Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'International relations – Europe, Western'
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Sjursen, Helene. "The United States, Western Europe and the Polish crisis : international relations in the second Cold War /." Basingstoke [u.a.] : Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/355061309.pdf.
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Nasho, Ah-Pine Elda. "Une communauté de sécurité en Europe ? : l'exemple des Balkans occidentaux." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015GREAH034.
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Les Balkans occidentaux (BO), déchirés après 1989 par les guerres dont les plus sanglantes et les plus problématiques en Bosnie-Herzégovine, au Kosovo, et en Albanie, ne pouvaient plus laisser indifférentes les puissances occidentales, et en particulier l’OTAN et l’UE. La survenue de ces conflits a confronté en effet les pays européens à la guerre près de chez eux signifiant une éventuelle déstabilisation de la région et la gestion d’un grand nombre d’immigrés en provenance des BO. C’est pourquoi l’OTAN et l’UE se sont depuis largement investies dans des missions de pacification et de reconstruction étatique dans cette région, par la mise en place de politiques de sécurité et de défense, puis par le biais de politiques d’élargissement. L'action de ces différentes organisations, à côté de celle des BO, a permis la fin de la guerre et une certaine stabilisation de ces pays. Mais, cette dernière est loin d'être complétement acquise. En effet, c'est la non consolidation des institutions étatiques et de la démocratie qui menace encore l’effondrement de l’Etat et qui continue à constituer un enjeu de taille pour les pays des BO.Notre thèse a pour objet d’analyser l'évolution de la stabilisation des BO depuis la chute du mur de Berlin en étudiant et en mettant en confrontation des ensembles complexes de relations entre acteurs, enjeux, moyens et processus. Afin d'analyser ce processus complexe, nous proposons un modèle qui s'appuie sur le concept des « communautés de sécurité » (CS) de Deutsch et al. (1957). Cependant, pour les besoins de notre étude, nous reconceptualisons ce concept à l’aide de variables que nous avons choisies en européanisation et en démocratisation que les auteurs n’avaient pas pu prévoir à l’époque de la rédaction des CS.Ainsi, le concept de CS reconceptualisé permet de répondre à notre problématique: pourquoi et comment une CS comprenant les pays de la région encore instable des Balkans occidentaux se construit-elle sur le continent européen autour de l'OTAN et de l'UE, depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin ?Notre hypothèse est la suivante : la construction d’une CS s’explique par la combinaison de deux éléments : d’une part la pression exogène des organisations régionales exigeant des changements concrets en termes de démocratisation et de sécurisation, et d’autre part l’acceptation de ces exigences de la part aussi bien des élites que des populations des pays concernés. En d’autres termes, plus la pression des organisations régionales est perçue comme légitime et mise en œuvre, plus la création d’une CS est probable.La variable dépendante que nous analysons est la construction d’une CS européenne comprenant les Balkans occidentaux (CSEBO) pluraliste. Les moyens de construction de cette communauté de sécurité correspondent à nos variables indépendantes choisies en sécurité, européanisation et démocratisation et qui sont de deux types : endogènes et exogènes. Il s’agit d’une part, des variables portant sur le rôle des facteurs et acteurs externes (OTAN et UE) en vue de la stabilisation des BO, et donc de leur contribution à la construction de la CSEBO. Il s’agit d’autre part, d’une série de variables endogènes portant cette fois-ci sur le rôle des facteurs et acteurs internes (élites et populations des pays des BO) dans la formation de la CSEBO. Nous montrons que les niveaux interne et externe sont en permanente interaction.Les résultats de notre étude, obtenus dans le cadre de la méthode de process-tracing à partir de sources primaires et secondaires, ainsi que d’entretiens semi-directifs, montrent un découpage dans le temps dans la construction de la CSEBO: avant et après 2000. Ainsi une première période allant de la chute du Mur de Berlin jusqu'au début des années 2000 connaît l’absence quasi-totale des conditions constitutives des CS et donc la CSEBO est très embryonnaire ici. Nous montrons ensuite qu’une CSEBO se construit progressivement à partir du début des années 2000The Western Balkans (WB) were torn apart after 1989 due to wars, which were particularly cruel and problematic in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Kosovo and in Albania. Western powers, and especially NATO and EU, could not anymore turn a blind eye. These conflicts indeed confronted European countries to war in a neighbouring state which could lead to destabilization of the region and to more migrants coming from the WB. This is the reason why NATO and UE have since been deeply involved in peace building and state building missions throughout the region. They started with implementing security and defense policies, then turned to enlargement policy. These organisations’ actions, as well as the efforts done by the WB, led to the end of the war and, to a certain extent, to a stabilization of these countries which is however not fully achieved. WB State security is indeed still a major objective. The threat lies nowadays in the non consolidaton of state institutions and democracy.Our thesis is aiming at analyzing the stabilization of the WB since the fall of the Berlin wall. It will focus on studying and confronting a complex set of actors, goals, means and processes in order to have a better understanding of the evolution of the stabilization of the region. In order to analyze this complex process, we are using a model based on the concept of « security communities » (SC) developed by Deutsch and al., at the end of the 1950’s. However, for the need of our study, we will « reconceptualize » this concept using several variables selected in europeanisation and democratisation studies which the authors could not have predicted at the time they elaborated their concept of « security communities ».Therefore, the concept of SC, « reconceptualised », helps answering our research problem : why and how has a SC including countries from the instable region of the Western Balkans been built on the European continent, around NATO and the EU, since the fall of the Berlin wall ?Our research hypothesis consists in the combination of two elements to explain the building of a SC: on one side, an exogenous pressure from regional organizations imposing concrete changes in terms of democracy and securitization and, on the other side, the acceptance of these demands from both the elites and the population of the concerned countries. In other terms, the more legitimized and implemented the pressure from these regional organizations is, the more probable is the creation of a SC.The dependent variable that we analyze is the building of a pluralistic European SC which includes the Western Balkans. The means for building this security community correlate with our independent variables which are endogenous and exogenous and have been selected in security, democratisation and europeanisation studies. On one side, exogenous variables stand on the role of external actors and factors (NATO and the EU) leading to the stabilization of the WB, and therefore to their contribution to the building of an European security community including the Western Balkans (ESCWB). On the other side, there is a range of endogenous variables being the role of internal actors and factors (elites and populations of the WB) in the shaping of ESCWB. We will show that both internal and external levels are in constant interaction.Our study results based on primary and secondary sources as well as semi-directed interviews and using the « process-tracing » method highlight two distinct periods regarding the building of the ESCWB: before and after the year 2000. Thereby between the fall of the Berlin wall and the year 2000, there is almost a complete lack of the necessary conditions to build a SC and therefore the ESCWB merely exists in an embryonic form. ESCWB then progressively emerges from the beginning of the 2000’s
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Moody, George. "The renovation of Western hegemony : European alternatives in international relations." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2015. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/54594/.
