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Journal articles on the topic 'International relations – Europe, Western'

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Published: 10 March 2023
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1

Hyde-Price, Adrian G. V. "Eroding empire: Western relations with Eastern Europe." International Affairs 64, no. 1 (1987): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621549.

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2

Campbell, John C., and Lincoln Gordon. "Eroding Empire: Western Relations with Eastern Europe." Foreign Affairs 66, no. 2 (1987): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043433.

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3

Lake, David A. "Anarchy, hierarchy, and the variety of international relations." International Organization 50, no. 1 (1996): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830000165x.

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Security relations between states vary along a continuum from anarchic alliances to hierarchic empires. This continuum, in turn, is defined by the parties' rights of residual control. The state's choice between alternatives is explained in a theory of relational contracting as a function of the expected costs of opportunism, which decline with relational hierarchy, and governance costs, which rise with relational hierarchy. A comparison of early postwar relations between the United States and Western Europe and the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe illustrates the theory.
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4

Brunatti, Andrew D., and David M. Malone. "Fading Glories? India’s Relations with Western Europe and Russia." International Relations 24, no. 3 (September 2010): 341–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117810377375.

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5

Mudde, Cas. "Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe." Acta Politica 39, no. 3 (September 2004): 328–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500070.

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6

Taggart, Paul. "New populist parties in Western Europe." West European Politics 18, no. 1 (January 1995): 34–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389508425056.

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7

Gallimore, Nicole. "Western Europe: a handbook." International Affairs 63, no. 1 (1986): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620343.

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8

Hanley, David. "Opposition in Western Europe." International Affairs 64, no. 2 (1988): 296. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621890.

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9

Foulon, Michiel, and Gustav Meibauer. "Realist avenues to global International Relations." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 4 (June 15, 2020): 1203–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066120926706.

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Realism has long been criticized by global IR, but the former can contribute to the latter and thereby improve explanations of international relations. Global IR criticizes that realism supposedly applies universally, sidelines non-Western perspectives, and misunderstands much of foreign policy, grand strategy, and international affairs. Reviewing global IR’s case against realism, however, exposes avenues for realism to complement global IR. Realism can contribute to a more global understanding of international relations through its most recent variant: neoclassical realism (NCR). This newest realism allows for contextualization and historicization of drivers of state behavior. It can embrace and has already been engaging global questions and cases; global thought and concepts; and global perspectives and scholarship. Mapping 149 NCR publications produced by 96 scholars reveals a slow shift in knowledge production away from North America toward Europe and to a lesser extent Asia and Africa. Creative research designs and scholarly collaboration can put realism in fruitful conversation with global IR. This has implications for theory building and inclusive knowledge production in realism, global IR, and the wider discipline. Only when we discover new avenues for realists to travel can they contribute to a more global IR. In turn, when global IR scholars engage realism, they may be better able to address the Western versus non-Western dichotomies they challenge.
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10

Gozzi, Gustavo. "History of International Law and Western Civilization." International Community Law Review 9, no. 4 (2007): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197407x261386.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the origins 19th-century international law through the works of such scholars as Bluntschli, Lorimer, and Westlake, and then traces out its development into the 20th century. Nineteenth-century international law was forged entirely in Europe: it was the expression of a European consciousness and culture, and was geographically located within the community of European peoples, which meant a community of Christian, and hence "civilized," peoples. It was only toward the end of the 19th century that an international law emerged as the expression of a "global society," when the Ottoman Empire, China, and Japan found themselves forced to enter the regional international society revolving around Europe. Still, these nations stood on an unequal footing, forming a system based on colonial relations of domination. This changed in the post–World War II period, when a larger community of nations developed that was not based on European dominance. This led to the extended world society we have today, made up of political systems profoundly different from one another because based on culture-specific concepts. So in order for a system to qualify as universal, it must now draw not only on Western but also on non-Western forms, legacies, and concepts.
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11

van Houwelingen, J., and Clive Rose. "Western Europe: Prospects for cooperation in defence." RUSI Journal 130, no. 3 (September 1985): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071848508522678.

