perceptions, on the other hand, also influence the elites and the mass positions regarding the options and orientations of the Brazilian foreign politics in the 90´s. The elites and the mass revealed three attitudes: a) the external politics is turned for strict economic interests, b) the external politics is an instrument for the search of the cooperation and the development of the peoples and, c) politics is based on the search for power and prestige in the international system. These positions had shown to associate with a positive vision about the country´s performance in the international system. The strategies of the Brazilian external politics distinguished the strong involvement in international negotiations. This topic is considered one that has strongly mobilized the Brazilian society in years 90, so it is important to analyze the attitudes of the elites and the mass regarding the participation in two negotiating processes: the Mercosur and the FTAA. The biggest divergences between the elites and mass has taken advantage in the related questions the FTAA, as for the Mercosur a strong consensus exists in the interior of the Brazilian society about the results that the integration will be able to bring in terms of economic development, despite the lack of consensus on the impacts until the moment generated by the integration with the countries of the South Cone. In a general way, the results have indicated that the elites and the mass show a coherent attitude and associate the debate inside of the country in years 90.
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Books on the topic "International relations – Public opinion"

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Public opinion & international intervention: Lessons from the Iraq. Washington, D.C: Potomac Books, 2012.

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1975-, Bellamy Alex J., ed. International society and its critics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.

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Zhang Peiheng xian sheng xue shu ji jin, ed. Yu wai wen xian li de Zhongguo. Shanghai: Shanghai wen yi chu ban she, 2014.

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Yi guan kui long: Ling lei de Zhongguo xiang xiang. Taibei Shi: Han lu tu shu chu ban you xian gong si, 2016.

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Diplomacia y opinión pública. 2nd ed. Lima: Universidad de San Martín de Porres, 2009.

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Roberta, Fiske-Rusciano, ed. World opinion and the emerging international order. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1998.

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translator, Duchnowicz Ilona, Kaczmarski Marcin, and Kaczmarski Marcin, eds. Niedźwiedź patrzy na smoka: Rosyjska debata na temat Chin = The bear watches the dragon : the Russian debate on China. Warszawa: Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. M. Karpia, 2013.

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P, Everts Philip, and Isernia Pierangelo, eds. Public opinion and the international use of force. London: Routledge, 2001.

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Russia's identity in international relations: Images, perceptions, misperceptions. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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Formirovanie imidzha Rossii v kontekste globalʹnykh prot︠s︡essov. Moskva: RAGS, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "International relations – Public opinion"

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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Public opinion, domestic structure, and foreign policy in liberal democracies (1991)." In Domestic Politics and Norm Diffusion in International Relations, 25–54. London: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315623665-3.

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Casey, Steven. "Public Opinion." In The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 79–89. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-8.

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Merten, Klaus, and Joachim Westerbarkey. "Public Opinion und Public Relations." In Die Wirklichkeit der Medien, 188–211. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-09784-6_10.

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Myers, Cayce. "Propaganda, Public Relations, and Public Opinion." In Public Relations History, 48–61. New York, NY : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351033015-4.

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Nelson, Daniel N. "Public Opinion and Public Policy." In Elite-Mass Relations in Communist Systems, 117–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09104-1_8.

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Fiore, Douglas J. "The Importance of Public Opinion." In School–Community Relations, 1–18. 5th ed. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003025993-1.

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Wlezien, Christopher. "Public Opinion Polls." In International Encyclopedia of Statistical Science, 1142–44. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-04898-2_54.

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Morris, Trevor, and Simon Goldsworthy. "Writing feature articles and opinion pieces." In Public Relations for Asia, 159–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230583450_22.

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Adida, Claire L. "Migration and Public Opinion." In Introduction to International Migration, 151–74. New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003167631-12.

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Kepplinger, Hans Mathias. "Public Opinion and Violence." In International Handbook of Violence Research, 1151–66. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-306-48039-3_59.

