Relevant bibliographies by topics / International relations – Germany

Academic literature on the topic 'International relations – Germany'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "International relations – Germany"

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Rymkevich, Olga. "13th World Congress of the International Industrial Relations Association (IIRA)." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 20, Issue 2 (June 1, 2004): 305–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2004017.

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The 13th IIRA World Congress held in Berlin on 8-12 September 2003 attracted participants from all over the world. In the course of five days a wide range of topics relating to the changing profile of industrial relations was covered. Due to the large number of papers, we focus here only on the contributions presented during the plenary sessions. The conference was opened with a speech by Professor Manfred Weiss, president of the IIRA Association, who drew attention to the variety of challenges industrial relations face today, underlining the need for scientific and practical discussion that could be of a great use for the all the parties concerned. During pre-congress the problems of codetermination in Germany were addressed by Jörg Sydow (Chairman of the German Industrial Relations Association), Nikolaus Simon (Director of the Hans-Böckler Foundation), Otto Jacobi (Laboratorium Europa), Walther Müller-Jentsch (Ruhr-University Bochum, Germany), Hansjörg Weitbrecht (University of Heidelberg, Germany), Michael Fichter, (Organizing Committee, GIRA), followed by visits to leading German companies.
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Ibragimov, Farkhad Elshan Ogli. "Development of Iranian-German Relations in 2010-2020 (Problems and Prospects)." Вопросы безопасности, no. 4 (April 2022): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7543.2022.4.39069.

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The subject of the study is Iranian-German relations in 2010-2020. The object of the research is the development of relations between Iran and Germany. The author of the work examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the history of the development of relations between Iran and Germany, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which directly affects Iran's relations with the world community, in particular with the European Union. Particular attention is paid to the role of Germany as a strategic partner of Iran. Germany has traditionally been seen as Iran's closest partner in Europe, although its policy towards Iran during the so-called nuclear crisis of the 2000s largely followed the example of Washington due to Germany joining the latter's power diplomacy. The main conclusions of the study are: The future of German-Iranian relations will depend on a number of international, regional and domestic factors, the development of which is difficult to predict with any certainty; besides Germany, the positions of Great Britain and France in relation to Iran matter to a lesser extent; Iran's geopolitical attractiveness, along with Iran's willingness to welcome Germany as an active player in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, as well as pressure from the country's economic groups to develop trade relations with Iran, encourage Germany to take the lead in European foreign policy towards Iran ; With the start of nuclear talks in 2013, Berlin played a positive role in the negotiations that culminated in the nuclear deal in July 2015. Since then, close cooperation has been established both in industry and in the field of education; The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that the results of the study can be applied in the strategic planning of international relations with Iran.
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Kryvonos, Roman. "What Ukrainian Diplomats Need to Know about Germany’s Foreign Policy in its Relations with Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 704–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-46.

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The article deals with the place of Ukraine in German foreign policy. The Federal Republic of Germany is a leading partner in the process of Ukraine’s gradual entry into European and Transatlantic international institutions. It is noted that the methods of conducting German foreign policy were formed during the «Cold War». This has led to the predominant use of tools, which Joseph Nye summarized in the concept of ‘soft power’. However, Germany is faced with new challenges, such as, inter alia policy towards post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine. The main interests of Germany in relation to Ukraine are considered. Firstly, it is the preservation of the independence, territorial integrity and effectiveness of Ukraine as an actor in international relations. Other important factors include the political consolidation of Ukraine, the implementation of reforms in the economy, public administration and other spheres of public life and support for the European integration of Ukraine as a powerful tool for the transformation of the country. However, Ukraine’s admission to the European Union in the near future is not an option. It is argued that part of the population and politicians in Germany believe that Russia has legitimate interests in the post-Soviet space. However, after the Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine, Germany gave wide support to the European choice of Ukraine and became one of the main allies and assistants of Ukraine in reforming public administration and economy. Germany was involved in Minsk-1 and Minsk-2. Emphasis is attached to the vigorous development of economic cooperation between the two states. Summing up, the author draws several conclusions. Firstly, there is a gradual intensification of bilateral relations. Germany, along with the United States, provides Ukraine with transformational assistance, which began before the proclamation of its independence in 1991. Additionally, the undeclared Russian aggression against Ukraine and Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 have amply demonstrated that political power factors continue to be the key tools of international politics. Ukrainian vector was not clearly conceptualized in the German foreign policy till the Russian aggression of 2014, and it was in the circum-stances of the Russian aggression that Germany opted for political support to Ukraine. Keywords: Ukraine, Germany, Russia, international relations.
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Vonnard, Philippe, and Sébastien Cala. "Playing with or without Politics: Studying the Position of East Germany within the FIS and FIFA from a Long-Term Perspective (1924–1962)." Sport History Review 51, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/shr.2019-0025.

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The present paper looks at the different positions two major international sport federations, the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) and the Fédération Internationale de Ski (FIS), took with respect to East Germany during the 1950s. Because these positions were greatly influenced by FIFA’s and the FIS’s prior relations with Germany and by the challenges posed by global politics, this study begins by examining these relations during the interwar period. By combining information from the FIFA, FIS, and International Olympic Committee (IOC) archives with documents from the German national archives and articles published in Switzerland’s sporting press, the authors were able to highlight differences between the two federations’ approaches and show the need for studies to go beyond an IOC-centric approach.
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Richter, Hedwig. "De-Nazification, Socialism and Solidarity: Re-Establishing International Relations in the Moravian Church after 1945." Journal of Moravian History 3, no. 1 (2007): 6–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41179831.

