Academic literature on the topic 'International relations – Europe, Western'
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Journal articles on the topic "International relations – Europe, Western"
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Hyde-Price, Adrian G. V. "Eroding empire: Western relations with Eastern Europe." International Affairs 64, no. 1 (1987): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621549.
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Campbell, John C., and Lincoln Gordon. "Eroding Empire: Western Relations with Eastern Europe." Foreign Affairs 66, no. 2 (1987): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043433.
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Lake, David A. "Anarchy, hierarchy, and the variety of international relations." International Organization 50, no. 1 (1996): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830000165x.
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Security relations between states vary along a continuum from anarchic alliances to hierarchic empires. This continuum, in turn, is defined by the parties' rights of residual control. The state's choice between alternatives is explained in a theory of relational contracting as a function of the expected costs of opportunism, which decline with relational hierarchy, and governance costs, which rise with relational hierarchy. A comparison of early postwar relations between the United States and Western Europe and the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe illustrates the theory.
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Brunatti, Andrew D., and David M. Malone. "Fading Glories? India’s Relations with Western Europe and Russia." International Relations 24, no. 3 (September 2010): 341–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117810377375.
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Mudde, Cas. "Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe." Acta Politica 39, no. 3 (September 2004): 328–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500070.
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Taggart, Paul. "New populist parties in Western Europe." West European Politics 18, no. 1 (January 1995): 34–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389508425056.
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Gallimore, Nicole. "Western Europe: a handbook." International Affairs 63, no. 1 (1986): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620343.
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Hanley, David. "Opposition in Western Europe." International Affairs 64, no. 2 (1988): 296. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621890.
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Foulon, Michiel, and Gustav Meibauer. "Realist avenues to global International Relations." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 4 (June 15, 2020): 1203–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066120926706.
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Realism has long been criticized by global IR, but the former can contribute to the latter and thereby improve explanations of international relations. Global IR criticizes that realism supposedly applies universally, sidelines non-Western perspectives, and misunderstands much of foreign policy, grand strategy, and international affairs. Reviewing global IR’s case against realism, however, exposes avenues for realism to complement global IR. Realism can contribute to a more global understanding of international relations through its most recent variant: neoclassical realism (NCR). This newest realism allows for contextualization and historicization of drivers of state behavior. It can embrace and has already been engaging global questions and cases; global thought and concepts; and global perspectives and scholarship. Mapping 149 NCR publications produced by 96 scholars reveals a slow shift in knowledge production away from North America toward Europe and to a lesser extent Asia and Africa. Creative research designs and scholarly collaboration can put realism in fruitful conversation with global IR. This has implications for theory building and inclusive knowledge production in realism, global IR, and the wider discipline. Only when we discover new avenues for realists to travel can they contribute to a more global IR. In turn, when global IR scholars engage realism, they may be better able to address the Western versus non-Western dichotomies they challenge.
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Gozzi, Gustavo. "History of International Law and Western Civilization." International Community Law Review 9, no. 4 (2007): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197407x261386.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the origins 19th-century international law through the works of such scholars as Bluntschli, Lorimer, and Westlake, and then traces out its development into the 20th century. Nineteenth-century international law was forged entirely in Europe: it was the expression of a European consciousness and culture, and was geographically located within the community of European peoples, which meant a community of Christian, and hence "civilized," peoples. It was only toward the end of the 19th century that an international law emerged as the expression of a "global society," when the Ottoman Empire, China, and Japan found themselves forced to enter the regional international society revolving around Europe. Still, these nations stood on an unequal footing, forming a system based on colonial relations of domination. This changed in the post–World War II period, when a larger community of nations developed that was not based on European dominance. This led to the extended world society we have today, made up of political systems profoundly different from one another because based on culture-specific concepts. So in order for a system to qualify as universal, it must now draw not only on Western but also on non-Western forms, legacies, and concepts.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "International relations – Europe, Western"
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Sjursen, Helene. "The United States, Western Europe and the Polish crisis : international relations in the second Cold War /." Basingstoke [u.a.] : Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/355061309.pdf.
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Nasho, Ah-Pine Elda. "Une communauté de sécurité en Europe ? : l'exemple des Balkans occidentaux." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015GREAH034.
