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Journal articles on the topic 'International relations – 21st century'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Endo, Mitsugi. "International Relations in the 21st Century." Journal of African Studies 2001, no. 57 (2001): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa1964.2001.1.

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2

Jackson, John H. "International Economic Relations in the 21st Century." European Business Organization Law Review 2, no. 3-4 (September 2001): 625–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1566752900000641.

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3

Zhao, Quansheng. "Asian‐pacific international relations in the 21st century." Journal of Strategic Studies 24, no. 4 (December 2001): 237–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390108437862.

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4

Zhao, Quansheng. "Asian-Pacific international relations in the 21st century." Journal of Strategic Studies 24, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 237–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390412331302605.

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5

Oyewole, Samuel. "Africa and International Relations in the 21st century." Review of African Political Economy 44, no. 153 (July 3, 2017): 510–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2017.1370196.

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6

Holmes, Georgina. "Africa and International Relations in the 21st Century." Round Table 101, no. 6 (December 2012): 592–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2012.739925.

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7

Boulden, Jane. "Africa and international relations in the 21st century." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 47, no. 1 (April 2013): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2013.765269.

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8

Tulchin, Joseph S. "Hemispheric Relations in the 21st Century." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 39, no. 1 (1997): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166494.

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The key to understanding Latin American relations with the United States as the century, and the millennium, draw to a close is to realize that all of the nations in the Western Hemisphere are still caught up in the transition from the Cold War. That transition, which began nearly a decade ago, is proceeding more slowly, and with greater confusion, than most observers had anticipated. The issues that constitute the framework, or infrastructure, for Hemispheric relations in the coming century emerge from the efforts of each nation in the Hemisphere, including the United States, to effect their insertions into the emerging world order. Given the priority accorded commercial and economic questions in the insertion of most Latin American nations, those are the questions that dominate the discourse. However, questions of governance — and what I call the international code of good behavior — are rapidly assuming greater salience in inter-American relations. It is my judgment that they will dominate relations among the nations of the Hemisphere in the 21st century.
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9

Vuković, Ivan. "MODERN TENDENCIES IN DEVELOPMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON TOURISM PROGRESS." Tourism and hospitality management 9, no. 1 (2003): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.9.1.8.

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Modern development of international relations, on the turn from 20th into the 21st century, including political, economical, scientific-technological and ecological relations, reflects on tourism progress in Europe and in the world. Expectations and scientific evaluations in 21st century predict it to be the century of great progress based on knowledge and balance of international relations, but current tendencies indicate negative characteristics due to terrorism, Iraq war, war between Israel and Palestine, all disturbing this vision of harmony. It is obvious that these processes will influence on development of political international relations, movements in economical perspective and progress contradictions. Tourism progress encountering progress of scientific-technological development, particularly informational technology, and significance of ecological development, as a presumption for healthy progress, all of these being important presumptions for tourism development in 21st century.
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10

Luk’yanov, Vladimir Yu. "International Relations in the Early 21st Century: Trends and Prospects." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 4 (October 15, 2022): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v198.

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This article dwells on the prospects for the development of international relations in the 21st century. The fact of a high level of conflict in the world is stated, the specifics of the current situation is considered and the need to analyse ways to create a stable system of international relations is substantiated. Further, a short overview of how well this topic has been researched is provided. The problem is considered in historical retrospect. The paper studies the systems of international relations in the 19th and 20th centuries: (Vienna, Versailles–Washington, and Yalta–Potsdam, as well as the modern system of international relations that started to take shape in the late 20th century) and their evolution. Each of the systems is briefly analysed here. Special attention is given to such notions as the balance of power, collective security, and international law. In addition, the role of the League of Nations and the UN in 20th-century international relations and the results achieved by them are evaluated. Moreover, the problems faced by the UN are described and the organization’s prospects in the 21st century are assessed. Considering the current system of international relations, the author notes its incomplete formation as well as fundamental differences from the systems that existed before. The developing system has faced a number of entirely new challenges, such as a complete discrediting of the international law, virtual destruction of the nuclear weapons control system, total loss of trust between the countries, extremely high level of tension in the world in general, and ineffectiveness of the UN. In conclusion, the author attempts to predict how the situation in the world will be developing in the 21st century and what the system of international relations will look like in the future.
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Kaczmarski, Marcin. "Sino-Russian relations in the 21st century." International Affairs 95, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 242–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy268.