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Abstract Despite the fierce animosities between Germans and Americans during the Second World War, a surprising sense of international fellowship developed between Moravians in the USA and in East Germany, even before the war had completely ended. The author shows how this new relationship evolved and how much East German Moravians depended on transatlantic help to rebuild their churches and communities. The old concept of an international Moravian "Unity" was revived by establishing and inventing new common traditions. The renewed international unity of the Moravian Church is placed in the context of the general awakening of internationalism after the Second World War.
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Martynov, Andriy. "US-Germany Relations Development Trends Under the Presidency of Donald Trump." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.2.

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The influence of internal political processes in the USA and Germany on the evolution of US-German relations is analyzed in the article. The crisis of the mono-polar system of international relations was synchronized with changes in the global order. It affected relations between the US and Germany. The scientific literature has been dominated by the view that President Trump’s conservative-moderate foreign policy strategy is contrary to the traditions of liberal-democratic multilateral diplomacy. D. Trump’s views on the international positioning of the United States can be considered as a variant of foreign policy realism, in contrast to classical republican neo-conservatism or democratic liberal interventionism. The German foreign policy course in the time of the Bundes Chancellor A. Merkel is a manifestation of liberal-democratic globalism. Under President Obama and Chancellor A. Merkel, German-American relations remained at a high allied level. President Trump abolishes talks on Transatlantic Free Trade Area. German elites see the populist and nationalist policies of D. Trump as a challenge to European integration. They consider US European policy an attempt to split the European Union. In the domestic political dimension, German liberals consider the Alternative to Germany party as Trump’s ideological counterparts. The American liberal political elite accused A. Merkel of failing to prevent the spread of anti-American sentiment in Germany. Political sentiment in the US and Germany after the pandemic is unpredictable. A noticeable trend was the aggravation of the crisis of liberal globalization. This outlines the tendency for further political polarization of American and German societies.
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Chapin, Wesley D. "The Turkish Diaspora in Germany." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 5, no. 2 (September 1996): 275–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.5.2.275.

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At the beginning of 1995, nearly two million Turkish nationals were living in Germany. While this represents only about 2.5% of the total population, the Turkish minority significantly influences German politics. As the single largest group of “foreigners” living in Germany, the Turkish population is a prime target of rightwing violence. Questions regarding Turkish rights to residency, work permits, and citizenship are controversial domestic political issues and their presence affects international relations between Germany and Turkey. This article examines the Turkish diaspora in Germany and its implications for Germany’s domestic and international politics. The first section identifies the status of the Turks living in Germany. The second traces the growth of the Turkish population in Germany. The third evaluates the domestic political and economic effects that the Turkish presence engenders, as well as prospects for assimilation. The fourth section identifies ways that international relations are influenced by the Turkish minority in Germany.
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Kravchenko, Valeriy, and Iryna Stasiukevych. "DYNAMICS OF UKRAINIAN-GERMAN RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGES IN GERMAN POLITICS." Strategic Panorama, no. 1-2 (December 15, 2019): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53679/2616-9460.1-2.2019.03.

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The article analyzes the current foreign policy of Germany and how it is influenced by domestic political developments as well as changes in the international arena. Germany, as a key player in Europe, remains declaratively consistent in its support for Ukraine and condemnation of Russian revisionism. However, a deeper analysis of the geopolitical and domestic position of Germany demonstrates certain risks to the stability of Ukraine-Germany relations.Attention is given to the dependence of Ukraine-Germany relations of Russia-Germany relations. Traditionally active economic ties between Berlin and Moscow have been increasing despite European and American sanctions against Russia. This leads to the strengthening of the pro-Russian lobby in German political circles. It is highlighted that the planned completion of the construction of Nord Stream-2, the dependence of Germany on the supplies of Russian hydrocarbons and the augmentation of net direct investments of German companies in Russian economy illustrates German endeavor, primarily in its geopolitical interests, to normalize relations with Russian Federation. Moreover, the article emphasizes the crisis of German political leadership which is connected with the end of the 4th mandate of the chancellor Angela Merkel in 2021 and the rise of anti-system and populist movements in Germany that may shatter political support of Ukraine. The changes in the Euro-Atlantic region are mentioned separately, namely the issue of defence spending of Germany in the framework of NATO and the consequences of Brexit.In the context of the mentioned elements of German politics, several challenges for Ukraine, that may significantly weaken its position in the international arena, are determined. A complex foreign and domestic situation can remove Ukrainian issue from the agenda and encourage Berlin to take quick «comfortable» measures in the context of the war in the East of Ukraine. On this basis, the article suggests recommendations on ways of reacting to the current developments in Germany from the side of Ukraine as well as on adjusting foreign policy towards this state with due regard to the mentioned tendencies.
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Belov, V. B. "German Foreign Policy in the Face of Current Challenges." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 3 (October 20, 2021): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-38-58.

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The article analyzes the features of German foreign policy on the eve of the September (2021) elections to the Bundestag and the gradual overcoming of the crisis consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The priorities of the foreign policy based on the value approach remain the European and transatlantic vectors, as well as relations with the main system-forming international organizations. The postulates of value are prompting Berlin to increasingly intensify criticism of Russia and China, incl. due to the signifi cantly increased, from his point of view, threats in relation to Germany and other states of the collective West. Germany still relies on France in European politics. Their tandem continues to determine the political and economic processes in the European Union, as well as to infl uence the formation of the EU mechanisms for overcoming the coronavirus crisis. Despite the rapid restoration of constructive relations with the new American administration, a number of controversial issues remain in bilateral relations, including defense spending and the economy. In recent years, Germany has been able to strengthen its positions in Europe and the world and expects to strengthen its role as a global actor, especially in international organizations. Nevertheless, the German expert community critically refers to its current foreign policy status quo. The author explores the latest trends in German foreign policy, gives an assessment of its development after elections to the Bundestag, pays special attention to the prospects for relations with the Russian Federation.
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Kokeev, A. "Trans-Atlantic Relations in Germany's Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-38-46.