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Les Balkans occidentaux (BO), déchirés après 1989 par les guerres dont les plus sanglantes et les plus problématiques en Bosnie-Herzégovine, au Kosovo, et en Albanie, ne pouvaient plus laisser indifférentes les puissances occidentales, et en particulier l’OTAN et l’UE. La survenue de ces conflits a confronté en effet les pays européens à la guerre près de chez eux signifiant une éventuelle déstabilisation de la région et la gestion d’un grand nombre d’immigrés en provenance des BO. C’est pourquoi l’OTAN et l’UE se sont depuis largement investies dans des missions de pacification et de reconstruction étatique dans cette région, par la mise en place de politiques de sécurité et de défense, puis par le biais de politiques d’élargissement. L'action de ces différentes organisations, à côté de celle des BO, a permis la fin de la guerre et une certaine stabilisation de ces pays. Mais, cette dernière est loin d'être complétement acquise. En effet, c'est la non consolidation des institutions étatiques et de la démocratie qui menace encore l’effondrement de l’Etat et qui continue à constituer un enjeu de taille pour les pays des BO.Notre thèse a pour objet d’analyser l'évolution de la stabilisation des BO depuis la chute du mur de Berlin en étudiant et en mettant en confrontation des ensembles complexes de relations entre acteurs, enjeux, moyens et processus. Afin d'analyser ce processus complexe, nous proposons un modèle qui s'appuie sur le concept des « communautés de sécurité » (CS) de Deutsch et al. (1957). Cependant, pour les besoins de notre étude, nous reconceptualisons ce concept à l’aide de variables que nous avons choisies en européanisation et en démocratisation que les auteurs n’avaient pas pu prévoir à l’époque de la rédaction des CS.Ainsi, le concept de CS reconceptualisé permet de répondre à notre problématique: pourquoi et comment une CS comprenant les pays de la région encore instable des Balkans occidentaux se construit-elle sur le continent européen autour de l'OTAN et de l'UE, depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin ?Notre hypothèse est la suivante : la construction d’une CS s’explique par la combinaison de deux éléments : d’une part la pression exogène des organisations régionales exigeant des changements concrets en termes de démocratisation et de sécurisation, et d’autre part l’acceptation de ces exigences de la part aussi bien des élites que des populations des pays concernés. En d’autres termes, plus la pression des organisations régionales est perçue comme légitime et mise en œuvre, plus la création d’une CS est probable.La variable dépendante que nous analysons est la construction d’une CS européenne comprenant les Balkans occidentaux (CSEBO) pluraliste. Les moyens de construction de cette communauté de sécurité correspondent à nos variables indépendantes choisies en sécurité, européanisation et démocratisation et qui sont de deux types : endogènes et exogènes. Il s’agit d’une part, des variables portant sur le rôle des facteurs et acteurs externes (OTAN et UE) en vue de la stabilisation des BO, et donc de leur contribution à la construction de la CSEBO. Il s’agit d’autre part, d’une série de variables endogènes portant cette fois-ci sur le rôle des facteurs et acteurs internes (élites et populations des pays des BO) dans la formation de la CSEBO. Nous montrons que les niveaux interne et externe sont en permanente interaction.Les résultats de notre étude, obtenus dans le cadre de la méthode de process-tracing à partir de sources primaires et secondaires, ainsi que d’entretiens semi-directifs, montrent un découpage dans le temps dans la construction de la CSEBO: avant et après 2000. Ainsi une première période allant de la chute du Mur de Berlin jusqu'au début des années 2000 connaît l’absence quasi-totale des conditions constitutives des CS et donc la CSEBO est très embryonnaire ici. Nous montrons ensuite qu’une CSEBO se construit progressivement à partir du début des années 2000The Western Balkans (WB) were torn apart after 1989 due to wars, which were particularly cruel and problematic in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Kosovo and in Albania. Western powers, and especially NATO and EU, could not anymore turn a blind eye. These conflicts indeed confronted European countries to war in a neighbouring state which could lead to destabilization of the region and to more migrants coming from the WB. This is the reason why NATO and UE have since been deeply involved in peace building and state building missions throughout the region. They started with implementing security and defense policies, then turned to enlargement policy. These organisations’ actions, as well as the efforts done by the WB, led to the end of the war and, to a certain extent, to a stabilization of these countries which is however not fully achieved. WB State security is indeed still a major objective. The threat lies nowadays in the non consolidaton of state institutions and democracy.Our thesis is aiming at analyzing the stabilization of the WB since the fall of the Berlin wall. It will focus on studying and confronting a complex set of actors, goals, means and processes in order to have a better understanding of the evolution of the stabilization of the region. In order to analyze this complex process, we are using a model based on the concept of « security communities » (SC) developed by Deutsch and al., at the end of the 1950’s. However, for the need of our study, we will « reconceptualize » this concept using several variables selected in europeanisation and democratisation studies which the authors could not have predicted at the time they elaborated their concept of « security communities ».Therefore, the concept of SC, « reconceptualised », helps answering our research problem : why and how has a SC including countries from the instable region of the Western Balkans been built on the European continent, around NATO and the EU, since the fall of the Berlin wall ?Our research hypothesis consists in the combination of two elements to explain the building of a SC: on one side, an exogenous pressure from regional organizations imposing concrete changes in terms of democracy and securitization and, on the other side, the acceptance of these demands from both the elites and the population of the concerned countries. In other terms, the more legitimized and implemented the pressure from these regional organizations is, the more probable is the creation of a SC.The dependent variable that we analyze is the building of a pluralistic European SC which includes the Western Balkans. The means for building this security community correlate with our independent variables which are endogenous and exogenous and have been selected in security, democratisation and europeanisation studies. On one side, exogenous variables stand on the role of external actors and factors (NATO and the EU) leading to the stabilization of the WB, and therefore to their contribution to the building of an European security community including the Western Balkans (ESCWB). On the other side, there is a range of endogenous variables being the role of internal actors and factors (elites and populations of the WB) in the shaping of ESCWB. We will show that both internal and external levels are in constant interaction.Our study results based on primary and secondary sources as well as semi-directed interviews and using the « process-tracing » method highlight two distinct periods regarding the building of the ESCWB: before and after the year 2000. Thereby between the fall of the Berlin wall and the year 2000, there is almost a complete lack of the necessary conditions to build a SC and therefore the ESCWB merely exists in an embryonic form. ESCWB then progressively emerges from the beginning of the 2000’s
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Moody, George. "The renovation of Western hegemony : European alternatives in international relations." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2015. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/54594/.