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European intellectual production on international relations is central to the renovation of Western hegemony in the post-Cold War, ‘post-American' world. This includes both policy and academic discourses and a focus of this work is an account of the fields in which these discourses are generated that relates them at a deep level. Working within ‘Amsterdam School' accounts of European integration, I develop the focus on class formation and the internal relation between class and the international for the post-Cold War era. The ‘shift to Europe' within the previously Anglo-centric Atlantic transnational capitalist class alongside developments in the EU's ability to cohesively project power means that a developing bi-polar West must be considered within any understanding of attempts to maintain and reformulate Western hegemony. I consider the EU policy field in this context, focusing on the EU think tank field, as it relates to the ‘global power Europe' discourse; this discourse concerned with harnessing the international legitimacy of the concept of ‘civilian power Europe' for military interventions. I map the ‘global power Europe' think tank network, and assess its position within the formation of a hegemonic bloc. Turning to the field of IR I give a novel reading of the principal salient features of the field's development, as well as allowing an exploration of the field's limitations and possibilities through tracing the trajectories of European approaches to security, seen as the operationalization of European difference within IR. This methodology, focusing on trajectories rather than paradigms, allows an understanding of the effects of IR theories, as well as the limits and possibilities inherent from their conditions of production, beyond that which can be gleaned from the surface of theoretical debates and configurations. Approached from these two different directions – through policy institutes as a capital-policy nexus, and academic discourse as related to its social conditions of production – and exploring the homologies across them gives a non-reductive grasp on the interaction of the ideational and material in the renovation of Western hegemony.
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Tsagkroni, Vasiliki. "Political communication in perspective : identifying the message of radical right parties in Europe during the first decade of the 21st century : a comparative case study." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/9026.
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The thesis aims primarily to analyse the communication strategies of radical right parties. More specifically, the research examines three cases of radical right parties in Western Europe during the first decade of the twenty-first century with particular emphasis on the political communication along with marketing and branding techniques used to engage with the electorate to gain and maintain electoral support. These case studies comprise the Greek Popular Orthodox Rally (LA.O.S.), the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) and the Italian National Alliance (AN). Different forms of content analysis are used in order to pinpoint the characteristics that identify the parties as members of the radical right family. Through this approach the thesis provides evidence that the parties, in their effort to become more appealing to their audiences, avoid direct engagement with issues, which reflect traditional ideological tenets of the radical right issues such as fascism, racism or xenophobia. Rather, they attempt to present a more mainstream and competitive profile in the political arena. From a market-oriented perspective, the thesis addresses questions on marketing and related explanations which focus both on how the parties choose to communicate with the electorate, what is their message and, through comparative analysis, whether there are similarities in communication techniques among the three parties and whether it can be argued that parties in the radical right family project a common profile in terms of their communication strategies. Furthermore, the application of such an approach to the use of political communication techniques of the selected radical right parties can contribute to a wider understanding of how the concept of ‘consumption’ has come to be applied increasingly in activities undertaken in the political arena.
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Beckfield, Jason. "The consequences of regional political and economic integration for inequality and the welfare state in Western Europe." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3183488.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2005.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-08, Section: A, page: 3111. Adviser: Arthur S. Alderson. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 5, 2006).
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Parry, Joy. "Companies of clouds : the development of multilateral cultural cooperation in western European international organisations." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36362/.
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This thesis traces the development of styles and theories of cultural cooperation from the pre-World War II models developed by France and Britain in particular, through the post-WWII international cooperation structures which included cultural cooperation as part of their structures. Organisations considered include the International Committee for Intellectual Cooperation, the Brussels Treaty Organisation, the Council of Europe and the European Union, focusing primarily on the non-educational or scientific aspects of cultural cooperation. Sources used include documentation of the two latter bodies and the public records of the UK Foreign Office and Ministry of Education. Intellectual cooperation was launched under the auspices of the League of Nations as a separate entity from the bilateral cultural relations of governments. Its tradition continues to be powerfully felt in the activity of the Council of Europe, after WWII the fulcrum of multilateral cultural cooperation. The thesis shows how it moved away from acting as a counterpoint to political developments towards the creation of a programme based on sociological study, which contained a strong element of federalist ideology, developing its own orthodoxy of "cultural policy", until partly "repossessed" in the 1990s by political imperatives. The contrast with the tightly regulated European Union is marked, and shows in certain respects a return to earlier experiments in cultural cooperation, which developed most of its theory and practice in the pre-1992 era when the Community Treaty did not provide for action in the field of culture. The thesis argues that the EU's cultural programme is not a manifestation of a "Europeanisation" of cultural policy, although policies elsewhere in the organisation may well have that effect, but of multilateral cultural cooperation.
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Beltran, Veda Elizabeth. "Xenophobia, Populism, and the Rise of the Far-Right in France and Germany." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1478.
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The purpose of this study is to further examine the populist wave that has struck the West, with specific regards to France and Germany. The growing anti-immigrant sentiment, the discontent with “establishment” politics, and fear-mongering tactics has given rise to far-right political parties such as the National Front and the Alternative for Germany. These political parties prove threatening to the democratic institutions in place, for they wish to limit the liberties of those who seem too different. Through delving into the core values of these countries and specific events revolving around foreigners, I explain how xenophobic ideology has been allowed to permeate through France and Germany’s society and has increased the legitimacy of political leaders like Marine Le Pen and Frauke Petry.
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Davis, Brandon S. "State Cyber Operations and International Law: Russian and Western Approaches." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1523531316393533.
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Marazopoulos, Christos. "Constructing the Western Balkans : understanding the European Commission's regional approach from a constructivist perspective." Thesis, University of Bath, 2013. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607143.
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The thesis traces the construction of the Western Balkans since the end of the armed conflict in 1995. The term Western Balkans has become a commonplace in international politics that refers to a recognisable region on the European map – ignoring that it does not constitute a historical formation of European and Balkan politics. Most contemporary analysis focuses on functional aspects of economic cohesiveness and security interdependence. However, this thesis argues that the concept of Western Balkans is better understood as a social construction, externally-driven. The argument is that the Western Balkans is what the European Union makes of it. By taking a macro-historical perspective, we look at the long and special ties that the EU has had from the time of Yugoslavia to the Western Balkans until the mid-2000s. What we uncover is a special and consistent involvement of the European Commission into the regional affairs. The Western Balkans starts as a small organisational department within the institutional structure of the external relations' portfolio to become a regional identity question for the local populations. Also, the thesis points to the Commission’s actions as not just the outcome of micro-calculations but part of a social context of competing world-views; and, finally, this is the reason that the end-product of the Western Balkans resembles more a messy amalgam rather than a rational design.
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Potter, Shannon L. "The Influence of Western Powers on Central and Eastern European Minority Protection Policy: the League of Nations Minorities Treaties and the EU Copenhagen Criteria." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1281647235.
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Mesta, Espinosa Mara Eugenia. "Mexico's relations with Western Europe, 1945-1997." Thesis, University of London, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271362.
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Ross, Linda Drummond. "Relations between the Latin East and Western Europe, 1187-1291." Thesis, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406232.
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Isiksal, Hüseyin. "Asymmetric negotiations : dichotomous international order and Turkey-Europe relations." Thesis, Keele University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602798.