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Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-American alliance”, and the realization of this project as the most important prerequisite for a more independent foreign policy. Germany’s refusal to support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 led to the first serious crisis in US Germany relations. At the same time, there was no radical break of the deeply rooted Atlanticism tradition in German policy. It was Angela Merkel as a new head of the German government (2005) who managed to smooth largely disagreements in relations with the United States. Atlanticism remains one of the fundamental foreign policy elements for any German government, mostly because Berlin’s hope for deepening of the European integration and transition to the EU CFSP seems unrealistic in the foreseeable future. However, there is still a fundamental basis of disagreements emerged in the transatlantic relationship (reduction of a military threat weakening Berlin’s dependence from Washington, and the growing influence of Germany in the European Union). According to the federal government's opinion, Germany's contribution to the NATO military component should not be in increasing, but in optimizing of military expenses. However, taking into account the incipient signs of the crisis overcoming in the EU, and still a tough situation around Ukraine, it seems that in the medium-term perspective one should expect further enhancing of Germany’s participation in NATO military activities and, therefore, a growth in its military expenses. In Berlin, there is a wide support for the idea of the European army. However, most experts agree that it can be implemented only when the EU develops the Common Foreign and Defense Policy to a certain extent. The US Germany espionage scandals following one after another since 2013 have seriously undermined the traditional German trust to the United States as a reliable partner. However, under the impact of the Ukrainian conflict, the value of military-political dimension of Germany’s transatlantic relations and its dependence on the US and NATO security guarantees increased. At the same time, Washington expects from Berlin as a recognized European leader a more active policy toward Russia and in respect of some other international issues. In the current international political situation, the desire to expand political influence in the world and achieve a greater autonomy claimed by German leaders seems to Berlin only possible in the context of transatlantic relations strengthening and solidarity within the NATO the only military-political organization of the West which is able to ensure the collective defense for its members against the external threats. However, it is important to take into consideration that not only the value of the United States and NATO for Germany, but also the role of Germany in the North Atlantic Alliance as a “representative of European interests” has increased. The role of Germany as a mediator in establishing the West–Russia relations remains equally important.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "International relations – Germany"

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Windell, Jennifer. "Auslanderfeindlichkeit in Contemporary Germany| Not Just an "East German Problem"." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1540568.

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In the years since unification, the phenomenon of xenophobia ( Ausländerfeindlichkeit) in Germany has been largely understood as an "east German problem." The recent discovery of a series of murders by an underground cell of eastern German neo-Nazis – who killed eight Turkish immigrants and one Greek immigrant between 2000 and 2006 – has again directed Germany's attention to the problem of Ausländerfeindlichkeit and right-wing extremism in eastern Germany. Scholars, politicians, and members of the media base their treatment of the subject on the assumption that eastern Germans are more xenophobic than western Germans, despite the fact that very few foreigners actually live in eastern Germany. This thesis employs historical analysis, population data, and public opinion survey data to determine whether or not this assumption holds true.

Ausländerfeindlichkeit, meaning "hostility toward foreigners," is a type of prejudice in which native Germans view non-German immigrants to be inferior based on characteristics such as culture, religion, and ethnicity. In both East and West Germany, as well as in united Germany, Ausländerfeindlichkeit has led to social and institutional discrimination and even violence against foreigners. Since the terrorist attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001, and the subsequent revelation that part of the attacks were planned by immigrants in the northern German city of Hamburg, the primary target of Ausländerfeindlichkeit in Germany has been the country's Muslim population, which is comprised primarily of Turkish immigrants and their German-born offspring. Though many countries around the world experience prejudice within their societies, this problem is of particular importance and interest in the German case because of the country's Nazi past.

German population data shows that only about 5% of the 7.4 million foreigners in Germany live in the eastern part of the country. Foreigners comprise less than 3% of the total population in eastern Germany. Turkish immigrants in particular are highly concentrated in the west and only 1% of the Turkish population lives in eastern Germany. Despite the smaller number of foreigners living in eastern Germany in comparison to western Germany, a majority of the public opinion surveys consulted show that eastern Germans have more negative attitudes towards foreigners than western Germans. Other survey data, on the other hand, finds no statistically significant difference between eastern and western German attitudes towards foreigners, making it unclear if eastern Germans really are more Ausländerfeindlich. The public opinion survey studies consulted also found that Ausländerfeindlich attitudes vary within the eastern and western regions themselves and that in several western German states, anti-foreigner sentiment is just as high as in the east, facts which are obscured when Ausländerfeindlichkeit is only looked at in terms of east and west. Survey data makes it clear that significant portions of both eastern and western German society hold negative attitudes towards foreigners.

In light of these findings, this thesis advocates a shift away from this east-west paradigm in the study of Ausländerfeindlichkeit in Germany. Instead, the issue must be dealt with on the national level, with the recognition that the potentially higher levels of xenophobia in the east do not absolve western Germans of a need to deal with prejudice in their own region.

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LLORCA, Sébastien. "French and German foreign policy with regard to Israel-Palestine, 1998-2005." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10465.