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European intellectual production on international relations is central to the renovation of Western hegemony in the post-Cold War, ‘post-American' world. This includes both policy and academic discourses and a focus of this work is an account of the fields in which these discourses are generated that relates them at a deep level. Working within ‘Amsterdam School' accounts of European integration, I develop the focus on class formation and the internal relation between class and the international for the post-Cold War era. The ‘shift to Europe' within the previously Anglo-centric Atlantic transnational capitalist class alongside developments in the EU's ability to cohesively project power means that a developing bi-polar West must be considered within any understanding of attempts to maintain and reformulate Western hegemony. I consider the EU policy field in this context, focusing on the EU think tank field, as it relates to the ‘global power Europe' discourse; this discourse concerned with harnessing the international legitimacy of the concept of ‘civilian power Europe' for military interventions. I map the ‘global power Europe' think tank network, and assess its position within the formation of a hegemonic bloc. Turning to the field of IR I give a novel reading of the principal salient features of the field's development, as well as allowing an exploration of the field's limitations and possibilities through tracing the trajectories of European approaches to security, seen as the operationalization of European difference within IR. This methodology, focusing on trajectories rather than paradigms, allows an understanding of the effects of IR theories, as well as the limits and possibilities inherent from their conditions of production, beyond that which can be gleaned from the surface of theoretical debates and configurations. Approached from these two different directions – through policy institutes as a capital-policy nexus, and academic discourse as related to its social conditions of production – and exploring the homologies across them gives a non-reductive grasp on the interaction of the ideational and material in the renovation of Western hegemony.
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Tsagkroni, Vasiliki. "Political communication in perspective : identifying the message of radical right parties in Europe during the first decade of the 21st century : a comparative case study." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/9026.
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The thesis aims primarily to analyse the communication strategies of radical right parties. More specifically, the research examines three cases of radical right parties in Western Europe during the first decade of the twenty-first century with particular emphasis on the political communication along with marketing and branding techniques used to engage with the electorate to gain and maintain electoral support. These case studies comprise the Greek Popular Orthodox Rally (LA.O.S.), the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) and the Italian National Alliance (AN). Different forms of content analysis are used in order to pinpoint the characteristics that identify the parties as members of the radical right family. Through this approach the thesis provides evidence that the parties, in their effort to become more appealing to their audiences, avoid direct engagement with issues, which reflect traditional ideological tenets of the radical right issues such as fascism, racism or xenophobia. Rather, they attempt to present a more mainstream and competitive profile in the political arena. From a market-oriented perspective, the thesis addresses questions on marketing and related explanations which focus both on how the parties choose to communicate with the electorate, what is their message and, through comparative analysis, whether there are similarities in communication techniques among the three parties and whether it can be argued that parties in the radical right family project a common profile in terms of their communication strategies. Furthermore, the application of such an approach to the use of political communication techniques of the selected radical right parties can contribute to a wider understanding of how the concept of ‘consumption’ has come to be applied increasingly in activities undertaken in the political arena.
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Beckfield, Jason. "The consequences of regional political and economic integration for inequality and the welfare state in Western Europe." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3183488.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2005.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-08, Section: A, page: 3111. Adviser: Arthur S. Alderson. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 5, 2006).
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Parry, Joy. "Companies of clouds : the development of multilateral cultural cooperation in western European international organisations." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36362/.
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This thesis traces the development of styles and theories of cultural cooperation from the pre-World War II models developed by France and Britain in particular, through the post-WWII international cooperation structures which included cultural cooperation as part of their structures. Organisations considered include the International Committee for Intellectual Cooperation, the Brussels Treaty Organisation, the Council of Europe and the European Union, focusing primarily on the non-educational or scientific aspects of cultural cooperation. Sources used include documentation of the two latter bodies and the public records of the UK Foreign Office and Ministry of Education. Intellectual cooperation was launched under the auspices of the League of Nations as a separate entity from the bilateral cultural relations of governments. Its tradition continues to be powerfully felt in the activity of the Council of Europe, after WWII the fulcrum of multilateral cultural cooperation. The thesis shows how it moved away from acting as a counterpoint to political developments towards the creation of a programme based on sociological study, which contained a strong element of federalist ideology, developing its own orthodoxy of "cultural policy", until partly "repossessed" in the 1990s by political imperatives. The contrast with the tightly regulated European Union is marked, and shows in certain respects a return to earlier experiments in cultural cooperation, which developed most of its theory and practice in the pre-1992 era when the Community Treaty did not provide for action in the field of culture. The thesis argues that the EU's cultural programme is not a manifestation of a "Europeanisation" of cultural policy, although policies elsewhere in the organisation may well have that effect, but of multilateral cultural cooperation.
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Beltran, Veda Elizabeth. "Xenophobia, Populism, and the Rise of the Far-Right in France and Germany." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1478.