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Conference papers on the topic "International relations – Public opinion"

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Pribadi, R. Dicky Johar, and Annisa Pratamasari. "Iran Nuclear Deal: The Role of Iranian Media and Public Opinion." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280205550561.

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Salsabila, Sandrina, and Siti Rokhmawati Susanto. "German Foreign Policy on Russia: Analysis of Public Opinion and Media on Crimean Annexation Sanctions." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280405680574.

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Salamey, Imad, and Muzammil Hussain. "Sectarian Minorities and Democratic Transition in the Middle East Survey of Lebanese Public Opinion." In 2nd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science Technology Forum, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir12.92.

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Wang, Yan. "Research on Network Public Opinion Governance of Government Emergencies Under the Background of Big Data." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.131.

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Ji, Xinyi, Yuqing Song, and Yuting Wei. "The Spiral of Silence Theory, The Sleeper Effect and The Third Person Effect on Public Opinion Take Zheng Shuang’s Surrogacy Incident as an Example." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.155.

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Dashin, Aleksey, Elena Simatova, Anatoly Shapovalov, and Gennady Pratsko. "Principles of international law as source of regulating contractual relations complicated by foreign elements." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.rahd1545.

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This research is dedicated to the problem of essence and classification of international private law principles applicable to international private contracts. It studies existing doctrinal opinions towards systematization criteria of international private law principles including that in relation to other branches of law. The authors come to the conclusion on the essence and characteristics of those international private law principles that are applied to contractual relations complicated by a foreign element and that are reflected in the international practice. By subdividing the international private law principles by extent of relation to primary regulation methods (collision law and material law) and taking into account a close tie of this law branch with other branches, in particular, international public and civil law, given the goals of this research, the authors come to the conclusions that regulation of trans-border contractual relations correspond to the following principles: justice, good faith and rationality of participants of legal relations; autonomy of parties’ will; the closest tie. The substantiation of the above gives quotes of international documents widely spread as lex mercatoria – UNIDROIT principles, principles of the European contractual law, and Hauge principles of law selection as applicable to international commercial contracts.
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Jelinkova, Martina Jelinkova, Hana Lostakova, and Katerina Machackova. "The level of use of public relations tools and evaluation of their impact on the reputation of chemical companies from the perspective of the Czech public." In 11th International Scientific Conference „Business and Management 2020“. VGTU Technika, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/bm.2020.518.

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The article presents the results of primary quantitative research aiming to determine the extent to which PR tools are used by chemical companies towards the public (wide and local) in the Czech Republic. It was found that, in the opinion of the respondents, the natural publicity of the company through word of mouth and media information has the greatest influence on public opinion, while the influence of social networks has not been appreciated yet. An important contribution of the paper may be the identification of the extent of use of a complex set of PR tools in the areas of information publicity, events and corporate social responsibility initiatives (CSR) recommended by literature to support business reputation among the public. Thus, it was possible to identify PR tools often used by companies, albeit not very effective, and vice versa, those PR tools that are perceived to be effective, but not yet widely used in practice. The application of research results will facilitate a better allocation of company resources among PR tools in order to more effectively meet the company’s PR objectives towards the public. The research was conducted through the electronic questioning method and involved 53 marketing and PR managers of chemical companies in the Czech Republic.
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Shao, T., and Q. Luo. "Public opinion analysis of public figures based on constrained logistic regression and grey relational analysis." In 9th International Symposium on Test Automation & Instrumentation (ISTAI 2022). Institution of Engineering and Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1049/icp.2022.3245.

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Carvalho, Jorge, and Pedro S. Gomes. "Costs and benefits of urban dispersion on a local scale: presentation of an ongoing research project." In International Conference Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.7547.