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This study critically analyses Turkey-Europe relations with the new conceptualisations, design, and interpretation. Specifically, dichotomous international order, asymmetric negotiations, and hermeneutical interpretation are the tools of this new investigation that are the main pillars of this thesis. The research initially reads the theoretical and historical discussions regarding the international order from the dichotomy perspective. Simply it is argued that there are two patterns of modern international order, with different and mostly contrasting objectives, and different normative and institutional arrangements. This dichotomy caused the asymmetric negotiations in Turkey-Europe relations. The study supported its theoretical assumptions with the case studies of human and minority rights, and the Cyprus problem as empirical explanations of the consistent and continuous patterns of political standards of Europe for Turkey. Hermeneutical interpretation is used as the main research approach. With a critical scrutiny of the contending texts, the historical and social dynamics seek to be identified for the interpretation of the meaning of events/ factions/behaviour from Turkey's point of view. While doing this, the cultural, political, and social forces that influenced the actor's outlook are identified. In this way, the research aims to make modest contribution to explain Turkey's international behaviour and position on certain key political issues including human and minority rights, and the Cyprus problem, and contribute to the understanding of the existing problems between Turkey and the EU.
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McLean, Roderick Reid. "Monarchy and diplomacy in Europe, 1900-1910." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296526.
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Dunin-Wąsowicz, Roch. "Culture for Europe : struggles for contemporary meanings and social understandings of Europe through cultural institutions, festivals, and art projects." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3223/.
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This thesis investigates struggles for meanings and social understandings of Europe taking place through cultural institutions, festival sites, and art projects. I claim that culture is a social field where meanings of Europe are made. I argue that meanings of Europe that emerge in these cultural sites are not prior or given, but are a result of struggles between the actors involved. They These meanings are to different degrees particular and autonomous, depending on the proximity of a given cultural site to the political structures of the state and the EU. This research identifies that actors who construct Europe’s meaning do so according to common patterns. Europe’s meanings evoke notions of unity – it is a symbol of coming together. At the same time, what different actors mean by Europe is an articulation of their particular ideals circumstances and aspirations, rooted in their direct contexts. In other words, in culture, there is but one Europe. There is not one Europe. This is confirmed by how Europe is understood by the immediate audiences of these cultural sites. It is perceived as relevant only when translated through familiar contexts – specific, local or national – and only then it is embraced. The background of the analysis is the significance of aesthetic culture in modernity, its role in making the nation, and its social imagining. This thesis examines the ways in which culture today demonstrates a similar capacity in regard to Europe, albeit in a micro scale. The methods employed are discourse and audience reception analysis, as well as participant observation. The empirical investigation comprises of a microanalysis of sites of cultural production. The case studies selected for this analysis, drawing on studies of cultural nationalism, include an online cultural outlet, an independent film festival and a transnational cultural festival, as well as a series of state commissioned contemporary artworks, all of which claim to be European in one way or another.
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Lojko, Miklos. "Britain and central Europe, 1919-1925." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248846.
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Al-Imam, Jamal D. "U.S. Foreign Policy and the Soviet Gas Pipeline to Western Europe." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc663015/.
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This paper surveys U.S. foreign policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s as the American administration reacted to the Soviet Union's interventions in Afghanistan and Poland and to its planned gas pipeline to Western Europe. Chapter I outlines the origins of the pipeline project; Chapters II and III describe U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviets during the Carter and Reagan administrations. Chapter IV focuses on the economic sanctions imposed against the Soviet Union by the United States and their failure to block or delay the pipeline, and Chapter V stresses the inability of economic sanctions-- in this and other instances--to achieve political ends.
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Chatterji, Miniya. "Transnational actors in international relations : case of relations between India and Europe (1990-2008)." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009IEPP0011.
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La mondialisation a entraîné des nouveaux styles de subjectivité et une mobilisation des acteurs. Ceux-ci ne se trouvent plus ancrés ni à une nation ni à une région. Ces réseaux peuvent souvent impacter l'architecture des relations internationales - domaine que beaucoup considèrent comme ayant été en grande partie celui de l'État. Dans le cadre de la théorie des réseaux d’acteurs, cette recherche identifie des réseaux verticaux, latéraux et transnationaux, en examinant comment les acteurs construisent leurs réseaux. Elle évalue les conséquences de ces réseaux sur les relations internationales. Les acteurs ont différentes façons d'interagir les uns avec les autres, avec le pays hôte, ainsi qu'avec les pays d'origine, et forment de fait différents types de réseaux à chaque fois. Cette recherche examine les 3 types de flux transnationaux: les flux du capital humain, les flux financiers, et les flux des idées. La principale hypothèse de cette recherche est que ces réseaux transnationaux comprenant les flux du capital humain, les flux financiers, et les flux des idées ont un impact significatif sur les relations entre les pays concernés. Notre deuxième hypothèse est que les États et les acteurs non étatiques jouent, les deux à la fois, un rôle dans la création de ces liens transnationaux. Cette recherche définit l'espace de son univers de recherche. Il prend le cas des relations entre l'Inde et l'Europe, en démontrant les modes d'action des acteurs transnationaux au sein de cet espace géographique et théorique, en évaluant l'impact de leurs actions sur les relations entre les deux régions, et l'impact éventuel sur le rôle de l'EtatGlobalization has brought about emergent styles of subjectivity and mobilization amongst actors who find themselves no longer anchored to any one Nation or region. These networks may often impact the larger canvas of international relations – a domain which many consider to have been in large part the domain of the State. Within the framework of actor network theory, this research identifies vertical, lateral, and global transnational networks, examining how transnational actors build their networks, and evaluating the consequence of these networks on international relations. Actors interact in different ways with each other, with the host country, as well as with the sending country, and in this way form different types of networks each time. This research examines 3 types of transnational flows: human capital flows, financial flows and idea flows. The primary hypothesis of this research is that through transnational networks of human capital flows, financial flows and idea flows, there is a significant impact affected on the relations between concerned countries. Our secondary hypothesis is that States as well as non-State actors both together play a role in the creation of such transnational linkages. This research then spatially defines its research universe. It takes up the case of relations between India and Europe, demonstrating the patterns of action of transnational actor networks within this theoretical and geographic space, evaluating the impact of their actions on relations between the two regions, and the eventual impact on the role of the State therein
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Zoller, Silke. "Criminalizing Insurgents: The United States and Western Europe Response to Terrorism, 1968-1984." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/511437.
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HistoryPh.D.
The United States, Germany, and other Western industrialized countries began seeking multilateral anti-terrorism agreements in the 1970s. In that decade, transnationally operating terroristic actors tapped into the anti-imperialist, anti-colonial global discourse of the 1960s to justify themselves as national liberation fighters. This dissertation is a case study of Western state officials who interacted with one another and with recently independent states in response to the activity of such ostensible insurgents. The dissertation reveals how Western officials worked to define and deploy the terrorism label against these non-state actors. U.S., German, and other Western officials generated international conventions that treated terrorists as ordinary criminals and ignored their political motivations. The resulting multilateral agreements stipulated that terrorism was an illegal and criminal act. These solutions undermined national liberation actors’ claims to protected status as wartime combatants. This dissertation clarifies some of the mechanisms which permitted Western states to shape the norms about who is or is not a terrorist. However, Western efforts to define and regulate terrorism also led to the institutionalization of terrorism as a global security threat without providing long-term solutions. These agreements did not prevent terrorist attacks. In addition, the Western multilateral conventions were deeply controversial. They triggered still unresolved debates amongst states worldwide about the conditions under which non-state actors had rights under international law to commit politically motivated violence.
