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Journal articles on the topic 'International Politics and Economics'

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: International Politics and Economics.

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Conroy, F. Hilary, Glenn D. Hook, Julie Gilson, Christopher W. Hughes, and Hugh Dobson. "Japan's International Relations: Politics, Economics, and Security." Pacific Affairs 75, no. 3 (2002): 454. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4127307.

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2

Redmon, Alonzo. "The Politics Of Economics." Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 11, no. 4 (September 13, 2011): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v11i4.5844.

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The purpose of this article is to examine the relationship between presidential politics and economic policy. Does it make a difference, from an economic perspective, as to what political party occupies the oval office? With evidence of voter discontentment (rise of Ross Perot, low voter turnout), this would seem to be a most relevant question. Using economic variables, it is found that presidents can and do influence economic events. In fact, the presidents party affiliation can be used as an indicator as to what economic policies will be implemented.

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3

Ing, Stanley. "Review: International Economics: Nuclear Exports and World Politics." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 1 (March 1986): 257–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100114.

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4

Reich, Michael R. "Essential drugs: economics and politics in international health." Health Policy 8, no. 1 (August 1987): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0168-8510(87)90129-1.

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5

Coyne, Christopher J. "INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS AND CONFUSING POLITICS - by David Robertson." Economic Affairs 27, no. 4 (December 6, 2007): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0270.2007.00792_9.x.

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6

Jensen, James T. "Politics, economics affecting international transportation systems for gas." Natural Gas 15, no. 7 (January 9, 2007): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/gas.3410150703.

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7

Asma Rashid and Anjum Ghouri. "International Liberal Order: Competing Trends and Narratives." Strategic Studies 41, no. 2 (August 10, 2021): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.02.0052.

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China’s foreign policy under the leadership of Xi Jinping took a shift from conservative to more liberal political and economic strategies. This change in policy evidently shows the intention of China of being proactive in international politics at strategic level in general and economically in particular. This study addresses a key question that focuses on China’s new liberal role in international politics and economics. It also addresses the US perception about re-emergence of China as an economic power and the US reaction to its growing influence. It describes the US both potential economic as well as defence that is unmatched and still largest in the world but China has come up with its own kind of potential like enormous economic growth and optimum utilisation of human resource.

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8

Fitzé, E. "INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE “ALEXANDER CHAYANOV: DIFFERENTIATION AND INTEGRATION OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICS, SCIENCE AND ART”." Russian Peasant Studies 6, no. 3 (2021): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2500-1809-2021-6-3-191-195.

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9

Mityakov, Sergey, Heiwai Tang, and Kevin K. Tsui. "International Politics and Import Diversification." Journal of Law and Economics 56, no. 4 (November 2013): 1091–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/674132.

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10

De Mesquita, Bruce Bueno. "Negotiation in International Politics." Conflict Management and Peace Science 21, no. 3 (July 2004): 155–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07388940490487234.

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11

ALT, JAMES E., JEFFRY FRIEDEN, MICHAEL J. GILLIGAN, DANI RODRIK, and RONALD ROGOWSKI. "The Political Economy of International Trade." Comparative Political Studies 29, no. 6 (December 1996): 689–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414096029006004.

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A similar set of concepts has been central to the literatures on the formation of trade policy coalitions and the “new economics of institutions”: the political and economic consequences of the degree to which assets are specific to a particular economic activity. In this survey, the authors take the necessary first step of summarizing the main findings of these two literatures and then suggest ways in which the issue might be joined. In addition to providing a more coherent understanding of the findings of these two literatures and some new directions for them, the authors show that many puzzles remain in the field of trade politics—puzzles for which there are no appealing answers or, where there are answers, no strong evidence in support of them. This essay, then, in addition to being a theoretical review of the literature, puts forward an agenda for future study of international trade politics.

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12

DeLoach, Stephen B., Jayoti Das, and Lindsey Conley. "Power Politics and International Labor Standards." International Advances in Economic Research 12, no. 1 (February 2006): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11294-006-6133-z.

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13

Nanavov, A. S., and N. Sh Mamishova. "GUAM TRANSPORT CORRIDOR: POLITICS VS. ECONOMICS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 143 (2020): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2020.143.1.15-24.