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12

Daalder, Ivo H. "A tactical defense initiative for Western Europe?" Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 43, no. 4 (May 1987): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.1987.11459520.

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13

Haslam, Jonathan. "Soviets take fresh look at Western Europe." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 44, no. 4 (May 1988): 38–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.1988.11456154.

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14

Menon, Anand. "Defence policy and integration in Western Europe." Contemporary Security Policy 17, no. 2 (August 1996): 264–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523269608404138.

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15

Toubeau, Simon. "Multi-Level Party Politics in Western Europe." West European Politics 36, no. 4 (July 2013): 886–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.794560.

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16

Joppke, Christian. "Civic integration in Western Europe: three debates." West European Politics 40, no. 6 (April 10, 2017): 1153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2017.1303252.

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17

De Sio, Lorenzo, and Romain Lachat. "Issue competition in Western Europe: an introduction." West European Politics 43, no. 3 (October 30, 2019): 509–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2019.1655957.

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18

Rüdig, Wolfgang. "Peace and ecology movements in western Europe." West European Politics 11, no. 1 (January 1988): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388808424663.

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19

Morgan, April, and Clyde Wilcox. "Anti‐feminism in western Europe 1975–1987." West European Politics 15, no. 4 (October 1, 1992): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389208424936.

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20

Morel, Laurence. "Party attitudes towards referendums in Western Europe." West European Politics 16, no. 3 (July 1993): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389308424972.

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21

Bauböck, Rainer, and Dilek Çinar. "Briefing paper: Naturalisation policies in Western Europe." West European Politics 17, no. 2 (April 1994): 192–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389408425021.

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22

Duzgun, Eren. "The international relations of ‘bourgeois revolutions’: Disputing the Turkish Revolution." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 2 (July 4, 2017): 414–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117714527.

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The study of revolutions is at the forefront of the growing field of International Historical Sociology. As International Historical Sociology scholars have sought to uncover the spatio-temporally changing character of international relations, they have come a long way in overcoming ‘unilinear’ and ‘internalist’ conceptions of revolutionary modern transformation. In this article, I re-evaluate the extent to which the International Historical Sociology of ‘bourgeois revolutions’ has succeeded in remedying unilinear conceptions of the transition to modernity. I argue that ‘consequentialist’ approaches to the study of bourgeois revolutions tend to obscure the radically heterogeneous character of revolutionary transformations, both within and outside Western Europe. Drawing on Political Marxism and Robbie Shilliam’s discussion of Jacobinism, I first provide a non-consequentialist reading of the revolutions of modernity within Western Europe, and then utilize this reinterpretation to provide a new interpretation of the Turkish Revolution (1923–1945). My aim is to demonstrate that a non-consequentialist conception of ‘bourgeois revolutions’ will enable us to historicize and theorize more accurately the co-constitution of international relations and revolutionary processes, hence providing a stronger foundation for the International Historical Sociology of modern revolutions.
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23

Coombes, David. "Liberal parties in Western Europe." International Affairs 66, no. 1 (January 1990): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622235.

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24

Hoffmann, Stanley. "The transformation of Western Europe." International Affairs 67, no. 2 (April 1991): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620886.

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25

Sanford, George. "Western approaches to Eastern Europe." International Affairs 69, no. 2 (April 1993): 338–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621607.

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26

Ehteshami, Anoushiravan. "Western Europe and the Gulf." International Affairs 69, no. 2 (April 1993): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621608.

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27

Stern, Fritz, and William Wallace. "The Transformation of Western Europe." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 5 (1990): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044646.

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28

Müller-Rommel, Ferdinand. "The Greens in Western Europe." International Political Science Review 6, no. 4 (October 1985): 483–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251218500600407.

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29

Ferrarotti, Franco. "Social movements in Western Europe." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 1, no. 1 (September 1987): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01384921.

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30

Mahant, Edelgard. "Review: Relations among OECD Countries: Partners and Rivals in Western Europe." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 350–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300215.

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31

Allen, David, and Michael Smith. "Western Europe's presence in the contemporary international arena." Review of International Studies 16, no. 1 (January 1990): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112628.