Temple University--Theses
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Anand, Dibyesh. "World politics, representation, identity : Tibet in Western popular imagination." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/5858a3bf-ee85-4d17-ba68-74444581a5d5.
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Anderson, Alison Deborah. "The Jülich-Kleve succession crisis, 1609-1620 : a study of international relations /." Urbana (Ill.) : A. D. Anderson, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb357663103.
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Woods, Robert David. "Lessons from Central and Southeast Europe for the expanding alliances." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA483585.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. "June 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on August 26, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-87). Also available in print.
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Agafonov, Anton. "Western "Security Community" and Russia: Mutual Construction of Insecurities." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28720.
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Vuorelma, Johanna. "Losing Turkey? : narrative traditions in Western foreign policy analysis." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91976/.
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This thesis is about Western foreign policy analysis on Turkey as a second-order representation that is narratively constructed. The thesis argues that the scholarly field contains ideological antagonisms related to the West and is influenced by narrative traditions that offer apt metaphors and cultural resources to turn random foreign policy events into meaningful narratives. The thesis examines how Turkey is narrated in Western foreign policy analysis and how these narratives impact on debates over the idea of the West with the use of three theoretical approaches: the aesthetic approach is about representation, the narrative approach about the method of representation, and the interpretative approach about the relationship between representation and reality. There are two methodological foundations upon which the thesis is built: Hayden White’s tropology and the interpretative approach of Mark Bevir and R.A.W. Rhodes that focuses on beliefs, traditions, and dilemmas. The thesis also employs Kenneth Burke’s rhetorical tools as well as George Lakoff’s seminal work on foreign policy metaphors. In the thesis, White’s four master tropes are teased out with the use of three organising metaphors – the ‘losing Turkey’ metaphor, the ‘Turkey at a crossroads’ metaphor, and the ‘Erdogan-for-Turkey’ metaphor – that have been deduced from the data set using qualititative text analysis. Employing a paradigmatic method, the thesis identifies manifestations of the debate on the West in the data set, which includes over one hundred foreign policy analysis articles especially in Foreign Affairs, The National Interest and Foreign Policy but also in other journals, blogs, and books. The thesis follows the debate on Turkey to wherever it is taking place with the condition that the narrator speaks from a Western perspective, is familiar with the scholarly tradition of studying Turkey, and puts forward interpretations that resonate so widely that they have turned foreign policy imagination into facts and common sense.
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Tuchten, Lesley. "Corporate social investment and the state of environmental restitution in the Western Cape, South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3686.
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Includes abstract.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 88-94).
This dissertation seeks to investigate why finns in the Western Cape province of South Africa do not pay sufficient attention to environmental concerns, when conducting corporate social investment (CSI) programmes. As a result of thins investigation, the research will also give attention to the relationships between finns, their CSI, the sustainable development agenda.
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Schur, Denys. "The second front : grand strategy and civil-military relations of western allies and the USSR, 1938-1945 /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FSchur.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Daniel Moran. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-72). Also available online.
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Sonntag, Isabelle. "La concurrence et le transport aerien en Europe /." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60648.
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The treaty of Rome signed in 1957 creating the European Community establishes a common market and this market has to be done by 1993 upon the European Single Act of 1986. Airlines must be governed by the dispositions of the treaty.For a long time, this had not been affirmed, but the European Court of Justice said in 1974 that the general rules of the treaty apply to the air transport sector and precised this decision in the "Nouvelles Frontieres" case of 1986.
Those decisions were a first step towards liberalization and the Council and the Commission of the Community followed the court and adopted measures to liberalize the sector in the first air transport package in December 1987. These decisions and measures are problematic because there are quiet about the external relations of EEC member states with third countries.
The "Saeed" case of 1989 brings a solution, but the second air transport package of July 1990 still stays too quiet about it whereas it liberalises the air transport further. This should be resolved in the third package in 1993.
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von, Weitershausen Inez. "Europe between interests, institutions and ideas : crisis cooperation during the 2011 uprisings in Libya." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3484/.
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This thesis analyses cooperation between France, Germany and the United Kingdom (the ‘EU-3’) throughout different episodes of the 2011 uprisings in Libya. Focusing on (i) the provision humanitarian assistance and consular support, (ii) measures taken in the realm of border protection and migration management, (iii) the use of restrictive measures, (iv) the diplomatic recognition of the Libyan opposition, and (v) the decision to intervene (or not) militarily, the study provides the first overview of the activities of the three most influential member states at the time. Drawing on a large set of original empirical material from primary and secondary sources, including 77 semi-structured interviews with foreign policy elites and experts in Berlin, Paris, London and Brussels, the thesis applies a novel two-step explanatory framework to account for decision-makers’ actions. This approach first identifies those normative factors which influenced the way in which decision-makers constructed their respective state’s interests, and subsequently demonstrates how these interests helped to form their interpretations of a given situation in light of the costs and benefits of the various options available to them. The study thus contributes to the growing body of literature that underlines the added value of ideabased research in foreign and security policies, and to crisis response in particular.
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Rietzler, K. E. "American foundations and the 'scientific study' of international relations in Europe, 1910-1940." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2009. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/18726/.
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This thesis deals with the role of American philanthropic foundations in promoting an expert-led approach to international politics in Europe between the two world wars. Harking back to earlier forms of transatlantic elite internationalism, American foundations financed a number of institutions for the ‘scientific’ study of international relations, and constructed a transnational network of international relations specialists. The organisations at the heart of this study, the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, funded a variety of think tanks, academies and research institutes, some of which had international and some of which had national constituencies. Institutions supported by the foundations included the Hague Academy of International Law, the Geneva Graduate Institute of International Studies, the Royal Institute of International Affairs and the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik. Efforts to promote the cooperation between these institutions culminated in the funding of the International Studies Conference, a federation of institutes for the study of international relations organised under the auspices of the League of Nations in 1928. The philanthropic project to promote a ‘scientific’ approach to international relations turned the foundations into actors in a new international politics which they sought to rationalise at the same time. This new international politics was marked by the post- 1919 intertwining of governmental, intergovernmental and nongovernmental structures. Adopting a transnational approach which avoids conventional bilateral perspectives, this dissertation explores foundation activity in a variety of contexts. It analyses the foundations’ role as promoters of international expert exchange and internationalist education; as protagonists of American cultural diplomacy and targets of the cultural diplomacy of other countries; and finally, as nongovernmental organisations which undermined intergovernmental structures. Ultimately, this thesis contributes to the transnational history of American philanthropic foundations and sheds light on the role of nongovernmental organisations as actors in 20th century international politics.
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Fong, Bryon. "Jurisdictional blurring : European trends and their implications for international relations theory." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/443/.