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There is an increasing urbanization of the world population, but the city has been taking new shapes,different from traditional compact and continuous forms. In the emergent city, mobility has transformed social and spatial relations, construction is intertwined with increasingly abandoned green spaces and the urban structure is fragmented and dispersed. Such dispersion, even without many defenders among key urban theorists, is nowadays a reality, unplanned, but practised and accepted. Arguments for and against dispersion have long been confronted, remaining unchanged: for some, it means contact with nature, space and intimacy; for others, it is a simulacrum of nature, isolation and anonymity. Such subjective arguments are important in the identification of different concepts of quality of life. But there are other arguments, objective ones: land consumption, public infrastructure costs, mobility costs and housing prices. The Research Project “Costs and Benefits of Urban Dispersion on a local scale”, from which this communication derives, seeks opinion, as precise as possible, on these issues. To do so, it will consider costs and benefits. Studies seeking to quantify costs, relating mainly to the USA, analyse dispersion, the majority of times, on a regional scale. In this Project, we intend to compare costs between different “Base Land Units” of the extended city – a concept similar to that of the neighbourhood unit or of the neighbourhood itself. Our main goal is, then, to analyse and, if possible, to confront costs and benefits of different land use types. By benefits we understand quality of life, a concept that changes from opinion group to opinion group. We intend to transform this concept into an algorithm which integrates this variability, based on the current literature, similar previous studies and on the answers to a questionnaire applied to the inhabitants of Aveiro-Ílhavo and Évora (our case studies).Regarding costs, we will look at local public infrastructure (including networks, all public space and public equipments) and mobility (integrated costs per km and per user for each transport mode). Quantification of costs relating to land consumption and other environmental externalities (nature and landscape based) has to be left for a later research opportunity. Our conclusions, supported by public questionnaires, will be expressed quantitatively: an utility function to represent opinions on quality of life; an integrated cost for local infrastructure + mobility; and a methodology to relate the two functions for a variety of scenarios. This will result in the formulation of a comparative opinion, expressed in cost-benefit terms, between the various typologies of dispersed occupation and, also, between these and those of continuous occupation. To formulate an operative proposal regarding urban dispersion, it is important to understand how the market works (in terms of its agents, procedures and prices) for current dispersed occupation dynamics. This paper will go through the work undertaken so far, describing concepts and methods and presenting preliminary results when possible. It will not only focus on the Project’s general methodology, but also on methodologies specific to each Task, whenever it is thought appropriate.
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WANG, Song, Xu-Xuan LIU, and Xue-Guang ZHOU. "Research on Public Opinion Hot Spot Acquisition Method Based on Reverse Relation in Social Network." In 2020 International Conference on Computer Vision, Image and Deep Learning (CVIDL). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cvidl51233.2020.00-51.

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Reports on the topic "International relations – Public opinion"

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Míguez-Gonzalez, María Isabel, Juan Manuel Corbacho-Valencia, and Xosé Manuel Baamonde-Silva. Tendencias de investigación sobre relaciones públicas en revistas internacionales: el caso de Journal of Public Relations Research 2012-2014/Research trends about Public Relations in international journals: the case of Journal of Public Relations Research. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas, December 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-12-2016-02-05-24.

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Lozano, Alejandra, Sarah Jameson, Sylvain Aubry, and Magdalena Sepúlveda. ESC rights: PUSHING THE FRONTIERS #1 | Women and public services#1 | Women and public services. The Global initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.53110/xgvo5950.

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This briefing paper aims to explore the role of public services in the transformation of asymmetrical power relations between women and men. Released on International Women’s Day, the brief argues that public services can play a decisive role in this transformation, by fostering a critical examination of gender roles, redistributing resources and opportunities and strengthening positive social practices that enhance gender equality. It puts forward five key elements for a gender-transformative approach to the management, delivery, funding and ownership of public services
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da Silva, Marcelo Pereira, Ana Carolina Trindade, and Jéssica de Cássia Rossi. Desafios para a atividade de relações públicas no mundo contemporâneo: pesquisa de opinião com profissionais do Estado de São Paulo/ Challenges for the public relations' activity in the contemporary world: opinion survey with professionals from the state. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas, December 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-14-2017-07-103-124.

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Carty, Anthony, and Jing Gu. Theory and Practice in China’s Approaches to Multilateralism and Critical Reflections on the Western ‘Rules-Based International Order’. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.057.