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Western Europe's status and impact within the contemporary international arena is a matter of contention and debate, reflecting its often elusive and intangible nature. On the one hand, enthusiasm for the notion of a ‘European foreign policy’ and for the idea that Western Europe can play a constructive role in the world is evident both in academic analysis and in the pronouncements of West European political leaders. On the other, there is often a yawning gap between the promise or the prescription and the reality of European disunity and pluralism. One possible reason for this gap between enthusiasm and reality is that concepts fail us when the discussion turns to Western Europe's international role: the notion of ‘Europe’ or ‘Western Europe’ is often taken to be consubstantial with the European Community, and the notion of a European ‘foreign policy’ carries with it a conceptual framework which is inseparable from the state-centric view of world politics. Thus, the idea of ‘Western Europe’ as an international actor of the conventional state-like kind based on the EC leads inevitably into the analysis of European Political Co-operation as a pro to-foreign policy; it can extend into evaluation of the ‘external relations’ encompassed by the Treaty of Rome; and it may entail a consideration of the potential for further development in the security field by the European members of NATO. At its most ambitious, it might lead to the proposal that these three areas could be combined to produce an integrated, state-like policy mechanism. Although there are few who would explicitly argue that the EC is on the verge of emerging as a ‘European state’, it is the ideal type of a state-based foreign policy which lies behind much contemporary analysis of Western Europe's international status.
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32

De Groot, Michael. "Western Europe and the collapse of Bretton Woods." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 2 (June 2019): 282–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019852698.

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This article contends that Western Europe played a crucial and overlooked role in the collapse of Bretton Woods. Most scholars highlight the role of the United States, focusing on the impact of US balance of payments deficits, Washington’s inability to manage inflation, the weakness of the US dollar, and American domestic politics. Drawing on archival research in Britain, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United States, this article argues that Western European decisions to float their currencies at various points from 1969 to 1973 undermined the fixed exchange rate system. The British, Dutch, and West Germans opted to float their currencies as a means of protecting against imported inflation or protecting their reserve assets, but each float reinforced speculators’ expectations that governments would break from their fixed parities. The acceleration of financial globalization and the expansion of the Euromarkets in the 1960s made Bretton Woods increasingly difficult to defend.
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33

Fuller, Gregory W., Alison Johnston, and Aidan Regan. "Housing prices and wealth inequality in Western Europe." West European Politics 43, no. 2 (February 18, 2019): 297–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2018.1561054.

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34

Falter, Jürgen W., and Siegfried Schumann. "Affinity towards right‐wing extremism in Western Europe." West European Politics 11, no. 2 (April 1988): 96–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388808424684.

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35

Zimmermann, Ekkart. "Political unrest in Western Europe: Trends and prospects." West European Politics 12, no. 3 (July 1989): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388908424748.

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36

Volcansek, Mary L. "Judges, courts and policy‐making in Western Europe." West European Politics 15, no. 3 (July 1992): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389208424917.

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37

Rudney, Robert. "The varieties of peace research in Western Europe." Comparative Strategy 9, no. 2 (April 1990): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495939008402805.

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38

Duzgun, Eren. "Capitalism, Jacobinism and International Relations: Re-interpreting the Ottoman path to modernity." Review of International Studies 44, no. 2 (October 17, 2017): 252–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210517000468.

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AbstractDebates over ‘modernity’ have been central to the development of historical-sociological approaches to International Relations (IR). Within the bourgeoning subfield of International Historical Sociology (IHS), much work has been done to formulate a historically dynamic conception of international relations, which is then used to undermine unilinear conceptions of global modernity. Nevertheless, this article argues that IHS has not proceeded far enough in successfully remedying the problem of unilinearism. The problem remains that historical narratives, informed by IHS, tend to transhistoricise capitalism, which, in turn, obscures the generative nature of international relations, as well as the fundamental heterogeneity of diverging paths to modernity both within and beyond western Europe. Based on the theory of Uneven and Combined Development, Political Marxism, and Robbie Shilliam’s discussion of ‘Jacobinism’, this article first reinterprets the radical multilinearity of modernity within western Europe, and then utilises this reinterpretation to provide a new reading of the Ottoman path to modernity (1839–1918). Such a historical critique and reconstruction will highlight the significance of Jacobinism for a more accurate theorisation of the origin and development of the modern international order, hence contributing to a deeper understanding of the international relations of modernity.
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39

Bell, David S. "Post‐communism in western Europe." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 12, no. 2 (June 1996): 247–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279608415311.