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The ODED-GUAM Organization for Democracy and Economic Development (GUAM) was originated more than two decades ago as a friendly cooperative forum of a few post-Soviet countries committed to Euro-Atlanticism. In 2006 the grouping was transformed into a full-fledged international organization bringing together Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Moldova. Notwithstanding the geostrategic role of cooperation within GUAM in terms of energy security, protracted conflicts, trade links and other key policy areas, the organization has been recurrently failing to create a common front for its member states. It has been mostly with the recent actualization of ambitious trade and transportation projects to engage the four states that GUAM started to “return to the big game” and attract significant attention from governments and scholars. This study explores the political and economic significance of international transport routes within the framework of intergovernmental relations exampling the origins and evolution, strengths and weaknesses of the GUAM Transport Corridor (GUAM TC) project, and also some insights on reingovirating the transport cooperation agenda in the GUAM region.

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14

Singh, Shipra. "Fourteenth International Seminar on “Economics, Politics, and Civil Society”." Delhi Business Review 14, no. 2 (December 16, 2013): 99–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.51768/dbr.v14i2.142201317.

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15

Kolodko, Grzegorz W. "International transmission of inflation: Its economics and its politics." World Development 15, no. 8 (August 1987): 1131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-750x(87)90177-x.

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16

Vining, Daniel R., and Thomas Sowell. "The Economics and Politics of Race: An International Perspective." Population and Development Review 11, no. 1 (March 1985): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1973383.

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17

Frankel, Jeffrey. "Economic Shocks and International Politics." Survival 54, no. 3 (May 18, 2012): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2012.690977.

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18

Оleinov, A. G. "Economic Analysis of International Interaction: International Economics and International Political Economy." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(28) (February 28, 2013): 102–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-1-28-102-112.

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The article focuses on two major fields of economic analysis of international interaction: international economics and international political economy. Each of the areas is considered through its formal methodological foundations. An attempt to formulate a general theoretical and methodological foundations of economic analysis of international interaction is made.

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19

Hampson, Fen Osler, David Held, Anthony McGrew, David Goldblatt, and Jonathan Perraton. "Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, and Culture." International Journal 54, no. 4 (1999): 705. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203424.

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20

Martin, Micheál. "International Politics and the Global Economic Crisis." Irish Studies in International Affairs 21, no. 1 (2010): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2010.0010.

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21

Martin, Micheál. "International Politics and the Global Economic Crisis." Irish Studies in International Affairs 21, no. -1 (January 1, 2010): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2010.21.5.

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22

Ramirez, Miguel D. "Governing Capital: International Finance and Mexican Politics." Comparative Economic Studies 33, no. 3 (September 1991): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ces.1991.26.

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23

Strange, Susan. "Review: International Economics: Economic Statecraft." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 4 (December 1986): 896–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100415.

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24

Fraser, Peter D. "Grenada: politics, economics and society." International Affairs 62, no. 3 (1986): 558–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2617964.

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25

Hare, P. G. "Hungary: politics, economics and society." International Affairs 62, no. 4 (1986): 691. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618609.

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26

Hyman, Anthony. "Afghanistan: politics, economics and society." International Affairs 62, no. 4 (1986): 703–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618624.

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27

Horesh, Edward. "Ghana: politics, economics and society." International Affairs 63, no. 4 (1987): 702–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619736.

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28

Cotton, James. "Kampuchea: politics, economics and society." International Affairs 63, no. 1 (1986): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620324.

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29

Smith, R. B. "Mongolia: politics, economics and society." International Affairs 64, no. 1 (1987): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621568.

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30

Stephen, David. "Nicaragua: politics, economics and society." International Affairs 65, no. 3 (1989): 601–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621829.

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31

Main, John. "Laos: politics, economics and society." International Affairs 63, no. 2 (1987): 346–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3025500.

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32

Abel, Christopher. "Guyana: politics, economics and society." International Affairs 63, no. 2 (1987): 361–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3025521.

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33

Whitaker, Jennifer Seymour, and Peter Schwab. "Ethiopia: Politics, Economics and Society." Foreign Affairs 63, no. 5 (1985): 1135. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042458.

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34

Rodrik, Dani. "How Far Will International Economic Integration Go?" Journal of Economic Perspectives 14, no. 1 (February 1, 2000): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.14.1.177.

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This article speculates about the future of the world economy 100 years from now. It argues that the spread of markets is restricted by the reach of jurisdictional boundaries, and that national sovereignty imposes serious constraints on international economic integration. The political trilemma of the world economy is that international economic integration, the nation-state, and mass politics cannot co-exist. We have to pick two out of three. The article predicts that it will be the nation-state system that disappears, with global federalism taking its place.

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35

PARKER, R. S. "Economics before politics- a colonial phantasy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 17, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 202–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1971.tb00837.x.