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This thesis examines contemporary jurisdictional arrangements and how new and shifting forms of them impact the ability to map political and socio-political configurations, including the analytical and disciplinary tools used to examine them, into explicitly defined locations. More specifically, it asks how the jurisdictional arrangements found in modern Europe affect mainstream International Relation’s core enabling conditions – most critically, that an international realm exists, that it is jurisdictionally different and clearly separable from domestic realms, and that it therefore requires its own conceptualization. The thesis contends that IR’s ability to assume those things rests on a particular resolution to a “jurisdictional problematique” – on a specific answer to a “Who decides what, where, how, and over whom” question. While that resolution normally comes in a sovereignty-based form, sovereignty is determined to be merely one possible resolution and therefore simply one jurisdictional type. In that regard, the thesis challenges IR’s answer based on a thick examination of the European Union’s (EU) political structures (e.g. its institutional rules, programs, policies, and the like) as well as its socio-political relationships (e.g. European citizenship). It considers four potential changes, and therein four jurisdictional possibilities in their own right – breakdown, maintenance, stratification, and blurring. The thesis determines that blurring best captures the complexities, variability, and the potentially conflicting and overlapping arrangements constitutive of Europe’s jurisdictional environment. It also demonstrates that blurring is a distinct, jurisdictional alternative to sovereignty – a complex, process-based, but nonetheless operationalizable answer to the “Who decides what, where, how, and over whom” question. Those European findings are then placed into a wider perspective to illustrate global, jurisdictional variability. The thesis concludes by developing what blurring specifically and jurisdictional variability more generally entail for how one descriptively, analytically, and disciplinarily approaches modern political and socio-political life and thought. It determines that the question based, empirically sensitive foundations underpinning jurisdiction offer better ways to approach those issues than those typically used by IR – ways that better bring together theory and practice, that offer more appropriate and useful analytical procedures, and that help rethink disciplinary divisions in more sensible and efficacious ways.
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Gibbins, Justin Edward. "British discourses on Europe : self/other and national identities." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3830/.
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Britain’s stormy relationship with the European Union is a frequently cited illustration of a Eurosceptic state par excellence. Possessive of a strong national identity, a unique island status, a plethora of wartime experiences and a tenacious hold over its sovereignty, Britain has long been invested with an ‘awkward partner’ status. This dissertation seeks to unravel such presuppositions to answer the central research question: how has British national identity been forged and constructed by competing political elite visions of Europe? I deploy a discourse analytic approach and the Self/Other nexus to examine elite configurations of Europe over three critical events in European integration history. The empirical findings suggest three things. Firstly,discursive constructions of Europe play a fundamental role in determining perceptions of national identity. Secondly, the emerging trend in poststructuralist discourse analysis that views the Other not as a single, radical, hostile adversary, but as a whole array of much subtler and less easily defined Others is pertinent to identity construction. Finally, although national identities are perceived as contingent on previous conceptualisations and shifts in identity are subsequently slow and incremental, the case of Britain actually reveals a range of discontinuities in its nationhood over the historical events.
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Masciel, Brianna. "Working on the Troubles in Northern Ireland: The Role of International Funding Bodies in the Peace Process." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1134.
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This senior thesis is a study of international funding bodies in the case of Northern Ireland peace process. I examine the role of the European Union PEACE Fund and International Fund for Ireland. Particularly, I focus on creating, structuring, and maintaining these funds and their impact the local community. In conclusion, I find there are several recommendations for the formation and sustaining of international economic and political support from the Northern Irish case that can be applied in future cases. This includes utilizing multiple strategies that adjust to the needs of the community and creating networks for support and collaboration.
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Haddadi, Said. "Beyond securitisation : Western Mediterranean international relations from a security perspective 1989-2002." Thesis, Aston University, 2003. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/14848/.
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Following the end of the Cold War and the ensuing changes to the international landscape, thinking about security has tended to become more discursive and interpretative in nature. What counts as security has increasingly derived from security discourses (that is, 'securitisation') and uncertainty about the multi-faceted future facing various countries and regions. Within this post-Cold War discourse, the Western Mediterranean has emerged as a region fraught with latent and manifest threats in the economic, political, societal and military sectors. Improved access to EU markets for Maghrebi exports; the security of energy supplies to the EU from Algeria and Libya; lack of democracy and the advance of political Islam; the flow of northward migration and worries about law and order in France, Italy and Spain; the growth in military expenditure and weapons proliferation in the Maghreb; all have been central to the securitisation agenda. However, this agenda has often lacked credibility especially when inter-linkages have purportedly been established between economic underdevelopment and political instability, between the advance of political Islam and the threat to energy supplies, or between immigration and the threat to national identity. Such inter-sectoral linkages distract from the credibility of those 'securitisation instances' which correspond to reality; the former linkages have often been exploited by extremist politicians in south-west European countries as well as by regimes in the Maghreb to advance their respective interests. Thus, securitisation may defeat its main purpose; it may generate responses out of keeping with the aims proclaimed at the outset, aims centred on the countering of real threats and the ensuring of greater stability.
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Cino, Pagliarello Marina. "Constructing the 'Europe of Knowledge'? : the role of ideas in the transformations of European Education Policy (1973-2010)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3656/.
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Since the launch of the Lisbon strategy in 2000, the European Union has significantly transformed its education policy under the umbrella notion of the ‘knowledge economy’. In particular, the dominant policy discourse links education to economic growth with the predominance of education as a pro-market policy over education as a policy aimed at social inclusion. In addition, the European Commission performs a more cognitive, normative and regulative role through the governance mode of the Open Method of Coordination and its monitoring mechanisms such as performance indicators and benchmarking. Although these changes have been acknowledged by the literature, the tendency of structural or institutional accounts has been to take them for granted or as inevitable. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a theoretically and empirically based analysis of the policy process of these transformations. By drawing upon ideational theories and by employing process tracing over a time frame of more than three decades, the thesis builds a three-stage theoretical argument to explore in a structured fashion how the consensus around specific ideas about the goals of European education policy was formed, which actors advocated it, and why it prevailed. The empirical material draws on original and confidential archival sources, primary sources, official EU documents, and few in-depth elite interviews. The findings show how a specific problem definition of education allowed the European Commission to strategically construct a specific education agenda around the notion of the knowledge economy, which also reflected the preferences of powerful economic actors within the European Union. However, the findings also suggest that the polysemantic concept of the idea of knowledge economy itself acted as coalition magnet by aggregating actors with diverging interests as well as reinforcing the power and interests of the actors advocating this idea. By looking at the political-economic causes of the transformations of education, this thesis adds new knowledge to the current EU education policy literature. In addition, the thesis contributes to the current debates on the role of ideas in shaping political outcomes.
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Stojanovits, Gabor. "The changing nature of security in post-Cold War Central and Eastern Europe : predicaments, perceptions and policy-responses." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2001. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/34382.