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40

Tobia, Simona. "Introduction: Europe Americanized? Popular reception of Western Cold War propaganda in Europe." Cold War History 11, no. 1 (February 2011): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2011.545593.

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41

Kisovskaya, N. "Christian-Islamic Dialogue in Western Europe." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2010): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-7-55-64.

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The meaning of an inter-religious dialogue has increased in the context of globalization, which has put different ethnicities and religions face-to-face within the fledging "planetary community". Furthermore, it encouraged a remarkably emerging role of religion, in particular in politics. The dialogue became of key importance in Western Europe due to the Muslims turning into the largest diaspora of the region, and Islam – into the second religion after Christianity. The author dedicated this work to investigation of this dialogue's aspects, since the unceasing growth of the Muslim migration and terroristic threats cause the expansion of islamophobia and ethnic tension that have become a destabilizing factor in the region.
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42

Trofimova, O. "Moslems and Islam in Western Europe." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2009): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2009-10-52-62.

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43

Nosenko, V. "Western Europe and Islamism: Withstanding Strengthens." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2008): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2008-2-94-103.

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44

Heisler, Martin O. "Migration, International Relations and the New Europe: Theoretical Perspectives from Institutional Political Sociology." International Migration Review 26, no. 2 (June 1992): 596–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839202600221.

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The transformations of the international system and the regimes of the Soviet Union's successor-states and former allies removed barriers to exit from those countries. Western Europe now confronts possible population movements from the East, at a time when its own societies and institutions are undergoing change: the advent of a single unified market in the European Community; the organization of new, joint security and foreign policy capabilities; and coping with growing manifestations of political and social stress blamed on the presence of immigrants. Existing theories in international relations and migration studies offer little guidance in confronting problems that are at once societal and international. Conceptual and theoretical links across the domestic and international levels of analysis and with migration are needed. An institutional political sociology orientation comprised of elements in the recent literature of several social sciences and neoliberal international relations may provide the necessary intellectual grasp and practical policy guidance. An illustrative application suggests that massive east-to-west migration is unlikely; and it offers grounds for guarded optimism about prospects for stability in and fruitful integration into the Western European ethos by the new regimes in East-Central Europe and the Baltics. However, it points to a more gloomy future for many of the other states of the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.
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45

Jones, Charles. "Carr, Mannheim, and a Post-positivist Science of International Relations." Political Studies 45, no. 2 (June 1997): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00078.

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Recent work on Carr has looked beyond The Twenty Years' Crisis to the seeming anomaly of a political realist advocating regional integration in Western Europe, a welfare state at home, and a free hand for the USSR in Eastern Europe. Some have seen this anomaly, and Carr's successive appeasements of Germany and the USSR, as mere opportunism, but this paper finds a coherence in Carr's work deriving substantially from Mannheim. It was from Mannheim that Carr took not only the structure of The Twenty Years' Crisis, but also his characteristic post-positivist and interdisciplinary methodology, his belief in the policy role of the intellectual, his strong sense of the connectedness of foreign and domestic policy, his insistence on forms of international society that heavily discounted the sovereignty of small nations, and the besetting weaknesses of inadequately acknowledged historicism and elitism.
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46

Pick, Otto. "Soviet policy perspectives on Western Europe." International Affairs 66, no. 1 (January 1990): 190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622251.

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47

Strange, Susan. "Rethinking social democracy in western Europe." International Affairs 70, no. 3 (July 1994): 570–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623773.

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48

Volle, Angelika. "Britain's bilateral links within Western Europe." International Affairs 61, no. 3 (1985): 472–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618667.

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49

Pryce, Roy. "Federalism and federation in Western Europe." International Affairs 63, no. 3 (1987): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619298.

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50

Luard, Evan. "Western Europe and the Reagan Doctrine." International Affairs 63, no. 4 (1987): 563–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619637.

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