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12

Kavalski, Emilian. "Book Review: International Relations: Issues in 21st Century World Politics." Political Studies Review 10, no. 3 (August 7, 2012): 409–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2012.00279_3.x.

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13

Mishra, Priyamvada. "Book Review: International Relations: Will China Dominate the 21st Century?" Political Studies Review 13, no. 4 (October 9, 2015): 578–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12101_29.

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14

Cooper, Richard, Robert Heilbroner, and Michel Albert. "21st Century Capitalism." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 2 (1994): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045939.

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15

Dabic, Dragana. "Critical international relations theory at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 2-3 (2017): 332–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1703332d.

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The article deals with contemporary tendencies and research in the field of critical theory of international relations. Focusing on the analysis of global power relations, this specific approach within the framework of the science of international relations, draws attention to the different capacities of international actors to influence their own political and economic circumstances. Its contribution to the science of international relations is reflected in the opening (and politicization) of issues that the representatives of traditional theories take as a given fact, or for various reasons do not pay needed attention. The article will present the evolution of the critical theory of international relations, ranging from the radically critical point of view of its founder Robert Cox to the strictly normative orientation of Jurgen Habermas. Contrary to the question of the ?inevitability? of the existing world order (on which the realists insist in particular), as well as the acceptability of dominant patterns and practice of demonstration of power in world politics, it offers alternative visions of the architecture of global relations. It is concluded that the critical theory of international relations, despite numerous criticisms, is relevant, because it approaches the phenomenon of power in a diametrically opposite way, in comparison to the traditional schools of thought in international relations. It provides researchers with analytical tools, so that they can identify the role and significance of both ideas (theory) and practices (political actions) in creating and maintaining the structures of the world order.
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16

Fedor, Julie. "Spinning Russia’s 21st Century Wars." RUSI Journal 163, no. 6 (November 2, 2018): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2018.1562015.

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17

Peters, Ann. "Landmines in the 21St Century." International Relations 13, no. 2 (August 1996): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711789601300203.

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18

Gray, Colin S. "Deterrence in the 21st century." Comparative Strategy 19, no. 3 (July 2000): 255–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495930008403211.

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19

Aston, Clive C. "International monetary arrangements for the 21st century." International Affairs 71, no. 4 (October 1995): 857. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625141.

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20

Pavlov, N. "Russia and Germany Facing Challenges of 21st Century." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2012): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-6-34-41.

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The state of Russia-Germany relations is examined in the article. In Moscow, Russia-Germany strategic partnership is regarded as one of the key factors in European and global politics. The bilateral dialogue is tonified by intensive, eventful contacts of the two countries' leaders. Today, in the bilateral relations there are no unsolvable problems, which could block the interaction across a broad range of international life issues.
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21

Simic, Predrag. "World politics, globalization and the crisis." Medjunarodni problemi 65, no. 1 (2013): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1301024s.

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In the early 21st century, globalization and the world economic crisis changed the balance of powers between the old (declining) and new (emerging) industrial states replacing the unilateral with a multilateral system of international relations and changing the way in which world politics was functioning. Globalization has increased the number of transnational problems (protection of human environment, international traffic and communications, flows of capital, energy, migrations, etc.) that require global governance. However, these trends also indicate that in the 21st century, international relations and world politics will function in a significantly different manner than they did within the bipolar and unipolar order, which characterized the second half of the 20th century.
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22

Korac, Srdjan. "Feminist theories of international relations: Still homeless in the 21st century?" Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 2-3 (2017): 349–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1703349k.