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The purpose of this study is to further examine the populist wave that has struck the West, with specific regards to France and Germany. The growing anti-immigrant sentiment, the discontent with “establishment” politics, and fear-mongering tactics has given rise to far-right political parties such as the National Front and the Alternative for Germany. These political parties prove threatening to the democratic institutions in place, for they wish to limit the liberties of those who seem too different. Through delving into the core values of these countries and specific events revolving around foreigners, I explain how xenophobic ideology has been allowed to permeate through France and Germany’s society and has increased the legitimacy of political leaders like Marine Le Pen and Frauke Petry.
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Davis, Brandon S. "State Cyber Operations and International Law: Russian and Western Approaches." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1523531316393533.
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Marazopoulos, Christos. "Constructing the Western Balkans : understanding the European Commission's regional approach from a constructivist perspective." Thesis, University of Bath, 2013. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607143.
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The thesis traces the construction of the Western Balkans since the end of the armed conflict in 1995. The term Western Balkans has become a commonplace in international politics that refers to a recognisable region on the European map – ignoring that it does not constitute a historical formation of European and Balkan politics. Most contemporary analysis focuses on functional aspects of economic cohesiveness and security interdependence. However, this thesis argues that the concept of Western Balkans is better understood as a social construction, externally-driven. The argument is that the Western Balkans is what the European Union makes of it. By taking a macro-historical perspective, we look at the long and special ties that the EU has had from the time of Yugoslavia to the Western Balkans until the mid-2000s. What we uncover is a special and consistent involvement of the European Commission into the regional affairs. The Western Balkans starts as a small organisational department within the institutional structure of the external relations' portfolio to become a regional identity question for the local populations. Also, the thesis points to the Commission’s actions as not just the outcome of micro-calculations but part of a social context of competing world-views; and, finally, this is the reason that the end-product of the Western Balkans resembles more a messy amalgam rather than a rational design.
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Potter, Shannon L. "The Influence of Western Powers on Central and Eastern European Minority Protection Policy: the League of Nations Minorities Treaties and the EU Copenhagen Criteria." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1281647235.
Full textBooks on the topic "International relations – Europe, Western"
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Bahr, Egon. From Western Europe to Europe. San Domenico, Italy: The European Policy Unit at the European University Institute, 1992.
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1953-, Coker Christopher, ed. The United States, Western Europe and military intervention overseas. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1987.
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J, Brenner Michael, ed. Multilateralism and western strategy. London: Macmillan, 1994.
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Giuseppe, Schiavone, Istituto di studi europei "Alcide De Gasperi"., and Institute of Southeast Asian Studies., eds. Western Europe and South-East Asia: Co-operation or competition? Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1989.
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J, Brenner Michael, ed. Multilateralism and western strategy. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994.
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Christopher, Coker, ed. The United States, Western Europe, and military intervention overseas. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988.
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Dawisha, Karen. Change in Eastern Europe: Soviet interests and Western opportunities. Washington, D.C: Atlantic Council of the United States, 1989.
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Dawisha, Karen. Change in Eastern Europe: Soviet interests and Western opportunities. Washington, DC: Atlantic Council of the United States, 1989.
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Lundestad, Geir. The United States and Western Europe since 1945: From "Empire" by invitation to transatlantic drift. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.
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1940-, Grabendorff Wolf, and Roett Riordan 1938-, eds. Latin America, Western Europe, and the U.S.: Reevaluating the Atlantic triangle. New York: Praeger, 1985.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "International relations – Europe, Western"
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Tepavac, Tara. "“Motor of Europe” as a Potential Role Model for the Western Balkans." In Frontiers in International Relations, 23–36. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55144-5_3.
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Sydiq, Tareq, and Maria Ketzmerick. "Decentralising Europe: Harnessing Alternative Theories of IR." In Non-Western Global Theories of International Relations, 19–42. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84938-2_2.
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Lucas, Edward, and Bobo Lo. "Partnership Without Substance: Sino-Russian Relations in Central and Eastern Europe." In Russia-China Relations, 203–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_11.
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AbstractIn recent years, the Sino-Russian partnership has emerged in Western eyes as the principal threat to the post-Cold War, rules-based international order. According to this narrative, the challenge is no longer simply one of China’s rise or Russia’s resurgence, but a growing strategic convergence: a mutually reinforcing “axis of authoritarians.” Talk of an alliance has become commonplace. In leading Western capitals, the Sino-Russian “comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for a new era” has become the existential menace of our time. This sense of alarm has been heightened by a feverish international context, dominated by great-power rivalry and the devastating consequences of the covid-19 pandemic. One region, however, has been largely exempt from such speculation. Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) remains a backwater of Sino-Russian engagement, and Western reactions have been correspondingly muted. Nevertheless, the region provides a useful window through which to assess the dynamics of the relationship.
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Vuletic, Dean. "The Intervision Song Contest." In Music and Democracy, 141–56. Vienna, Austria / Bielefeld, Germany: mdwPress / transcript Verlag, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839456576-006.