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36

LUNDQUIST, JENNIFER H., and DOUGLAS S. MASSEY. "Politics or Economics? International Migration during the Nicaraguan Contra War." Journal of Latin American Studies 37, no. 1 (February 2005): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x04008594.

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The issue of whether Central Americans in the United States are ‘political’ or ‘economic’ migrants has been widely debated, yet little empirical research has informed the controversy. Earlier studies have relied primarily on cross-sectional aggregate data. In order to overcome these limitations we draw on recent surveys conducted in five Nicaraguan communities by the Latin American Migration Project. Using retrospective data, we reconstruct a history of a family's migration to the United States and Costa Rica from the date of household formation to the survey date and link these data to national-level data on GDP and Contra War violence. While out migration to both Costa Rica and the United States is predicted by economic trends, US-bound migration was more strongly linked to the level of Contra War violence independent of economic motivations, especially in an interactive model that allows for a higher wartime effect of social networks. We conclude that elevated rates of Nicaraguan migration to the United States during the late 1980s and early 1990s were a direct result of the US-Contra intervention. The approach deployed here – which relates to the timing of migration decisions to macro-level country trends – enables us to address the issue of political versus economic motivations for migration with more precision than prior work.

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37

Hayes, Geoffrey. "Book Review: The Pacific Islands: Politics, Economics, and International Relations." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 2, no. 4 (December 1993): 467–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689300200405.

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38

R. Silverburg, Sanford, and Nicolas Jacobs. "4. PALESTINE AND INTERNATIONAL LAW: ESSAYS ON POLITICS AND ECONOMICS." Palestine Yearbook of International Law Online 12, no. 1 (2002): 585–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221161403x00172.

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39

Dahrendorf, Ralf. "Transitions: Politics, Economics, and Liberty." Washington Quarterly 13, no. 3 (September 1990): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609009445399.

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40

da Empoli, Domenico. "Mueller, D.C (ed.), 2001, The Economics of Politics." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 19, no. 2 (October 1, 2001): 194–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569201x15668905707230.

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Abstract Mueller, D.C. (ed.), 2001, The Economics of Politics, The International Library of Critical Writings in Economics, Cheltenham, Elgar, vol. I, pp. 566 and vol. II, pp. 575, hard cover, UK £ 275, ISBN 1-84064-425-7.

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41

Koppel, Olena, and Olena Parkhomchuk. "Megatrends of the world politics." Economic Annals-ХХI 192, no. 7-8(2) (September 21, 2021): 4–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21003/ea.v192-01.

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In the study, we identify and analyse how conceptual and applied aspects of megatrends of world politics are treated in the expert-academic community by outlining the specifics of megatrends of global development in the international political sphere. The paper summarises the megatrends of world politics that will shape the world by 2030. There is a threefold transformation of the modern political organisation of the world: the transformation of the Westphalian world political model, which is determined by globalisation, the transformation of the modern international system, largely due to integration as a megatrend, and the transformation of political systems. Global governance will be carried out in new formats, which will be reflected in the intensification of the institutions of collective world leadership. A change in the hierarchy of leading international actors, a rethinking of the power of leading global actors (US and EU), and the emergence of new potential political and economic global leaders are projected. The centre of world development is moving, the economic centre is shifting to the east and south. One of the central megatrends of world politics is the decline in human security, which became even clearer during the SARS pandemic, COVID-19, which will lead to the transformation of the modern international order. To these megatrends of world politics, we also adjoin the virtualisation of socio-political relations, a new model of change of political power and governance in individual countries, reideologization of world politics, inversion of fundamental values, universalization of migration flows.

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42

Ikenberry, G. John, David A. Lake, and Michael Mastanduno. "Introduction: approaches to explaining American foreign economic policy." International Organization 42, no. 1 (1988): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300007116.

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Despite its relative economic decline, the United States remains the dominant power in the world economy. The foreign economic actions taken by American officials, whether they involve trade, technology transfer, or the value of the dollar, continue to have profound consequences for other states in the international system, as well as for American domestic politics and economics. Thus, it is not surprising that the study of American foreign economic policy attracts considerable scholarly attention, and presently constitutes a major portion of the subfield of international political economy.

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43

Kapur, Akash. "Politics Into Economics Don't Go." Index on Censorship 31, no. 3 (July 2002): 8–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220208537073.

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44

Rosecrance, Richard. "International security and the virtual state: states and firms in world politics." Review of International Studies 28, no. 3 (July 2002): 443–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502004436.