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China is the subject of Western criticism for its supposed disregard of the rules-based international order. Such a charge implies that China is unilateralist. The aim in this study is to explain how China does in fact have a multilateral approach to international relations. China’s core idea of a community of shared future of humanity shows that it is aware of the need for a universal foundation for world order. The Research Report focuses on explaining the Chinese approach to multilateralism from its own internal perspective, with Chinese philosophy and history shaping its view of the nature of rules, rights, law, and of institutions which should shape relationships. A number of case studies show how the Chinese perspectives are implemented, such as with regards to development finance, infrastructure projects (especially the Belt and Road Initiative), shaping new international organisations (such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank), climate change, cyber-regulation and Chinese participation in the United Nations in the field of human rights and peacekeeping. Looking at critical Western opinion of this activity, we find speculation around Chinese motives. This is why a major emphasis is placed on a hermeneutic approach to China which explains how it sees its intentions. The heart of the Research Report is an exploration of the underlying Chinese philosophy of rulemaking, undertaken in a comparative perspective to show how far it resembles or differs from the Western philosophy of rulemaking.
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Bravo, Vanessa. Applying the Situational Theory of Publics to the first external voting process for Costa Ricans abroad: Lessons for international public relations and public diplomacy / Aplicación de la Teoría Situacional de los Públicos al primer proceso de voto en el exterior para Costa Rica: Lecciones para las relaciones públicas internacionales y la diplomacia pública. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas, December 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-10-2015-08-125-140.

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Torres-Mancera, Rocio, Carlos de las Heras-Pedrosa, Carmen Jambrino-Maldonado, and Patricia P. Iglesias-Sanchez. Public Relations and the Fundraising professional in the Cultural Heritage Industry: a study of Spain and Mexico / Las relaciones públicas y el profesional de la captación de fondos en la industria del patrimonio cultural: un estudio de España y México. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-21-2021-03-27-48.

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The present research aims to understand the current situation of strategic communication and public relations applied in the professional field of fundraising in the cultural heritage environment. It observes the current patterns used in the sector to obtain and generate long-term sustainable funding, through the stimulation of investors and International Cooperation projects from the European Union in line with UNESCO. Two international case studies are compared: Spain and Mexico, through the selection of territorial samples in Malaga and San Luis Potosi. The methodology used is based on a combination of in-depth interviews with key informants and content analysis. In the first instance, the degree of application of communication and public relations tools for strategic purposes to directly attract economic resources to the management of cultural heritage (tangible and intangible) in the region is studied. In line with the results obtained, the current parameters and key indicators of the profile of the fundraising professional in public and private cultural management are presented.
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Elshabik, Mohamed, ed. Citizens’ Perceptions of Democratic Participation in Sudan. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2022.12.

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Democracy cannot prosper without democrats. The challenges facing the democratic transformation in Sudan are immense. This report signified the power-sharing intricacies that had been in place for over two years between the civilians and military. The 25 October coup put an end to that partnership. Nonetheless, people in Sudan are increasingly determined to regain their democratic transition. Building Democracy requires more than extending goodwill. It has always been said democracy cannot prosper without democrats. In context, International IDEA Sudan’s Programme saw the need to explore the perceptions of the main stakeholder in the democratic transition of Sudan, its people. The primary objective of this report is to study the perceptions among the Sudanese population of the motivations for and barriers to democratic participation. The study aims to generate a baseline of understanding to guide the design of further relevant civic education interventions. Methodologically, this was achieved using primary and secondary data sources: Primary data was collected through direct fieldwork using a structured questionnaire, interviews, focus group discussions and key informant interviews, as well as participatory observation. Secondary sources were collated in a desk review of existing academic and public opinion research, such as data from Afro-barometer and the International IDEA Global State of Democracy Indices.
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Godenau, Dirk. Migration and the economy. Observatorio de la Inmigración de Tenerife. Departamento de Geografía e Historia. Universidad de La Laguna. Tenerife, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/r.obitfact.2020.02.