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In the wake of the Cold War, a complex transition process began in Central and Eastern Europe that has engendered immense change not only in the political, economic and social situations in the countries of the region, but also in their security situation. The aim of the thesis is to explore the changing nature of security in post-Cold War Central and Eastern Europe. Drawing on some pertinent features of traditional and new schools of thought in International Relations, it sets up an analytical framework, which is applied to an analysis of security in the Central and Eastern European region and to Hungary more particularly. The premise of the study is that the issue of security in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe requires the deployment of an analytical framework that can accommodate its multifaceted and multi-dimensional nature. This framework focuses on three main centres of interest: predicaments, perceptions and policy-responses. The thesis applies this framework to Central and Eastern Europe with a particular focus on Hungary. Conclusions are drawn both about the utility of the framework and about the nature of security itself.
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Langelier, Jean-Sébastien. "Mondialisation, libéralisme et transitions : les politiques sociales en Europe de l'Est." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ58473.pdf.
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Houben, Marcus Franciscus Josef. "No blank cheque : how and why European States precondition their participation in international crisis management operations /." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb400662163.
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Teschke, Benno. "The myth of 1648 : class, geopolitics, and the making of modern international relations /." London : Verso, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40029383d.
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Huggins, Christopher. "Local government transnational networking in Europe : a study of 14 local authorities in England and France." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2015. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/local-government-transnational-networking-in-europe(e90b229f-9a21-4dbb-986b-8240f8ffbcaa).html.
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Local authorities play a key role in European Union (EU) governance. They are no longer simply ‘passive receivers’ of EU policy, but proactively engage at the European level. This active engagement includes participation in local government transnational networking (LGTN), an activity which sees local authorities form links with their counterparts in other countries. The contemporary prevalence of LGTN presents an interesting empirical puzzle. Local authorities lack the formal competence to engage beyond their territories. Furthermore, since the financial crisis councils’ budgets have been restricted. Why, then, are local authorities participating in LGTN when they lack both the formal competence and the financial resources? This thesis tackles this puzzle. In particular it explores three broad questions relating to LGTN: - What is the extent of LGTN? - Why do local authorities participate? - What determines effective participation? By focusing on the local authorities within transnational networks, this thesis makes an empirical contribution to knowledge and informs a body of literature which has until now overlooked the perceptions of local actors in EU governance. It further informs conceptual debates surrounding multi-level governance and local level Europeanization. This focus is achieved through a cross-national analysis of 14 local authorities in south-east England and northern France, and adopting a qualitative empirical approach which draws data from semi-structured interviews, document analysis and participant observation. The findings show that LGTN continues to be a prevalent phenomenon and is therefore an important feature of the EU’s multi-level system of governance. However, engagement is not uniform. While all local authorities are involved, variation is present in the number of links councils engage in, the type of networks they target and their motivations for participation. In all cases, however, engagement in LGTN is driven by a rationalist logic, as councils seek to achieve individual pre-determined strategic aims and improve their relative positions. A number of local and external factors are shown to impact how effectively councils engage in LGTN and, ultimately, explains why the process of local level Europeanization is marked by differentiation rather than convergence.
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Saillard, Sébastien. "Les institutions et aspects juridiques relatifs au contrôle aérien en Europe : Eurocontrol." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60706.
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The European Organization for the Safety of Air Navigation (Eurocontrol) was created in 1960 for the centralization and harmonization of air traffic control, to meet the new requirements of increasing air traffic. The primary functions of Eurocontrol were modified because of the reluctance of several European member States to transfer their control on ATC. But air traffic was still increasing and is deemed to increase until the next century. The problem remains unsolved. Today, a new political trend in favor of Eurocontrol is emerging. This trend is shared by most of the European States as well as other organizations as the European Community and the European Civil Aviation Conference.The main legal aspects of Eurocontrol are analysed in this thesis, as well as its cooperation with other organizations involved. Eventually, the future of Eurocontrol is analyzed with respect to future air navigation systems (FANS) based on satellite technology.
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Ambjörnsson, Rebecka. "Embracing Complexity: New ways forward for identity scholarship in International Relations." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22722.
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Insufficient theorizations about identification result in flawed conclusions about how actors in the international arena construct themselves and the Other. With references to fallacies of previous identification studies, the thesis at hand therefore argues for the necessity to contemporize research approaches. It asks the question “how could identification research in International Relations be improved?”. Based on a micro-level survey and interviews, the thesis can show how discourse, as well as inadequate conceptualizations and operationalizations, produce limited understandings of identification. The thesis recognizes several pitfalls that identification research must seek to avoid, for example: the uncritical acceptance of, and contribution to, dominant discourses, the reduction of identification into dichotomous categories, as well as the aiming for clear-cut, essentialist operationalizations. Research shows that identifications are ambiguous, fluid and contextual. Hence, identification research must embrace and encompass these traits in theorizations about the international system.
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Freudenberg, Michael. "Échanges intra-branche et nature des relations internationales des pays de la Communauté européenne." Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010037.
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Cette thèse dresse un examen détaillé de la nature inter- et intra-branche du commerce des pays de l'union européenne à douze et estime, à l'aide d'un modèle économétrique, les déterminants généraux ainsi que les effets spécifiques du marché unique. La partie théorique suggère que la synthèse de Helpman et Krugman -opposant le commerce inter-branche entre pays différents au commerce intra-branche entre pays similaires - doive être dépassée. La distinction entre différenciation horizontale (par la variété) ou verticale (par la qualité) des produits est primordiale, car les déterminants des échanges ainsi que les coûts d'ajustement peuvent être très différents. Dans la partie méthodologique, nous proposons d'utiliser les valeurs unitaires pour quelque 10000 produits afin de décomposer le commerce bilatéral en trois types de commerce ; : commerce univoque, commerce croise de produits similaires, et commerce croise de produits différenciés verticalement. Cette grille d'analyse s'ajoute une deuxième en termes de gammes ; afin d'examiner sur quels segments de prix-qualité les pays sont positionnes : haut de gamme, gamme moyenne et bas de gamme. La partie empirique montre notamment l'importance de la différenciation verticale dans la progression de l'intra-branche en Europe. Les résultats ne vont ni dans le sens des attentes optimistes des travaux ex ante ou le développement des échanges croisés de produits similaires devrait se traduire par des gains de variété en évitant largement les coûts d'ajustement, ni dans celui du scénario de spécialisation inter-branche accroissant les asymétries entre pays membres, ce qui d'ailleurs aurait été un résultat néfaste en vue de l'union monétaire. Par ailleurs, cette thèse met en évidence de fortes différences de spécialisation des pays membres selon les gammes de prix-qualité, suggérant une division qualitative ; du travail en Europe et avec les partenaires extra-UEThis thesis examines in a detailed mariner the inter- and infra-industry nature of trade of the twelve members of the European union and estimates econometrically the general determinants and the specific impact of the single european market. The theoretical part suggests that the helpman-krugman synthesis -opposing inter, industry trade between different countries and intra-industry trade between similar countries - needs to be overcome. The distinction between horizontal (different varieties) and vertical (different qualities) differentiation is capital: their determinants and adjustment costs can be very different. In the methodological part, we propose using unit values for some 10,000 products to decompose bilateral trade in three "trade types": one-way (i. E. Inter-industry) trade, two-way (i. E. Intra-industry) trade in horizontally differentiated products, and two-way trade in vertically differentiated products. A second indicator is then proposed to examine on which "price-quality ranges" the countries are positioned: up-market, medium-market and down, market goods. The empirical evidence underlines the importance of vertical product differentiation in the rise of two-way trade in europe. The results support neither the optimistic expectations of ex ante studies, where a rising share of two-way trade in similar products should translate in gains in variety with limited adjustment costs, neither the scenario of an inter-industry specialisation with increasing asymmetries among member states, which night have negative implications in the case of the monetary union. Adjustments are taking place within industries along the quality spectrum, rather than between industries. This thesis finds evidence of strong differences in the specialisation of member states in terms of price-quality ranges, suggesting a "qualitatively" division of labour, both within Europe and in trade with non-member states
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Yanarisik, Oguzhan. "Turkey-EU relations and the representation of AK Party in the western political and media discourse." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/77659/.