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The paper analyses the general features of the ongoing debate within the feminist approach to the International Relations studies with the aim to discover whether its proponents continue to tear down the traditional norms of this academic discipline at the beginning of the 21st century, to give innovative insights, and to illuminate the power structure hidden in the so-called ?mainstream? IR theories. The paper discusses the most important feminist research questions and topics of the day, the basic feminist argumentation and its genesis, and stresses internal disagreements and criticism towards some theoretical standpoints within the feminist branch of the International Relations discipline. The analysis focuses on research articles and books published in the period 2001-2016 and primarily in the United States and the United Kingdom - the countries where feminist academia is fairly developed in the discipline of International Relations. The author concludes that despite the influence strengthened by the increased number of published research papers, books, and collections of papers in the early 21st century, the proponents of feminist IR theories continue to struggle for their ?place under the Sun? within the mainstream of the International Relations academic community. The epistemological contribution of feminist theories to the International Relations discipline is best seen in regard to their dissident innovations, which ?soften? the traditionally rigid framework of mainstream theory by expanding the list of legitimate research topics and introducing postpositive methodological approaches and techniques.
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23

van Waas, Laura. "Statelessness: A 21st century challenge for Europe." Security and Human Rights 20, no. 2 (2009): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502309788254597.

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AbstractOver the past decade, a deepening understanding of the gravity of the problem of statelessness, as well as the growing realisation that the international legal framework relating to statelessness exhibits numerous shortcomings, has made it clear that this issue warrants further engagement by the international community. This article looks more closely at statelessness as a fundamental challenge for Europe in the twenty-first century. The piece discusses why finding an appropriate response to statelessness can be deemed imperative, taking into account both human rights and human security considerations. To provide an impression of current opportunities for addressing statelessness, some of the strengths and limitations of the existing international legal framework relating to statelessness are presented. Finally, the article discusses a number of recent developments, in particular in Europe, which may open new avenues for meeting the challenge of statelessness in the future.
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24

Vourloumis, Panayis. "Capital in the 21st Century." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 15, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 694–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2015.1122431.

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25

Howard, Patrick. "Twenty-First Century Learning as a Radical Re-Thinking of Education in the Service of Life." Education Sciences 8, no. 4 (October 29, 2018): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/educsci8040189.

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The education reforms called for in 21st century education initiatives have been characterized as radical. International efforts to reformulate education for 21st century teaching and learning are well-funded initiatives by coalitions including governments, not-for-profit organizations, and large corporations. This article is a critique of the emergence of 21st century learning showing that a preoccupation with competencies and skills can be interrogated for that to which 21st century learning gives voice, but also for that which it silences. The fundamental question of the purpose of education, or for what do we educate, is virtually absent in most discussions of 21st century learning. Finally, I offer an alternative curricular vision to the techno-optimistic belief in progress prevalent in the discourse of 21st century learning. In the call for radical reform, I propose another understanding of the word “radical,” one that includes an ecocentric, life affirming understanding that roots education in a life code of value and in a living community of relations large enough to embrace the multidimensionality, the responsiveness, and responsibility at the heart of the pedagogical relation.
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26

Kostic, Marina. "Marxist theories of international relations at the beginning of 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 2-3 (2017): 285–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1703285k.