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During the Cold War, Eastern Bloc broadcasting organizations held the Intervision Song Contest (ISC) as an alternative to Western Europe's Eurovision Song Contest (ESC). Staged in Czechoslovakia and Poland between 1964 and 1980, the ISC has usually been depicted in the popular media as merely a belated, fleeting copy of the ESC, with the ISC's failure being a metaphor for the decline of the economic and political systems of communist party-led Eastern Europe. However, unlike with the ESC, there has been little academic research on the ISC. This chapter is based on archival sources from national and international broadcasting organizations, and focuses on the first series of the ISC in Czechoslovakia. It argues that the ISC was conceived by its organizers as a pan-European event that would promote cooperation between the Eastern and Western blocs, especially in the context of Khrushchev's Thaw and the cultural and political liberalization in Czechoslovakia that culminated in the Prague Spring. The ISC's organizers accordingly introduced innovations that made their contest more internationally open and commercial than the ESC. Furthermore, the staging of the ISC in Czechoslovakia underlined the limits of the Soviet Union's cultural and political influence over Eastern Europe and the role that geopolitics played in the power relations between states within the Eastern Bloc. The ISC was, then, not simply an imitation of the ESC, but rather a product of international political relations that tells us much about the aspirations that some Eastern European artists, politicians, and officials from record companies and television stations had for the democratization of their states.
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Kapitonenko, Mykola. "Non-Western approaches." In International Relations Theory, 158–79. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003132769-12.
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Black, Jeremy. "International Relations." In Eighteenth-Century Europe, 323–52. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27768-1_10.
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Black, Jeremy. "International Relations." In Eighteenth Century Europe 1700–1789, 276–302. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20632-2_10.
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Lovell, Malcom R. "Trade Union Trends in Western Europe." In Industrial Relations in Europe, 242–61. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003335290-11.
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Tavitian, Roland. "Trade Union Trends in Western Europe." In Industrial Relations in Europe, 222–41. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003335290-10.
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Salih, Kamal. "ASEAN Relations with Japan." In Western Europe and South-East Asia, 145–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10262-4_11.
Full textConference papers on the topic "International relations – Europe, Western"
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Chilkina, Ksenia, and Natalia Dorodonova. "Catholic Social Doctrine and Economic Policy in Western Europe." In IX International Scientific and Practical Conference “Current Problems of Social and Labour Relations" (ISPC-CPSLR 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220208.076.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Oğuz, Ahmet, and Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. "Water Flowing Beyond Borders and Water Problems." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00548.
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The difficulty of drawing the borders of the Middle East originates from the fact that the region is not a clear geographical unit. This means that it is determined by the political and cultural elements as “The West”, not by the geographical element as the “Western Europe”. The important position of the region becomes clear with the production of petroleum. The petroleum of the Middle East meets a large part of the energy requirements of Europe and Asia, however almost everyone agrees that water began to take the place of petroleum and will be the most important natural resource in the near future at the Middle East. We tried to emphasize the strategic importance of the water in the Middle East, the hydrological characteristics of water flowing beyond borders and the replace of South-Eastern Anatolia Project in the Turkish-Arabic relations, the use and management of water resources, some efforts and search for solutions.
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Karabushenko, Pavel, and Ekaterina Gainutdinova. "The concept of Greater Eurasia and geopolitics." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.dxyu5419.
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In modern international relations, the emphasis of dominance is beginning to shift more and more from the Western part of the political map of the world to the East. Countries that were previously in colonial dependence on the West (China, India) are beginning to challenge international leadership. Against this background, at the beginning of the XXI century, the concept of Greater Eurasia began to take shape and gradually develop, as a desire to acquire subjectivity and an attempt to establish a new hierarchy of geopolitical leadership. Geopolitical geometry plays an important role in the analysis of these processes, which delineates the Eurasian space in accordance with the currently available geopolitical strategies of the leading world powers. And in this geometry, the Caspian region is increasingly emerging, to which the properties of the axial region of Eurasia are increasingly being attributed. The axial region means a certain space that has an increased degree of attraction (economic, cultural, political), which determines the course of history and politics. As the political history of Eurasia shows, most often significant events and vast empires (Persia, Horde, Russia, etc.) arose precisely in the area of the so-called "Caspian Gate" connecting the expanses of Europe and Asia. This work analyzes the concept of Greater Eurasia through the prism of its geopolitical assessment and the role played in its development by its axial region – the Greater Caspian region.
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Halabaku, Agon. "European Union as a factor for the democratization of Western Balkan Countries and the EU's impact on promoting democracy and normalizing relations between Serbia and Kosovo." In University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo: University for Business and Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2018.290.
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Wanner, Martin-Christoph. "The Cutting Edge in Western Europe." In 6th International Symposium on Automation and Robotics in Construction. International Association for Automation and Robotics in Construction (IAARC), 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.22260/isarc1989/0002.
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Panov, Vladimir Nikolaevich, and Ekaterina Andreevna Kamentsova. "Russia and Europe: the history of relations." In IV International Scientific and Practical Conference. TSNS Interaktiv Plus, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-118541.
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Kozinets, Andrei. "CHINESE AND RUSSIAN FACTORS IN THE NON-WESTERN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY." In Россия и Китай: история и перспективы сотрудничества. Благовещенск: Благовещенский государственный педагогический университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.48344/bspu.2021.32.12.041.
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Lan, Ziyun. "The Pioneer in the “Sound” World of Western Music: Japanese Military Band." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.199.
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Nagy, Péter Artúr. "Effects of the Global Financial Crisis on the V4." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2020.proc.7.