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Turkey-EU relations have attracted high public attention and academic curiosity as a special case that has provided a fruitful environment for a wide-ranging group of study areas. This thesis is particularly interested in the way in which AK Party and specifically Recep Tayyip Erdogan have been represented in the mainstream western media and political discourse, and how these representations have influenced specific encounters in Turkey-EU relations. The changes in the dominant representations over time have a special place in this analysis. This thesis mainly claims that, although there is no linear or causal relationship between representations and policy choices, western media and political discourse on AK Party had decisive influence in limiting possible policy options for policy makers. Positive and praising discourse on AK Party and Turkey that dominated western political landscape enabled EU leaders to open the way for membership negotiations. Similarly, negative and even demonising discourse on AK Party became the biggest obstacle for the continuation of the negotiations. This thesis claims that understanding the international social context is crucial in grasping the background of discourses and their influences on actors. Thus, it focuses on post-9/11 international social context with specific emphasis on western security discourses and the rise of Islamophobia in western societies, as crucial factors in shaping the international context during the relevant period. Turkey-EU relations is at its lowest point since the beginning of accession talks in 2005. The prospects for Turkey’s EU membership are looking bleaker than ever now, as is the representation of Erdogan and AK Party in the mainstream western media and political discourse. By using discourse analysis method, this thesis analyses the representations of AK Party in western mass media and political landscape, especially in the political turmoil during and after infamous Gezi Park incidents in Turkey that highlighted the problems in Turkey-EU relations as a negative turning point.
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Ghazaryan, Narine. "How effective is the European Neighbourhood Policy as a mechanism for transposing the European Union's democratic values in the South Caucasus?" Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2010. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12997/.
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The central focus of the research conducted is the European Neighbourhood Policy aimed at developing the relations of the European Union with its neighbours in the East and South. The European Neighbourhood Policy has an extensive nature: it covers a wide-stretching geopolitical area including sixteen countries. The policy is also extensive in terms of its all-encompassing substance: it envisages cooperation between the parties on issues ranging from trade to border control. The research question contextualises the policy in geographical and substantive terms. The region of the South Caucasus was chosen to limit the research question to certain geographical framework. This is motivated by the complexities inherent in this geographical area. The nominal region of South Caucasus comprises Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The peculiarities of these states derive from complexities inherent within these states, complexities between the states, as well as between various geopolitical actors whose interests come across here. In substantive terms the research question is limited to the framework of promoting the European Union's democratic values. The main questions addressed in this relation are: what the Union's democratic values are and whether the policy in question offers sufficient mechanisms for their transposition to the South Caucasian countries. For this purposes the instruments and methodologies of the policy have been analysed. The democratic values of the Union have also been considered. Within this narrative, a comparative analysis of the process of the ENP implementation in three states has been undertaken to evaluate its effectiveness in promoting the democratic values of the European Union. The research is finalised with a summary of findings.
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Crochemore, Kevin. "Syndicalisme international et régionalisation du monde: l'ITF face à la construction de l'Europe, 1943-2013." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209079.
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La Fédération internationale des travailleurs des transports figure parmi les syndicats internationaux les plus anciens et les plus puissants. Aussi, lors des étapes de la reconstruction de l'Europe, elle envisage d'y prendre part activement afin de s'imposer comme un interlocuteur incontournable dans l'Europe à venir. Toutefois, les inflexions géopolitiques, le développement d'une Europe sociale de plus en plus institutionnalisée et la mises en place d'organisations d'experts dans le domaine des transports la contraint à repenser ses plans ainsi que son rapport à l'Europe. Par ailleurs, tiraillée entre son appartenance au mouvement syndical international et le développement de l'Eurosyndicalisme, elle doit articuler l'échelle internationale et l'échelle européenne sans oublier qu'elle reste avant tout l'émanation de l'ensemble des volontés nationales. Sur une période longue de soixante-dix années, nous avons étudié les relations entre représentations sociales et répertoires d'actions syndicaux, en les insérant dans une trame historique reprenant les grandes évolutions de l'histoire des relations internationales. Ce travail met en avant l'articulation de deux échelons syndicaux, international et européen, encore très faiblement étudié, dans une perspective historique se réclamant de l'histoire sociale et politique. Il permets de comprendre le rôle singulier des transports dans le mouvement syndical international et de rendre compte des nouvelles stratégies de celui-ci à l'oeuvre aujourd'hui
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Chen, Wei-Hwa. "An analysis of western international relations theory and international co-operation in the Asia-Pacific, with special reference to ASEAN and Taiwan." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1999. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/109584/.
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In different ways both academics and politicians are asking similar questions about the future of the Asia-Pacific: Does it still make sense to talk of narchy” and egemony” a time when co-operative systems are developing? What are the implications in any such trends led by a group of small states, especially those of ASEAN if these are stable states with complementary assets and interests and legitimate governments committed to economic development? International relations theory, especially in the security field, is built on a narrower empirical foundation. Some of the traditional theories (realism) make a universal claim that power is both the means and end of international politics. Others address questions relevant only to the Great Powers. Other theory, such as neo-liberalism, argues that International co-operation, meaning co-ordinated and joint initiatives between actors, has the potential to provide a new basis for international security. To illustrate the range of security and economic interactions in the Asia-Pacific region, this thesis examines the causal influence of the various interactions between economics and security in the region in general, and on ASEAN and Taiwan cooperation in particular. This thesis therefore seeks to highlight some of the important issues concerning international co-operation between weak states in a debate of both theoretical and practical significance. Furthermore, expanding the case of ASEAN-Taiwan cooperation in the Asia-Pacific context helps to provide an analysis of the independent and dependent variables, and allows for greater generalisability of results. However, since mid-1997, the ASEAN system in Southeast Asia, which used to be characterised as the most co-operative and highly developed regional system and was very valuable for theory-building and testing, has become less certain as the Asian economic crisis has weakened its spirit of co-operation. Does it signal the impractical concept of egional solutions to regional problems”? Or does it mark the beginning of egional awareness” that draws regional states together? The answer still depends heavily on the policies and initiatives of major individual players in international co-operation.
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Iaydjiev, Ivaylo. "Faustian bargaining in a regime complex : IMF-RFA cooperation in Europe (2008-2012)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cc6196b8-853c-489e-ab3f-add7c83fa12f.