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After one hundred years since the Russian October Revolution, it seems appropriate to consider and point out some of the key topics, dilemmas, and theoretical considerations of Marxist theories of International Relations. The cyclical movement of global capitalism in the period from 1990 to 2017 contributed to the revival of the Marxist thesis about capitalism and the search for ways to overcome it. Most of the solutions are connected to the more equal distributions of capital and competition, less in socialist revolutions. That is the reason why in the future we can expect more attention given to the original Marx?s theses. Research questions that Marxist thought in international relations today consider are: Redirection of the focus from the East-West relations to the North-South relations, which are characterized by inequality, injustice, dependency and exploitation of the countries of the South by the developed countries of the North; The changed role of the state - the transformation of state functions to fit the needs of transnational capital (transnational state); The combination of force and consent in the creation of a hegemonic world order; The global economic crisis of 2007-8, the crisis of the Euro?zone in 2011 and the crisis of the developing economies, especially after 2015; Application of austerity measures in response to said crisis, which leads to the impoverishment of the already poor, and a large gap between rich and poor; Strengthening anti-capitalist and ?anti?system? organization, movements and political parties, and their unification at the international level, as well as their links with countries such as Russia and Latin American countries. The study of these questions is addressed through the Neo-Marxist and the Post-Marxist approaches, with additional consideration of the ?New Marxism?, which represents a re-reading of Marx, his texts that have not been analysed by now and attitudes toward the non-European area. A response to the current crisis is such that the policies of states are being nationalized and tend to become the opposite of what was advocated at the end of the Cold War by the leaders of liberalism. By 2016, such a shift is made that the leader of globalization and the spread of international organizations - the United States - have found itself in the opposite position of what it stood for - open markets, democracy and integration. China is trying to bring other countries in the fight against climate change and supports the continued functioning of the global open market and Russia is becoming a major initiator of the creation of new international institutions in the Asian, European and Latin American continent. The struggle between these new contradictions can only be overcome in some new synthesis - the new world order.
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27

Erforth, Benedikt. "No Sign of Marginality: Africa’s International Relations in the 21st Century." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 42, no. 3 (June 2014): 927–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829814529471.

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28

Zaborowski, Marcin. "How to Renew Transatlantic Relations in the 21st Century." International Spectator 46, no. 1 (March 2011): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2011.549757.

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29

Jacobi, Otto. "Unions in the 21st century. An international perspective." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 11, no. 3 (August 2005): 467–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890501100322.

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30

de Brichambaut, Marc Perrin. "The OSCE and the 21st Century." Helsinki Monitor 18, no. 3 (2007): 180–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181407782177158.

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31

Blackham, Jeremy. "The Apotheosis of 21st century warfare." RUSI Journal 145, no. 6 (December 2000): 64–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840008446592.

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32

Lewis, Julian. "Nuclear disarmamentVersuspeace in the 21st century." RUSI Journal 151, no. 2 (April 2006): 50–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840608523150.

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33

Aleksakhin, R. M. "Radioecology of the 21st century." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 80, no. 2 (April 2010): 165–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331610020085.

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34

John, Steve, and Stuart Thomson. "Lobbying in the 21st century." Journal of Public Affairs 3, no. 1 (March 2003): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.127.

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35

D. G, Sri Hanumanthappa. "INDO-RUSSIAN RELATION IN 21st CENTURY." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 1, no. 5 (February 28, 2014): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v1i5.3052.

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This Paper Focuses on a major problem likely to occur in Indo-Russian foreign policy leveraged by internal policy contradictions the Russia is facted with the foreign policy experts are facing baffling situation as to share what shape the indo-Russian foreign policy would take in view of festimently changing international political enlivenment with regard to co-operation and co-ordination in the arena of myriad strategic developments and on the other hand the native factors in case of Russia like concentration of power in the president himself in the presidential form government in the newly adorned democratic system and the self-development concerns are some of the political Issues sattering Russian foreign policy establishment. It is against this background, it appears to be a frabbing situations for Indian policy makers and therefore are being challenged by the prevailing Constrictive Factors both India and Russia and it is in this juncture it is to be seen where Indo-Russian policy stands and what would be its nature in the perspective time and equally seriously worry some is the case if pondered over in the retrospective mode. Indo-Russia have been traditional friends and India looking for world for reveal and rejoinders and also maintaing those stable traditional relations but the corporative tendencies and power-centric polity would allow them to be up to Indian’s expectation is still something to be deciphered what appens to be fetid it is that the age-old relation’s based on mutuality and personal initivies would be drawing factors into discussion as to whether those pristine indomitable value added foreign policy existed over a long period of time would sustion itself or not will be given prime importance in the discussion and also in an endeavor it could be seen whether rapidly changing Russian political miliev would consider those values and allow to grow indo-Russian relations in the traditional mood.
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36

Dr. Imran Khan and Dr. Karim Haider Syed. "The strategic relations of Pakistan and Russia in 21st Century." Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 2, no. 1 (March 7, 2021): 259–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol2-iss1-2021(259-265).