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The aim of the research is to explore the development of trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their major Western European partners since accession to the European Union. The topic is currently an important one, as the Visegrád region is highly dependent on Western European countries, especially in the area of foreign trade. The research analyzed how the 2008-2009 global economic crisis and the subsequent sovereign debt crisis in Europe affected these trade relationships, i.e. did it cause significant changes in levels of relationship and/or trends. To answer this question, this paper used a time-series analysis method called Interrupted Time Series Analysis. As a result, statistically significant changes in the level and trend of foreign trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their Western European partners were detected. Finally, a more detailed breakdown of product groups also revealed which product groups are most responsible for slowing down the growth of trade relations.
Reports on the topic "International relations – Europe, Western"
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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.
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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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Carty, Anthony, and Jing Gu. Theory and Practice in China’s Approaches to Multilateralism and Critical Reflections on the Western ‘Rules-Based International Order’. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.057.
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China is the subject of Western criticism for its supposed disregard of the rules-based international order. Such a charge implies that China is unilateralist. The aim in this study is to explain how China does in fact have a multilateral approach to international relations. China’s core idea of a community of shared future of humanity shows that it is aware of the need for a universal foundation for world order. The Research Report focuses on explaining the Chinese approach to multilateralism from its own internal perspective, with Chinese philosophy and history shaping its view of the nature of rules, rights, law, and of institutions which should shape relationships. A number of case studies show how the Chinese perspectives are implemented, such as with regards to development finance, infrastructure projects (especially the Belt and Road Initiative), shaping new international organisations (such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank), climate change, cyber-regulation and Chinese participation in the United Nations in the field of human rights and peacekeeping. Looking at critical Western opinion of this activity, we find speculation around Chinese motives. This is why a major emphasis is placed on a hermeneutic approach to China which explains how it sees its intentions. The heart of the Research Report is an exploration of the underlying Chinese philosophy of rulemaking, undertaken in a comparative perspective to show how far it resembles or differs from the Western philosophy of rulemaking.
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Hunter, Fraser, and Martin Carruthers. Iron Age Scotland. Society for Antiquaries of Scotland, September 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/scarf.09.2012.193.
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The main recommendations of the panel report can be summarised under five key headings: Building blocks: The ultimate aim should be to build rich, detailed and testable narratives situated within a European context, and addressing phenomena from the longue durée to the short-term over international to local scales. Chronological control is essential to this and effective dating strategies are required to enable generation-level analysis. The ‘serendipity factor’ of archaeological work must be enhanced by recognising and getting the most out of information-rich sites as they appear. o There is a pressing need to revisit the archives of excavated sites to extract more information from existing resources, notably through dating programmes targeted at regional sequences – the Western Isles Atlantic roundhouse sequence is an obvious target. o Many areas still lack anything beyond the baldest of settlement sequences, with little understanding of the relations between key site types. There is a need to get at least basic sequences from many more areas, either from sustained regional programmes or targeted sampling exercises. o Much of the methodologically innovative work and new insights have come from long-running research excavations. Such large-scale research projects are an important element in developing new approaches to the Iron Age. Daily life and practice: There remains great potential to improve the understanding of people’s lives in the Iron Age through fresh approaches to, and integration of, existing and newly-excavated data. o House use. Rigorous analysis and innovative approaches, including experimental archaeology, should be employed to get the most out of the understanding of daily life through the strengths of the Scottish record, such as deposits within buildings, organic preservation and waterlogging. o Material culture. Artefact studies have the potential to be far more integral to understandings of Iron Age societies, both from the rich assemblages of the Atlantic area and less-rich lowland finds. Key areas of concern are basic studies of material groups (including the function of everyday items such as stone and bone tools, and the nature of craft processes – iron, copper alloy, bone/antler and shale offer particularly good evidence). Other key topics are: the role of ‘art’ and other forms of decoration and comparative approaches to assemblages to obtain synthetic views of the uses of material culture. o Field to feast. Subsistence practices are a core area of research essential to understanding past society, but different strands of evidence need to be more fully integrated, with a ‘field to feast’ approach, from production to consumption. The working of agricultural systems is poorly understood, from agricultural processes to cooking practices and cuisine: integrated work between different specialisms would assist greatly. There is a need for conceptual as well as practical perspectives – e.g. how were wild resources conceived? o Ritual practice. There has been valuable work in identifying depositional practices, such as deposition of animals or querns, which are thought to relate to house-based ritual practices, but there is great potential for further pattern-spotting, synthesis and interpretation. Iron Age Scotland: ScARF Panel Report v Landscapes and regions: Concepts of ‘region’ or ‘province’, and how they changed over time, need to be critically explored, because they are contentious, poorly defined and highly variable. What did Iron Age people see as their geographical horizons, and how did this change? Attempts to understand the Iron Age landscape require improved, integrated survey methodologies, as existing approaches are inevitably partial. Aspects of the landscape’s physical form and cover should be investigated more fully, in terms of vegetation (known only in outline over most of the country) and sea level change in key areas such as the firths of Moray and Forth. Landscapes beyond settlement merit further work, e.g. the use of the landscape for deposition of objects or people, and what this tells us of contemporary perceptions and beliefs. Concepts of inherited landscapes (how Iron Age communities saw and used this longlived land) and socal resilience to issues such as climate change should be explored more fully. Reconstructing Iron Age societies. The changing structure of society over space and time in this period remains poorly understood. Researchers should interrogate the data for better and more explicitly-expressed understandings of social structures and relations between people. The wider context: Researchers need to engage with the big questions of change on a European level (and beyond). Relationships with neighbouring areas (e.g. England, Ireland) and analogies from other areas (e.g. Scandinavia and the Low Countries) can help inform Scottish studies. Key big topics are: o The nature and effect of the introduction of iron. o The social processes lying behind evidence for movement and contact. o Parallels and differences in social processes and developments. o The changing nature of houses and households over this period, including the role of ‘substantial houses’, from crannogs to brochs, the development and role of complex architecture, and the shift away from roundhouses. o The chronology, nature and meaning of hillforts and other enclosed settlements. o Relationships with the Roman world
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Russo, Margherita, Fabrizio Alboni, Jorge Carreto Sanginés, Manlio De Domenico, Giuseppe Mangioni, Simone Righi, and Annamaria Simonazzi. The Changing Shape of the World Automobile Industry: A Multilayer Network Analysis of International Trade in Components and Parts. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp173.