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What explains IMF behavior in Europe between 2008 and 2012? Harshly criticized in Greece, yet tentatively praised in Hungary, the institution found itself playing different roles as it responded to a string of financial crises. Its programs varied substantially in terms of conditionality, financing, and private sector involvement. This thesis explores why, highlighting the changing global financial safety net, which is both expanding and becoming more decentralized due to the spectacular rise of regional financing arrangements (RFAs). Existing theories of IMF behavior assume the Fund to be a stand-alone institution and analyse financial assistance as the outcome from the interplay between creditors, borrowers, and staff. By focusing on dynamics within the IMF, however, they miss how developments outside the institution are increasingly shaping its behavior. This thesis brings in the role of changes in the institutional environment by drawing on the literature on regime complexity. The proliferation of RFAs alters the outside options of all actors, which affects their bargaining power. This opens the way for new strategies, through which creditors can entangle institutions by creating overlaps, borrowers can engage in confrontation between alternative financing institutions, and the IMF can find means to co-work with RFAs. These in turn affect whose preferences shape program design. This argument is tested empirically through process-tracing and comparing three cases of IMF-RFA cooperation in Europe. In Hungary, the IMF led the way in shaping a surprisingly 'generous' program with little constraint from the EU. However, in Latvia, the Fund found itself a 'junior partner' in a program driven by local authorities with the support of an European RFA. In Greece, the interests of creditors were paramount, securing IMF acquiescence through the threat of exclusion. These findings point to significant challenges for the Fund going forward. As RFAs continue to proliferate around the world, the IMF needs to avoid the temptation of striking even more Faustian bargains that keep it at the table of financial assistance at the cost of becoming a junior partner.
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Hoffmann, Clemens M. "The Eastern Question and the fallacy of modernity on the premodern origins of the modern inter-state order in southeastern Europe." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2332/.
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The ‘eastern question' of the 19th century is conventionally understood as the power-vacuum created by the decay of the geostrategically important Ottoman Empire in the context of a highly competitive and expansionary European inter-state system. Conventional approaches to International Relations argue that the eastern question was solved by creating multiple, legitimate, sovereign national states in lieu of Ottoman rule as the outcome of an expanding European modernity, replacing the outdated, illegitimate and despotic rule of Oriental princes. However, this assumption entails a tension between the supposedly universal scope of European modernity and its fractured, multi-national form of transmission. This contradiction, implicit in International Relations theory, is the subject of this thesis. Examining this problem in the light of the eastern question, this thesis offers a historical sociological reconstruction of the social transformations that produced the supposedly ‘modern' geopolitical ‘order' in Southeastern Europe. The critical re-reading and positive reconstruction of the Ottoman trajectory from the end of territorial expansion in 1683 to the Greek secession in 1821, problematizes in how far territorial fragmentation of political rule can be understood as the ‘logical' result of the expansion of ‘modern' social and political relations. It is argued that, instead of understanding these developments as a teleological and predetermined process of Westernization, the key for understanding the emergence of the post-Ottoman state system lies in deciphering the dialectic between a ‘domestic' social struggle among pre-capitalist classes and an intensifying pan-European geopolitical dynamic. Hence, rather than understanding the process of nation-formation as the inevitable result of the expansion of ‘modern' international relations, it is necessary to emphasize the specificity of the Ottoman, like any other transformation. This in turn helps illuminating the unnatural and malleable nature of ‘modern' territorial inter-national ‘orders'. Rather than implementing a just, natural or finite domestic and geopolitical order, ‘national' fragmentations result from specific, materially conditioned social struggles. This raises generic problems with static and ahistorical understandings of social and geopolitical relations. It is suggested that a theoretically open historical materialist sociology of International Relations can provide a remedy. In consequence, it is argued that the ‘eastern question', far from being solved by the formation of national states, still remains open to this day.
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Johnson, John-Michael. "THE DISPARITY OF MILITARY POWER BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES, EUROPE AND ITS EFFECT ON TRANSTALANTIC DEFENSE PROJECT COOPERATION." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3640.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigated what determines successful transatlantic defense policy cooperation and how that cooperation can reduce the military capability gap between the United States and its European NATO allies. It examines the differing defense policies and defense capabilities between the United States and its European NATO allies. Several theories in International Relations were also used as a foundation for the argument that cooperation is needed. The approach to defense policy is very different between the United States and Europe. The strategic vision of the world of both parties differs as well. Policy, doctrine and defense projects are all taken into consideration and analyzed. Based on the results of the analysis of policy and doctrines, the policy recommendation is that there should be more cooperation on defense policy planning, military doctrine and defense projects conducted in the effective fashion of current successful cases. The European NATO members will also need to cooperate on such policy if the military capability gap is to be lessened.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA
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Giangrande, Romuald. "L’Allemagne et l’Europe centrale. Achèvement d’une transition politique et émotionnelle." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE3007.
Full textAbstract:
Les réponses allemandes face aux crises qui traversent aujourd’hui l’Europe, incitent à se poser la question de la nature de la puissance allemande mais aussi de savoir comment l’Allemagne est perçue par ses voisins et perçoit son rôle en Europe centrale. Les hésitations de Berlin dans la conduite d’une politique étrangères décomplexée renvoient inévitablement à la nécessité de se pencher sur les mécanismes de sa conception, et ainsi observer quelles sont les limites institutionnelles à la formulation de ses objectifs de politique étrangère. Depuis les années 1990, c’est la synthèse des concepts de puissance civile et de puissance marchande qui aura permis à l’Allemagne d’établir un modèle alternatif au déterminisme hégémonique. L’unification allemande et l’effondrement de l’environnement de la guerre froide, même s’ils ont changé le contexte de sa politique étrangère, n’ont pas pour autant altérés ses contours. Au niveau international la puissance allemande reste contrainte par les institutions internationales et le cadre d’engagement multilatéral, et au niveau de la fédération, la politique étrangère dans sa conception et sa mise en œuvre, reste fortement dépendante des consensus politiques internes, mais également du poids de ses institutions et du respect de la Loi fondamentale. La politique étrangère de l’Allemagne unie, bien que souveraine depuis 1990, se trouve ainsi toujours conditionnée à la fois par l’influence des évolutions de son environnement international et par l’image qu’elle renvoie chez ses partenairesThe German attitude towards crises across Europe today, is leading to question the nature of the German power, as well as understanding how Germany is perceived by its neighbors and how it perceives its own role in Central Europe. Germany’s hesitations to conduct an uninhibited foreign policy is leading inevitably to refer at the mechanisms of its conception, and then to observe what are the institutional boundaries in the formulation of its objectives. Since the 1990s, the synthesis between the civil power and the trade power concepts allowed united Germany to establish an alternative model to her old hegemonic determinism. Even if the German unification and the disappearance of the Cold War environment has changed the context of the german foreign Policy, it has not altered its form in Europe. On the international level, German power remains constrained by international institutions and the framework for a multilateral commitment. On the domestic level, the foreign Policy in its conception and its implementation, remains highly dependent on internal political consensus, but also on the power of the german institutions and the respect of its Basic Law. Despite being sovereign since the 1990s the german foreign Policy remains conditioned by the influence of the developments in the international environment as well as the influence of emotional developments within it’s national society and the way she is perceived by its european partners