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Defence date: 14 December 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Bertrand Badie, (IEP Paris and CERI) ; Prof. Martin Beck, (GIGA Institute of Middle East Studies) ; Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil, (EUI) ; Prof. Pascal Vennesson, (EUI)
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Palestine between 1998 and 2005. Special attention is also drawn to the period of Sharon’s mandate and the Al-Aqsa Intifada (2001-2005). The thesis has two main objectives. The first is to draw a clearer picture of the ways in which French and German foreign policy towards Israel- Palestine has been socially constructed. The second is to better understand the reasons why France and Germany, key powers at the heart of the EU, did not furnish the efforts required in order to broker a peace deal in the Middle East that lived up to their own - as well as the EU’s - rhetoric and official 'dedication' to the conflict. First, I consider the respective processes of foreign policy making in France and Germany. After examining bilateral relations between France, Germany, Israel and the Palestinian Authority, I shed some light on the evolution of French and German national ‘positions’ and identify those who have played an important role in shaping this process. Subsequently, I propose to evaluate how foreign policy makers and leaders eventually take decisions. I therefore highlight major domestic and external sources of influence, and study how foreign policy makers prioritise among conflicting interests and such influential factors. Finally, I suggest in what respect these actors gave, or failed to give, their national diplomacy a vision, a strategy and solid boundaries within which to work. At first sight, it might be said that the dominant role of the United States in the Middle East, combined with internal divisions in Europe, in large part explain the weakness of France, Germany and the EU in the Middle East diplomatic arena between 1998 and 2005. However, my research also specifically tests the hypothesis that the collective memory of the Holocaust, its contemporary use and its cultural domestic meaning, in both France and Germany, have been central and even decisive in the elaboration of their respective positions. The set of norms and values linked to collective memory and shared by key decision-makers has constituted a major paralysing factor. In other words, a sense of historical responsibility and of Israeli 'exceptionalism' has developed in France and Germany. This has shaped the perception of the conflict and prevented both countries, and the EU itself, from playing a more pro-active role in the peace negotiations. From a theoretical perspective, this research contributes to foreign policy analysis in the field of International Relations. In addition, the focus on the social construction of a particular foreign policy clearly places this research in the constructivist tradition. However, the thesis is not primarily designed as an argument in favour or against a particular approach. Neither is the conflict merely a ‘case-study’, aimed at highlighting the weaknesses of any pre-conceived theoretical concepts or tools. The objective is to demonstrate the ways in which a particular set of norms and values, both in France and in Germany, may exert a decisive influence at various stages of the foreign policy making process.
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O'Neil, Kimberly. "Nuclear fusion: The political economy of technology in France and Germany." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/6737.

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Liashenko, A. V. "Diplomatic relations between Ukraine and Germany: economic aspect." Master's thesis, Sumy State University, 2021. https://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/86554.

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The master’s thesis focuses on diplomatic relationships between Ukraine and Germany the context of national development priorities. The main factors which affect on the influencing on international business. The main aim of this research is to recommendations to improve the relationships and bussines between Ukraine and Germany.
Магістерська робота присвячена дипломатичним відносинам між Україною та Німеччиною в контексті пріоритетів для національного економічного розвитку. Основною метою даного дослідження є рекомендації щодо покращення відносин та бізнесу між Україною та Німеччиною.
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Rae, Michelle Frasher. "International monetary relations between the United States, France, and West Germany in the 1970s." Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969/48.

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Haffner, Stephanie C. "Has the Franco-German Power Balance in the European Union Tipped in Favor of Germany?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/194.

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The power balance between France and Germany in the European Union has been one of great discussion and debate. Countless journalists and scholars have argued that Germany’s power has risen gradually against the seemingly perpetually stronger France over the past sixty years, and is now finally set to surpass France; but how true are these claims? How can power within the EU truly be measured? Through an analysis of Franco-German collaboration through unionization, a critique of the contemporary discourse on the relationship, and an examination of changing contributions to the EU budget, my paper argues that the Franco-German power balance has never been truly equal, as Germany has continually been the largest source of economic power in the European Union since its creation.
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Martinson, Jeffrey D. "What makes leaders think war? Foreign military intervention decision making in post-cold war Germany." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1133302429.

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Banerjee, Aditi. "Negotiating Domestic and International Pressures: France and Germany on Refugees." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin149340586962603.

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Lewis, Stephen Haynes. "Filling the Political Vacuum: The United States and Germany, 1944-1946." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625625.

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Teodorescu-Badia, Alexandru. "Realism and Hegemonic Moralism: Germany and the United States in the Build-Up to the Second Gulf War." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32076.

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International Relations in modernity have undergone phases of nation-state struggle and, more recently, globalized conflict. Theorists have used the paradigms of idealism and realism to explain state actor motivations in such conflicts; yet in the early 21st century, the United States initiated regime change in Iraq with claims of necessity pertaining to morality and security that could not be adequately explained using either framework. This thesis postulates that a paradigm shift in International Relations, as described by John Vasquez via Thomas Kuhn, is occurring as evidenced by the conduct of United States foreign policy towards Iraq. This new paradigmatic approach, which Edward Weisband has titled Hegemonic Moralism, is analyzed in this thesis, explicating the ontological assumptions and policy initiatives made by the United States administration in the lead-up to the Second Gulf War. Hegemonic Moralism clashes with the realist beliefs underpinning Germanyâ s foreign policy during the same time period: with the threat of Anglo- American neo-liberal dominance in the Middle East a distinct possibility, Germany realigned its allies to forestall and de-legitimize looming U.S. regime change in Iraq. An analysis of realist theory and its assumptions of human and nation-state behaviour leads into an explication of the paradigm of US Hegemonic Moralism, comparing it with the realist behaviour exhibited by Germany. I suggest that descriptions of German sociopolitical discourse after the September 11 2001 attacks on the US and prior to the Second Gulf War convincingly show Germanyâ s social and political readiness to oppose the hegemonic neo-liberal Anglo-American paradigm.
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Books on the topic "International relations – Germany"

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Cramb, J. A. Germany and England. Toronto: Musson Book Co., 1994.

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Anne-Marie, Le Gloannec, ed. Non-state actors in international relations: The case of Germany. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006.