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In 2018, after 25 years of the North America Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the United States requested new rules which, among other requirements, increased the regional con-tent in the production of automotive components and parts traded between the three part-ner countries, United States, Canada and Mexico. Signed by all three countries, the new trade agreement, USMCA, is to go into force in 2022. Nonetheless, after the 2020 Presi-dential election, the new treaty's future is under discussion, and its impact on the automo-tive industry is not entirely defined. Another significant shift in this industry – the acceler-ated rise of electric vehicles – also occurred in 2020: while the COVID-19 pandemic largely halted most plants in the automotive value chain all over the world, at the reopen-ing, the tide is now running against internal combustion engine vehicles, at least in the an-nouncements and in some large investments planned in Europe, Asia and the US. The definition of the pre-pandemic situation is a very helpful starting point for the analysis of the possible repercussions of the technological and geo-political transition, which has been accelerated by the epidemic, on geographical clusters and sectorial special-isations of the main regions and countries. This paper analyses the trade networks emerg-ing in the past 25 years in a new analytical framework. In the economic literature on inter-national trade, the study of the automotive global value chains has been addressed by us-ing network analysis, focusing on the centrality of geographical regions and countries while largely overlooking the contribution of countries' bilateral trading in components and parts as structuring forces of the subnetwork of countries and their specific position in the overall trade network. The paper focuses on such subnetworks as meso-level structures emerging in trade network over the last 25 years. Using the Infomap multilayer clustering algorithm, we are able to identify clusters of countries and their specific trades in the automotive internation-al trade network and to highlight the relative importance of each cluster, the interconnec-tions between them, and the contribution of countries and of components and parts in the clusters. We draw the data from the UN Comtrade database of directed export and import flows of 30 automotive components and parts among 42 countries (accounting for 98% of world trade flows of those items). The paper highlights the changes that occurred over 25 years in the geography of the trade relations, with particular with regard to denser and more hierarchical network gener-ated by Germany’s trade relations within EU countries and by the US preferential trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, and the upsurge of China. With a similar overall va-riety of traded components and parts within the main clusters (dominated respectively by Germany, US and Japan-China), the Infomap multilayer analysis singles out which com-ponents and parts determined the relative positions of countries in the various clusters and the changes over time in the relative positions of countries and their specialisations in mul-tilateral trades. Connections between clusters increase over time, while the relative im-portance of the main clusters and of some individual countries change significantly. The focus on US and Mexico and on Germany and Central Eastern European countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) will drive the comparative analysis.
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Gomez Garcia, Olga, Henry Mooney, David Rosenblatt, Maria Alejandra Zegarra, Gralyn Frazier, Ariel McCaskie, Victor Gauto, et al. Caribbean Quarterly Bulletin: Volume 10: Issue 1, May 2021. Inter-American Development Bank, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003265.
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Countries around the world have endured over a year of extreme uncertainty in the context of the COVID-19 crisis, and economies in the Caribbean have suffered more than most. But with the increasing availability of vaccines and prospects for a resumption of international travel, light is emerging at the end of the Pandemic tunnel. With this in mind, The Inter-American Development Bank Caribbean1 Departments most recent Quarterly Bulletin reviews the latest available information regarding the crisis impacts on citizens, their economies, and key factors that will determine the speed and depth of recovery. As also discussed in previous editions, prospects for tourism-dependent economies will depend heavily on vaccine penetration and border normalization in source countries particularly the United States and Western Europe, while commodity-intensive economies could benefit from upward revisions to global demand growth estimates. All countries in the region can do much to support a rapid recovery through forward-looking policies aimed at ensuring they are well positioned to take advantage of post-Pandemic preferences with respect to travel and tourism, services trade, and investment. Our latest report considers these issues, what may lie ahead, and how counties can best position themselves for a recovery in 2021 and beyond.
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Smit, Amelia, Kate Dunlop, Nehal Singh, Diona Damian, Kylie Vuong, and Anne Cust. Primary prevention of skin cancer in primary care settings. The Sax Institute, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.57022/qpsm1481.