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Economic reasons are among the basic explanatory factors of migration, whether international or internally within a country. In turn, migratory movements have effects on the economy in terms of economic growth in general, but also in the different markets (work, housing, consumer goods, etc.) and public services (education, health, social services, etc.). The purpose of this document is to offer an overview of these interactions between migration and the economy in the case of the Canary Islands. To do this, certain conceptual clarifications will be made initially involving the mutual determination of both processes, before later providing specifics with evidence on the Canarian case for the main issues considered: the economic reasons for migration, and its impact on economic growth, the labour market and the living conditions of the immigrant population. The final section alludes to the importance of the institutional framework that regulates these relations between migration and the economy, which are far from being interpretable as a mechanical relationship and isolated from the political sphere.
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Kelly, Luke. Characteristics of Global Health Diplomacy. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.09.

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This rapid review focuses on Global Health Diplomacy and defines it as a method of interaction between the different stakeholders of the public health sector in a bid to promote representation, cooperation, promotion of the right to health and improvement of health systems for vulnerable populations on a global scale. It is the link between health and international relations. GHD has various actors including states, intergovernmental organizations, private companies, public-private partnerships and non-governmental organizations. Foreign policies can be integrated into national health in various ways i.e., designing institutions to govern practices regarding health diplomacy (i.e., health and foreign affairs ministries), creating and promoting norms and ideas that support foreign policy integration and promoting policies that deal with specific issues affecting the different actors in the GHD arena to encourage states to integrate them into their national health strategies. GHD is classified into core diplomacy – where there are bilateral and multilateral negotiations which may lead to binding agreements, multistakeholder diplomacy – where there are multilateral and bilateral negotiations which do not lead to binding agreements and informal diplomacy – which are interactions between other actors in the public health sector i.e., NGOs and Intergovernmental Organizations. The US National Security Strategy of 2010 highlighted the matters to be considered while drafting a health strategy as: the prevalence of the disease, the potential of the state to treat the disease and the value of affected areas. The UK Government Strategy found the drivers of health strategies to be self-interest (protecting security and economic interests of the state), enhancing the UK’s reputation, and focusing on global health to help others. The report views health diplomacy as a field which requires expertise from different disciplines, especially in the field of foreign policy and public health. The lack of diplomatic expertise and health expertise have been cited as barriers to integrating health into foreign policies. States and other actors should collaborate to promote the right to health globally.
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Vaskivskyj, Yurij. Branding in journalism: prospects for operation. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11395.

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The article analyzes the branding process in the context of the development of individual units of journalism. After all, in the current conditions of competition in the Ukrainian information space, it is important to apply and master new technologies for the development and promotion of media resources in the media market. The history of branding is presented and it is noted that branding is the key to the success of each media brand in using the necessary tools and technologies, which involves the branding process. It is necessary to know and understand not only the basic laws of branding, but also its possibilities as the main tool of Internet marketing and offline or digital marketing. It is emphasized that the personal brand should be considered as a tool that builds a reputation and a positive image in the information space, as well as allows you to get a variety of resources only using professional skills and knowledge. It is important not only to form your own audience, but also to meet its needs. The GORDON online publication is analyzed, because this media resource is a consequence of the influence of personal brand on the audience and rapid development in the context of promoting a particular media resource, and the main ideologue and co-founder of this publication is an example of how personal brand can affect audiences. and promote the development of a specific business project. It is noted that the reputation of Dmitry Gordon and his odious figure became the basis for the success of this online publication, and attitudes toward him may be different and often ambiguous, but his person is known to everyone in the post-Soviet space. Modern information space needs scandalous and odious personalities, because they are able to arrange a show, give people emotions. The author points out that branding is an extremely promising technology not only in the context of promoting and promoting a particular media resource or personal brand, but also promotes the comprehensive development of journalists as public opinion experts and potential speakers at international conferences not only in journalism, but also internet marketing.
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