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Craig, Gordon Alexander. Tact and intelligence: Essays on diplomatic history and international relations. Palo Alto, Calif: The Society for the Promotion of Science and Scholarship, 2008.

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Asmus, Ronald D. Germany in transition: National self-confidence and international reticence. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 1992.

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Asmus, Ronald D. Germany in transition: National self-confidence and international reticence. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 1992.

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Asmus, Ronald D. Germany in transition: National self-confidence and international reticence. Santa Monica, CA (P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica 90407-2138): Rand, 1992.

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Koch, Burkhard. Germany's new assertiveness in international relations: Between reality and misperception. Stanford, Calif: Hoover Institution, Stanford University, 1992.

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David, Wetzel, and Hamerow Theodore S, eds. International politics and German history: The past informs the present. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1997.

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H, Gordon Philip. France, Germany, and the Western Alliance. Boulder: Westview Press, 1995.

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Hancock, M. Donald. Politics in Germany. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "International relations – Germany"

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Ndushabandi, Eric Ns, and Rainer Schmidt. "The Deconstruction of Ethnic Identity: Germany, France, and Rwanda." In Frontiers in International Relations, 197–209. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55144-5_14.

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Carr, E. H. "Germany in Defeat." In International Relations between the Two World Wars 1919–1939, 44–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07907-0_3.

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Albrecht, Ulrich. "The Study of International Relations in the Federal Republic of Germany." In The Study of International Relations, 244–49. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20275-1_13.

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Krotz, Ulrich. "Historical Construction, International Relations Theory, and Foreign Policy." In History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany, 24–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954_3.

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Schregle, Johannes. "Workers' Participation in the Federal Republic of Germany in an International Perspective." In Current Issues in Labour Relations, edited by Alan Gladstone, Russell Landsbury, Jack Stieber, Tiziano Treu, and Manfred Weiss, 105–14. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110849233-011.

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Bressan, Sarah. "Crisis Prevention and Stabilization Made in Germany: Meeting the Demands of Modern Diplomacy?" In Studies in Diplomacy and International Relations, 235–49. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10971-3_11.

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Handl, Vladimir. "Germany and Central Europe 2011: A Differentiated Dynamic Instead of Mitteleuropa." In Regional and International Relations of Central Europe, 104–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137283450_6.

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Nölke, Andreas. "The Deformation of the Core by Dependency Relations: The Case of Germany in Europe." In International Political Economy Series, 55–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71315-7_3.

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Oellers-Frahm, Karin, and Andreas Zimmermann. "Convention on Relations between the Three Powers and the Federal Republic of Germany." In Dispute Settlement in Public International Law, 1645–53. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-56626-4_98.

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Liu, Tao, and Tong Tian. "Relations Between Germany and China and the Rise of the Social Insurance State in China Since the Economic Reform of 1978." In International Impacts on Social Policy, 423–34. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_33.

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AbstractSince the economic reform in 1978, the main system of social security in China has gradually transformed from the labour insurance system to the social insurance system. In this transformation process, policy learning and ideas diffusion have become relevant means to influence China’s social policy-making, and Bismarckian social insurance system has become an important reference for China’s legislative and social elites. In this process, Germany has influenced the core ideas and values of social policy experts in China in favour of the emergence and expansion of social insurance system since the 1990s, and the inter-state diffusion has become a powerful driving force for the rise of the new social insurance state in China.
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Conference papers on the topic "International relations – Germany"

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Mozgovaya, O. S. "THE FOREIGN POLICY SITUATION ON THE EVE OF KHRUSHCHEV'S ULTIMATUM OF 1958." In Культура, наука, образование: проблемы и перспективы. Нижневартовский государственный университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/ksp-2021/16.

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After the Second World War, the issue of German unity and the status of West Berlin remained on the agenda of international politics. The most striking example of solving these problems was the ultimatum of the Soviet Union in 1958 to the Western powers, which strained relations between the allied countries, the USSR and Germany.
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Zosidze, Nugzar. "GERMANY�S MIDDLE EAST STRATEGY AND GEORGIAN-GERMAN RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF OF 1918." In 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/2.2/s08.033.

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Kasenova, B. "MODERN BILATERAL RELATIONS OF GERMANY WITH COUNTRIES OF CENTRAL ASIA." In VIII International Conference "Science and Society - Methods and Problems of Practical Application". Prague: Premier Publishing s.r.o., 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.29013/viii-conf-canada-viii-54-64.

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Smirnov, Valeriy, Vladislav Semenov, Evgeny Kadyshev, Alena Suchkova, and Anna Zakharova. "The analysis of trade relations of Russia with Germany and France." In Proceedings of the International Scientific-Practical Conference “Business Cooperation as a Resource of Sustainable Economic Development and Investment Attraction” (ISPCBC 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ispcbc-19.2019.75.

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TSE, CHING TAT. "A Comparative Analysis of the Economic Impacts of West Germany and Japan After the Plaza Accord." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.129.

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Edlichko, Anzhela I. "CODIFICATION OF THE ORTHOEPIC NORMS OF THE GERMAN LANGUAGE: HISTORY AND CURRENT SITUATION." In 49th International Philological Conference in Memory of Professor Ludmila Verbitskaya (1936–2019). St. Petersburg State University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/9785288062353.07.