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Overview Skin cancer prevention is a component of the new Cancer Plan 2022–27, which guides the work of the Cancer Institute NSW. To lessen the impact of skin cancer on the community, the Cancer Institute NSW works closely with the NSW Skin Cancer Prevention Advisory Committee, comprising governmental and non-governmental organisation representatives, to develop and implement the NSW Skin Cancer Prevention Strategy. Primary Health Networks and primary care providers are seen as important stakeholders in this work. To guide improvements in skin cancer prevention and inform the development of the next NSW Skin Cancer Prevention Strategy, an up-to-date review of the evidence on the effectiveness and feasibility of skin cancer prevention activities in primary care is required. A research team led by the Daffodil Centre, a joint venture between the University of Sydney and Cancer Council NSW, was contracted to undertake an Evidence Check review to address the questions below. Evidence Check questions This Evidence Check aimed to address the following questions: Question 1: What skin cancer primary prevention activities can be effectively administered in primary care settings? As part of this, identify the key components of such messages, strategies, programs or initiatives that have been effectively implemented and their feasibility in the NSW/Australian context. Question 2: What are the main barriers and enablers for primary care providers in delivering skin cancer primary prevention activities within their setting? Summary of methods The research team conducted a detailed analysis of the published and grey literature, based on a comprehensive search. We developed the search strategy in consultation with a medical librarian at the University of Sydney and the Cancer Institute NSW team, and implemented it across the databases Embase, MEDLINE, PsycInfo, Scopus, Cochrane Central and CINAHL. Results were exported and uploaded to Covidence for screening and further selection. The search strategy was designed according to the SPIDER tool for Qualitative and Mixed-Methods Evidence Synthesis, which is a systematic strategy for searching qualitative and mixed-methods research studies. The SPIDER tool facilitates rigour in research by defining key elements of non-quantitative research questions. We included peer-reviewed and grey literature that included skin cancer primary prevention strategies/ interventions/ techniques/ programs within primary care settings, e.g. involving general practitioners and primary care nurses. The literature was limited to publications since 2014, and for studies or programs conducted in Australia, the UK, New Zealand, Canada, Ireland, Western Europe and Scandinavia. We also included relevant systematic reviews and evidence syntheses based on a range of international evidence where also relevant to the Australian context. To address Question 1, about the effectiveness of skin cancer prevention activities in primary care settings, we summarised findings from the Evidence Check according to different skin cancer prevention activities. To address Question 2, about the barriers and enablers of skin cancer prevention activities in primary care settings, we summarised findings according to the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR). The CFIR is a framework for identifying important implementation considerations for novel interventions in healthcare settings and provides a practical guide for systematically assessing potential barriers and facilitators in preparation for implementing a new activity or program. We assessed study quality using the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) levels of evidence. Key findings We identified 25 peer-reviewed journal articles that met the eligibility criteria and we included these in the Evidence Check. Eight of the studies were conducted in Australia, six in the UK, and the others elsewhere (mainly other European countries). In addition, the grey literature search identified four relevant guidelines, 12 education/training resources, two Cancer Care pathways, two position statements, three reports and five other resources that we included in the Evidence Check. Question 1 (related to effectiveness) We categorised the studies into different types of skin cancer prevention activities: behavioural counselling (n=3); risk assessment and delivering risk-tailored information (n=10); new technologies for early detection and accompanying prevention advice (n=4); and education and training programs for general practitioners (GPs) and primary care nurses regarding skin cancer prevention (n=3). There was good evidence that behavioural counselling interventions can result in a small improvement in sun protection behaviours among adults with fair skin types (defined as ivory or pale skin, light hair and eye colour, freckles, or those who sunburn easily), which would include the majority of Australians. It was found that clinicians play an important role in counselling patients about sun-protective behaviours, and recommended tailoring messages to the age and demographics of target groups (e.g. high-risk groups) to have maximal influence on behaviours. Several web-based melanoma risk prediction tools are now available in Australia, mainly designed for health professionals to identify patients’ risk of a new or subsequent primary melanoma and guide discussions with patients about primary prevention and early detection. Intervention studies have demonstrated that use of these melanoma risk prediction tools is feasible and acceptable to participants in primary care settings, and there is some evidence, including from Australian studies, that using these risk prediction tools to tailor primary prevention and early detection messages can improve sun-related behaviours. Some studies examined novel technologies, such as apps, to support early detection through skin examinations, including a very limited focus on the provision of preventive advice. These novel technologies are still largely in the research domain rather than recommended for routine use but provide a potential future opportunity to incorporate more primary prevention tailored advice. There are a number of online short courses available for primary healthcare professionals specifically focusing on skin cancer prevention. Most education and training programs for GPs and primary care nurses in the field of skin cancer focus on treatment and early detection, though some programs have specifically incorporated primary prevention education and training. A notable example is the Dermoscopy for Victorian General Practice Program, in which 93% of participating GPs reported that they had increased preventive information provided to high-risk patients and during skin examinations. Question 2 (related to barriers and enablers) Key enablers of performing skin cancer prevention activities in primary care settings included: • Easy access and availability of guidelines and point-of-care tools and resources • A fit with existing workflows and systems, so there is minimal disruption to flow of care • Easy-to-understand patient information • Using the waiting room for collection of risk assessment information on an electronic device such as an iPad/tablet where possible • Pairing with early detection activities • Sharing of successful programs across jurisdictions. Key barriers to performing skin cancer prevention activities in primary care settings included: • Unclear requirements and lack of confidence (self-efficacy) about prevention counselling • Limited availability of GP services especially in regional and remote areas • Competing demands, low priority, lack of time • Lack of incentives.