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A systematic investigation of the steps that Russia has taken after 9/11 to improve strategic relations with Pakistan gives an idea of ​​why it is moving so carefully towards Pakistan. Now it has become important to see what kind of steps Russia has taken to further enhance strategic relations with Pakistan. In June, 2014 the Russian leadership began negotiations to provide Pakistan with state-of-the-art war helicopters to combat drug traffickers (Ullah, 2014, p.1). This development has taken as a surprise in the international community and certainly is not one that can be easily overlooked. The United States and Europe are looking disturbed and some experts have made suppositions that Russia is maneuvering the withdrawal of NATO forces by increasing instability in Afghanistan to increase its role in the aftermath of the withdrawal of NATO forces. In the new situation, Pakistan will have to be strengthened at the front of foreign policy so that it can better cope with the state of affairs that can emerge after the withdrawal of NATO forces. Some experts believe that Russia no longer wanted to make things one-sided and want to increase the role of other stakeholders of the region in the solution of Afghanistan. In the past Russia has paid extraordinary attention to India and ignored Pakistan. These experts believe that Russia now wanted to create a balance of power in the region through cooperation with Pakistan and is trying not to give too much to any one country in the world. Talks between Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan and Russian President Putin during the SCO summit in June 2019 were highlighted in the national media of Pakistan and Russia as well as in the international media (Pakistan eyes new horizons with Russia, 2019). The history and nature of Pakistan-Russia relations have been very unique and interesting. Pakistan and Russia relations teach the lesson that elements like sentimentality, friendship, and enmity have no place in international relations. In the modern state system, these are the national interests, based on which the two states can come closer to each other and work together to achieve their goals by putting their difference of past behind the scene.
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37

Lukyanov, Vladimir. "Hybrid Wars as a Security Threat in the 21st Century." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 3 (July 21, 2021): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v098.

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The article dwells on the phenomenon of hybrid wars as the main forming factor for the system of contemporary international relations. Traditionally, this problem has been solved by military means: the best known systems of international relations of the past were created as a result of large-scale wars. Today, however, forming new systems of international relations this way is impossible. The main obstacle is nuclear weapons, able to cause catastrophic consequences in the case of a world war. Nowadays, the main instrument for achieving domination in the global arena is hybrid warfare, whose main danger is the lack of norms and rules for conducting military operations. The danger for individual states lies in the loss of cultural and civilizational identity, while for the system of international relations, in global instability due to the increasing scale and number of hybrid wars. In conclusion, the author suggests the following solutions to the problem: adopting a programme to counter hybrid wars at the level of individual states and developing common approaches to countering hybrid wars at the level of the global community. The key role in devising the global approach should be played by the United Nations. The UN charter should be supplemented with a definition of a hybrid war and methods of countering it. Moreover, a compromise needs to be reached between the West (first of all, the USA) and Russia. According to the author, this compromise is of primary importance for the military, political, cultural, ideological spheres, etc. In these areas, the opposing parties – Russia and the West – must develop a common vision of solving global problems, first of all, the problem of hybrid wars
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Simons, Greg. "Russian Foreign Policy and Public Diplomacy: Meeting 21st Century Challenges." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 491–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-3-491-503.