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The article discusses the development of the lexicographic codification of pronunciation norms of German. It gives an overview of the orthoepic norm, its varieties and inherent features, relations between the norm and standard of pronunciation. Pronouncing dictionaries since the end of the 19th century have been studied as primary sources, some phonetic phenomena are also illustrated with the explanatory dictionaries of earlier periods. The lexicographic codification of the pronunciation norms in historical retrospect is briefly analyzed: from exaggerated articulation of actors in Germany to actual sound phenomena using in the pronunciation of professional radio and television announcers, which includes the pronouncing features of authentic oral media communication. Special attention is paid to the problem of codification of the orthoepic standard in different types of dictionaries in light of the pluricentricity of German, due to lack of empirical analyses. The article also represents the current orthoepic dictionaries, which include information about the sounds of three standards of German in Germany, Austria and Switzerland. Study of their structure and content features made it possible to identify some advantages and disadvantages. As a result of the study, the author concludes with changing approaches to the codification of pronunciation norms, such as transformation of the metalanguage, expansion of the empirical base, use of contemporary sociophonetic methods in its analysis, some structural and content changes in the dictionaries. These modifications are shown to be connected with the change of the lexicographic paradigm and the turn from monocentricity to pluricentricity due to sociocultural and sociolinguistic factors. Refs 24.
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Tusan, Radoslav. "Evaluating Financial Performance of IT Companies in the Consolidated Group." In Seventh International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2021.131.

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This paper deals with the evaluation of the financial performance and financial position of IT companies in the consolidated group. The sub­ject of the investigation is a consolidated group consisting of a parent com­pany domiciled in Germany and its subsidiary in Slovakia. The article aims to point out the mutual relations within the consolidated group through correlation coefficients. The examined relations are in the area of profitabil­ity, indebtedness, liquidity and some macroeconomic indicators. The paper set out two objectives of the research: 1) within the consolidated group, the mutual relations between the parent company and the subsidiary are not significant; 2) within the consolidated group, the mutual relations between the parent company and the subsidiary are significant. Interesting conclu­sions emerged from the comparison of correlation coefficients.
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Карташов, Михаил, and Mikhail Kartashov. "The proceedings and practical skills of the Advocate's activity for international Law in foreign state." In St. Petersburg international Legal forum RD forum video — Rostov-na-Donu. Москва: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/conferencearticle_5a3a6faadf26b4.76299302.

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In modern conditions of global information space and comprehensive expansion of foreign economic relations shaped society demand for lawyers with skills of applying the conflict rules of private international law and practices in foreign countries. Buying legal services in a foreign country significantly expands the composition of the legal means of advocacy and provides access to local infrastructure and communication. Mastering the skills of applying the conflict rules of national and international law entails: 1) conduct advocacy at a high level; 2) expansion of the market of legal services; 3) the development of new legal technologies. 4) full participation in international cooperation networks of advocates; 5) professional development. The author of this article refers to the number of lawyers authorised to practice law in Germany and in Russia, so many suggestions are based on my own experience of the author.
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Ruud, T. E., W. Müller-Esterl, H. Fritz, J. O. Stadaas, and A. O. Aasen. "RELATIONS BETWEEN APROTININ CONCENTRATIONS AND HEMODYNAMICS IN EXPERIMENTAL ACUTE PANCREATITIS." In XIth International Congress on Thrombosis and Haemostasis. Schattauer GmbH, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1644333.

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Acute pancreatitis (AP) was induced in juvenil pigs by injection of Na-taurocholate into the pancreatic duct. Eight animals remained untreated (group A), while 7 pigs (group B) received 60000 KIU/kg aprotinin (Tras-ylol, Bayer AG Leverkusen, West Germany) intravenously during 30 min before the induction of AP, thereafter 10000 KIU/kg/h during a 6 h observation period. Seven pigs (group C) received 60000 KIU/kg aprotinin during 30 min starting 3 h after the induction of AP, thereafter 10000 KIU/kg/h. The total infusion volume was the same in all 3 groups (5 ml/kg/h). Using an enzym-linked immunosorbent assay for aprotinin, maximum plasma concentration of aprotinin in group B was found 30 min after start of the infusion (2.8(1.9-5.4)umol/l). The aprotinin concentration thereafter remained elevated for the rest of the observation period (1.4(0.4-1.9) umol/1 after 6 h). The aprotinin concentration gradually increased in the peritoneal exudate during ongoing aprotinin infusion. After 1 h the aprotinin conc. in plasma and the exudate were within the same range. Similar results were observed in group C experiments, where the aprotinin conc. in plasma and peritoneal exudate both were approximately 2 umol/1 1 h after start of the infusion. Assayed by the chromogenic peptide substrate S-2302 (Kabi Vitrum AB, Stockholm, Sweden), markedly elevated values of plasma kallikrein inhibition were detected both in plasma and peritoneal exudate after start of aprotinin infusion in group B and C.In group A, 5 out of 8 animals died in a circulatory collapse, while the animals in group B and C remained hemodynamic stable and all survived the observation.Aprotinin concentrations of 1-3 umol/1 in plasma and peritoneal exudate improves the outcome during experimental acute pancreatitis in pigs.
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Cieślik, Ewa. "THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMIES IN THE ERA OF INDUSTRY 4.0 AND CHINESE DIGITAL SILK ROAD." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0018.

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Over the recent decades, the changes in the paradigm of international trade have been observed. As the result of decreasing of trade barriers as well as the reduction in trade costs allowed companies to divide their production into stages and to locate it in different countries according to their competitive advantage. Eventually, the production process has become more fragmented, both geographically and vertically. It means that intermediate products are shipped across boarders many times and every exporting economy provides some value added according to its competitive advantage. As a result, global value chains have become one of the most important feature of international trade. Following (Gereffi & Fernandez-Stark, 2011), in this study global value chains are defined as “the full range of activities that firms and workers do to bring a product from its conception to its end use”. Humphrey and Schmitz (2002) pointed out four types of upgrading in global value chains: product, process, functional and chain. Product and process upgrading involve companies retaining their positions in global value chains by enhancing productivity gains through adopting new product processes or “new configurations of product mix”. Thus, functional upgrading involves a slicing up the global value chains into new activity which generates higher value added, e.g. own brand manufacturing. In turn, chain upgrading involves a going up to new activity, which needs higher skills and capital and value added. Milberg and Winkler (2013) offered similar classifications of upgrading. Production fragmentation has caused a rapid increase in trade in intermediate goods as often companies offshore an intermediate stage of production process. Offshoring production has been typical to manufacturing (Timmer, et al., 2012), however, services have been often overlooked, but play a major role, especially in supporting global value chains (Kommerskollegium 2013). In turn, Digital Silk Road, announced in 2015, has become a significant part of Chinese Belt and Road Initiative strategy. China has implemented this strategy as a part of its long-term technological plan, under which China provides support to its exporters, including many well-known technology companies and builds a network of cooperation with selected countries in the field of technology, including ICT infrastructure, services, 5G networks, e-commerce, etc. China's rapid technological changes must not go unnoticed by trading partners, including analysed European countries, which, to maintain international competitiveness, are increasing the technological advancement and enhancing market protection against Chinese technology. Until recently, the value added from China to European countries was concentrated mainly on medium technology industries and value added from Europe to China focused more on advanced goods and services. Nowadays, there is a redirection of Chinese value added to high-tech activities (including service activities), which reflects China's ambition to build an economy that leads to innovation and industry 4.0. The transition of the CEE states’ economic and political systems initiated in the early 1990s, earned them the EU membership in 2004. The accession to the EU’s structures meant that these countries achieved the free-market economy status and they should be treated as the full member of the global business networks. Moreover, the decline in trade costs (transport and transaction), greater openness of their market and the removal of trade barriers have all helped the CEE states to join global value chains. Hence, the CEE economies are going to be more heavily involved in global production linkages. Many empirical studies have presented the close and dynamic integration of these countries with the EU market (especially the EU-15) and in a more limited scope with the whole global economy as well (Behar and Freund 2011). Generally, democratisation, the strengthening of political and economic relations (particularly with the EU), and the modernisation of many sectors (including financial sector, more advanced industries), were common elements of the CEE countries long-term development policies. One of their priorities was the redirection of foreign trade towards the EU and joining the global production linkages where China has become the core producer. Recently, the role of the economy in global value chains is more determined by the advancement of value added that it offers. Companies move toward services and innovations in the business model (Nenenen & Storbacka, 2010) and introduce industry 4.0 (Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung, 2016). A symptom of these novelty is a concept of servicification of manufacturing (Neely et al. 2011) and cross-sectoral connections, which have reconstructed traditional global value chains (Naude et al. 2019) and, together with Industry 4.0, is expected to change the landscape of global manufacturing. As a result of facilitation of manufacturing, economies placed in the downstream market can improve their role in global value chains. In Europe, this can be an opportunity for most Central and Eastern European countries. Analyzing changes in CEE’s role in technological global value chains, we should take into account its two most important value-added suppliers: China and Germany, as well as their most important value-added buyer - Germany. These three economies established a sort of value added flows triangle. The regional supply chains built by Germany in the CEE allowed it to maintain a comparative advantage in sectors important for the economy, while helping the CEE countries join global value chains, positively influencing economic growth, but also reducing them to entities operating in less advanced stages of production (Jacoby, 2010; Fortwengel, 2011). Today, Germany also cooperates strongly with China (as a result of Digital Silk Road), and the CEE economies (especially the Visegrad Group) are increasingly dependent on Chinese value added, still linked to German value added. The most visible connections can be found in automotive and electronics. Hence, the question is: how strong are these links in servicification of manufacturing and whether there are visible trends in value-added flows in between this triangle in the era of industry 4.0 and Chinese Digital Silk Road. The research question seems to be relevant, thus in the subject literature, little is known about the mentioned relations (Roland Berger, 2021). The research method based on the analysis of data from the OECD Trade in Value Added databases, containing the world input-output tables for the period 2005–2018. The system of balance equations in the input-output model for one economy has been adopted to a multi-economy model. The model is described in more detail in (Koopman et al. 2013 or Hummels et al, 2001) and is based on the decomposition of gross exports. The method includes not only estimates of total value added in global value chains, but also calculations at both the mezoeconomic level and cross-sectoral flows of value added (including servicification of manufacturing). The results of analysis showed that most relations between economies continued to deepen the imbalance in flows of value added. The CEE economies are making their manufacturing increasingly dependent on advanced services (both from Germany and China). On the other hand, the share of CEE services to Chinese and German manufacturing is decreasing or remains steady. However, some trends could be observed in the last years, especially between Germany and China. German manufacturing is starting to rely more on Chinese value added (information and communication technologies services and the subgroup computer programming, consultancy and information services activities in manufacturing, information and communication technologies services' value added in transport equipment), although previously Germany provided more of these services to China. In telecommunications in manufacturing between CEE and Germany, the trend has turned against CEE. However, there was no direct compensation between pairs of economies, but the decrease in German value-added flows to China resulted in a much larger increase in value-added from China in German manufacturing. If the presented changes in flows were to reflect the effectiveness of Chinese industry 4.0 and Digital Silk Road. These strategies serve their purposes and increases not only the advancement of Chinese value-added exports, but also makes important economies dependent on this added value. On the contrary, the industry 4.0 strategy in CEE has not improved its position in the triad. Germany has still a strong position as a provider of value added, but its dependence on foreign value added is high, which derives from the links with CEE.
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Reports on the topic "International relations – Germany"

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Russo, Margherita, Fabrizio Alboni, Jorge Carreto Sanginés, Manlio De Domenico, Giuseppe Mangioni, Simone Righi, and Annamaria Simonazzi. The Changing Shape of the World Automobile Industry: A Multilayer Network Analysis of International Trade in Components and Parts. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp173.