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Foreign policy is about setting the policy aims and goals of a given country in the competitive environment of international affairs. When analyzing it, one should pay attention to many factors, namely, economic and energy potential, military-technical means, the presence of trade and economic partners, political weight and state image in the international arena, state membership in various international organizations. You can also highlight a number of tools that also play a large role in the foreign policy of states. As a specific instrument of foreign policy, public diplomacy concerns the regulation and management of international relations with various global publics in order to realise those foreign policy aims and goals. Specifically, public diplomacy intends to create a positive reputation and brand of the country, simultaneously increasing the countrys soft power potential, which is based on external and internal sources. This article intends to track and analyse the challenges and the role played by Russian public diplomacy in terms of meeting the challenges of the countrys foreign policy agenda in the 21st century. These challenges have been in a state of transformation as the nature of the environment of international relations changed. As a result, Russian public diplomacy has needed to evolve along with the changes at the global level and consequently the shifting demands enshrined in the foreign policy concepts. There are several identified distinct political policy periods noted: attempts to integrate into the Western-led global order; cooling relations with the United States dominated global order; and preparing for multi-polar and a post-Western global order.
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39

Hirst, Paul Q. "Another Century of Conflict? War and the International System in the 21st Century." International Relations 16, no. 3 (December 2002): 327–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117802016003002.

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40

Gubersky, L. V. "Ukraine in the system of international relations: challenges of the 21st century." Наукові записки Київського національного університету імені Тараса Шевченка 10 (2004): 159–65.

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41

Jan Katz, Hack. "International Business and Government Relations in the 21st Century. Robert Grosse, ed." Administrative Science Quarterly 52, no. 2 (June 2007): 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2189/asqu.52.2.331.

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42

Statkus, Nortautas. "The Role of Nationalism in the 21st Century System of International Relations." Lithuanian Annual Strategic Review 17, no. 1 (November 9, 2019): 125–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/lasr-2019-0005.

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43

Mattlin, Mikael. "Adapting the DIPLOMACY Board Game Concept for 21st Century International Relations Teaching." Simulation & Gaming 49, no. 6 (July 21, 2018): 735–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1046878118788905.

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Background. This article reports on pedagogical experiences of designing and teaching an active learning international relations (IR) course utilizing the classical board game DIPLOMACY, with added game elements and modified game rules to make the game better suited for educational purposes. Aim. Game adaptations include team play, a dedicated peace mediator team, altered win rules and a post-game debriefing discussion on different cultures of anarchy. These elements were designed to overcome a shortcoming that the game approximates a worldview akin to offensive realism, which is not practical in contemporary international relations, and also normatively objectionable to many IR scholars. Method. Teacher experiences designing and modifying the course, coupled with student feedback on the course concept from three consecutive years. Results. Student feedback has been exceedingly positive, with a 4.61 average grade (n = 210 grades) on a five-point Likert-type scale, where 1 signifies poor and 5 excellent. Conclusions. Through game modifications, students turned a game infamous for its backstabbing and breaking of promises into a game that resolves in a mediated and negotiated outcome. The findings suggest that DIPLOMACY can be useful beyond teaching the realist worldview, and adapted to create a more accurate microworld approximation of international relations.
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Todorovic, Milos, and Sasa Djordjevic. "Multipolar structure of international relations at the beginning of the 21st century." Vojno delo 67, no. 4 (2015): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1504044t.

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Haynes, Jeffrey. "Religion and international relations in the 21st century: conflict or co-operation?" Third World Quarterly 27, no. 3 (April 2006): 535–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590600589289.

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Balza, Martin. "The Argentine army in the 21st century." RUSI Journal 142, no. 1 (February 1997): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849708446105.

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Akiyama, Masahiro. "Japan's security policy toward the 21st century." RUSI Journal 143, no. 2 (April 1998): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849808446242.

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Kingston, Paul, Oded Haklai, and Nader Hashemi. "Entering the 21st Century: The Middle East." International Journal 55, no. 4 (2000): 647. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203506.

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Salinas, Humberto Acosta. "Why Europe Will Run the 21st Century?" Acta Politica 44, no. 1 (February 26, 2009): 110–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2008.35.

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Olzbaatar, Margad-Erdene. "Protecting human rights in the 21st century." Comparative Strategy 37, no. 5 (October 20, 2018): 504–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2018.1526595.

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