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In 2018, after 25 years of the North America Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the United States requested new rules which, among other requirements, increased the regional con-tent in the production of automotive components and parts traded between the three part-ner countries, United States, Canada and Mexico. Signed by all three countries, the new trade agreement, USMCA, is to go into force in 2022. Nonetheless, after the 2020 Presi-dential election, the new treaty's future is under discussion, and its impact on the automo-tive industry is not entirely defined. Another significant shift in this industry – the acceler-ated rise of electric vehicles – also occurred in 2020: while the COVID-19 pandemic largely halted most plants in the automotive value chain all over the world, at the reopen-ing, the tide is now running against internal combustion engine vehicles, at least in the an-nouncements and in some large investments planned in Europe, Asia and the US. The definition of the pre-pandemic situation is a very helpful starting point for the analysis of the possible repercussions of the technological and geo-political transition, which has been accelerated by the epidemic, on geographical clusters and sectorial special-isations of the main regions and countries. This paper analyses the trade networks emerg-ing in the past 25 years in a new analytical framework. In the economic literature on inter-national trade, the study of the automotive global value chains has been addressed by us-ing network analysis, focusing on the centrality of geographical regions and countries while largely overlooking the contribution of countries' bilateral trading in components and parts as structuring forces of the subnetwork of countries and their specific position in the overall trade network. The paper focuses on such subnetworks as meso-level structures emerging in trade network over the last 25 years. Using the Infomap multilayer clustering algorithm, we are able to identify clusters of countries and their specific trades in the automotive internation-al trade network and to highlight the relative importance of each cluster, the interconnec-tions between them, and the contribution of countries and of components and parts in the clusters. We draw the data from the UN Comtrade database of directed export and import flows of 30 automotive components and parts among 42 countries (accounting for 98% of world trade flows of those items). The paper highlights the changes that occurred over 25 years in the geography of the trade relations, with particular with regard to denser and more hierarchical network gener-ated by Germany’s trade relations within EU countries and by the US preferential trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, and the upsurge of China. With a similar overall va-riety of traded components and parts within the main clusters (dominated respectively by Germany, US and Japan-China), the Infomap multilayer analysis singles out which com-ponents and parts determined the relative positions of countries in the various clusters and the changes over time in the relative positions of countries and their specialisations in mul-tilateral trades. Connections between clusters increase over time, while the relative im-portance of the main clusters and of some individual countries change significantly. The focus on US and Mexico and on Germany and Central Eastern European countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) will drive the comparative analysis.
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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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Caron, Patrick, Maureen Gitagia, Michael Hamm, Ulrich Hoffmann, Elizabeth Kimani-Murage, Tania Martínez-Cruz, Kathleen Merrigan, Patrick Roy Mooney, Nadia El-Hage Scialabba, and Tavseef Mairaj Shah. Blind Spots in the Agri-Food System Transformation Debate and Recommendations on How to Address These. TMG Research gGmbH, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35435/1.2023.3.

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TMG Research gGmbH aims to help develop a more systematic understanding of how agri-food systems can be transformed as part of a project on the Assessment and Communication of Climate Impacts of Food (CLIF), funded through the International Climate Initiative (IKI) of the German Federal Ministry for the Environment, Nature Conservation, Nuclear Safety and Consumer Protection (BMUV) and jointly implemented with corsus and WWF Germany. This project promotes sustainable consumption patterns and helps companies, policymakers, and consumers choose more sustainable options in relation to food. The main contribution of TMG to this project is in developing a more systematic understanding of how to transform agri-food systems by publishing a series of strategic reports on the current status of agri-food systems and the likely drivers and agents of their transformation. This report is part of the FORESEE (4C) series on The Transformation of Agri-Food Systems in Times of Multiple Crises, which explores the status quo of the current agri-food system in the light of challenges linked to the multiple crises. This part of the series reviews the blind spots and gaps in the debate around agri-food systems transformation and how these hinder the transformation. Furthermore, this report offers recommendations on how to address these gaps to facilitate an agri-food system transformation aligned to the leading themes of people, planet, and prosperity. The report was drafted by TMG with contributions from an extended group of experts.
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Scialabba, Nadia El-Hage, Sarah Zitterbarth, and Tavseef Mairaj Shah. State of the Debate on Agri-Food Systems Transformation. TMG Research gGmbH, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35435/1.2023.2.

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TMG Research gGmbH aims to help develop a more systematic understanding of how agri-food systems can be transformed as part of a project on the Assessment and Communication of Climate Impacts of Food (CLIF), funded through the International Climate Initiative (IKI) of the German Federal Ministry for the Environment, Nature Conservation, Nuclear Safety and Consumer Protection (BMUV) and jointly implemented with corsus and WWF Germany. This project promotes sustainable consumption patterns and helps companies, policymakers, and consumers choose more sustainable options in relation to food. The main contribution of TMG to this project is in developing a more systematic understanding of how to transform agri-food systems by publishing a series of strategic reports on the current status of agri-food systems and the likely drivers and agents of their transformation. This report is part of the FORESEE (4C) series on The Transformation of Agri-Food Systems in Times of Multiple Crises, which explores the current agri-food system in light of challenges linked to the four crises known as the 4 Cs (Climate, Covid-19, Conflict, and Cost of externalities). This part of the series reviews the state of the debate around agri-food systems transformation from the perspective of different organisations that represent a wide range of actors and stakeholders. Furthermore, this report provides an overview of the different proposed approaches to achieving the goals of agri-food system transformation aligned to the themes of people, planet, and prosperity. The report was drafted by TMG in consultations with an extended group of experts.
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