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In recent years a new group of ‘virtual states’—analogous to the virtual corporation—has emerged in world politics and economics. In order to concentrate upon high level services (research, development, product design, financing, marketing and transport), these countries have transferred much of their manufacturing production elsewhere. Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore, Switzerland, Holland, and others have earned large returns from producing abroad as home labour costs escalate. To some degree every major industrial nation has moved in a virtual direction as manufacturing declines to 20 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and services rise to 65, 70 per cent or more. This evolution conflicts with traditional security assumptions about the necessity of a powerful and compact economic base. Now countries' economic potential is frequently divided between home and host nations, and security may depend upon reliable access to the economies of other states. Virtual states and nations moving in a ‘virtual direction’ may improve their position through economic growth in normal times, but may become vulnerable when security threats arise. In war they have to co-ordinate supply from a range of allied nations to carry on the struggle against opponents. It might be thought that their pattern of peacetime interdependence undermines their long-term security.

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45

Kriesi, Hanspeter. "Economics and Politics: Towards a Dialogue between Economics and Political Science." Swiss Political Science Review 11, no. 4 (December 2005): 249–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1662-6370.2005.tb00378.x.

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46

Rugman, Reviewed by: Alan M. "Politics and International Investment." Journal of International Business Studies 34, no. 2 (March 2003): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.jibs.8400004.

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47

Tatsii, V., and I. Tomberg. "Chinese Direct Investment: Economics and Politics." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2012): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-6-74-79.

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Events in Libya did not shake China’s high investment mood towards foreign countries. At a time when Beijing's growing economic power is often perceived as a threat, and such sentiments are common in the U.S., the designing of specific policy for Chinese investors is on the agenda in many countries. The authors examine the geographical and sectoral distribution of Chinese direct investment, current trends. The question is put about careful consideration of China’s investment potential for development of mutually beneficial partnership with Russia.

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48

Lanko, D., and D. Nechiporuk. "International Politics of Russia’s Water Strategy." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, no. 2 (2021): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.1.

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The article summarizes the outcomes of the implementation of the Water Strategy of the Russian Federation for the period up to 2020 in its part concerning international politics and assesses the new challenges to international cooperation in the field of protection and use of transboundary waters that Russia is expected to face in the coming decade. 2010s witnessed both the changing situation in the field of water availability in Russia, its neighbor countries and the whole world, and the changing scholarly approaches to the impact of water scarcity on international politics. Most of the approaches agreed that water scarcity more often leads to international cooperation. While agreeing with this approach, the authors critically assess the assumption that water scarcity is more often a source of conflicts, and that multilateral international institutions are the best tool to mitigate these conflicts. The authors find that this approach is based on Hobbesian notion of the natural condition of war of all against all for scarce resources, the only alternative to which are institutions of coercion, albeit not always perfect. The authors also find that other approaches based on Hobbesian political philosophy separate the international political processes caused by fear and by scarcity, the two most important “passions that incline men to peace”, according to Hobbes. Fear, including fear of scarcity, tends to drive conflicts, but scarcity as such is more likely to generate cooperation. While multilateral institutions are sometimes capable of mitigating conflicts, in conditions of water scarcity bilateral and minilateral, i.e., created by a small number of parties, institutions of cooperation turn out to be more effective. The experience of Russia’s interaction with its neighbors in the field of protection and use of transboundary water resources considered in the article provides with yet another evidence of that. The authors conclude that the international politics component of Russia’s water strategy for the coming period is more consistent with the approach that assumes that water scarcity generates cooperation rather than conflicts. They also conclude that bilateral and minilateral institutions of cooperation offer countries destined to share a common river basin instruments of interaction that are more suitable for the conditions of a particular basin than multilateral institutions can offer.

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49

Serdаli, B., and S. Absattar. "The Concept of «Power» in International Relations." Iasaýı ýnıversıtetіnіń habarshysy 121, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/habarshy.v3i121.744.

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The purpose of the article is to develop a definition of the concept of “force” as a tool for applied analysis of modern world political problems based on materialistic theoretical and methodological approaches. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of “soft power” became so widespread in international politics that it became more and more relevant in international relations, especially in the West, especially in the United States in the new millennium. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, there were processes in the world that led to changes in the balance of power and geopolitical integration. The system of bipolar international relations, which existed until the early 90s of the twentieth century, has been abolished and replaced by a new global structure, which has changed the situation in all countries. In this process, China, which has become a world economic leader in the second millennium, has also skillfully used soft power in international politics, promoting its ancient civilization and values.To achieve this goal, the article is supposed to solve two major and mutually dependent research tasks. On the one hand, it will be necessary to critically analyze existing approaches to the conceptualization of the problem of force in terms of their application to the applied analysis of modern international political realities. On the other hand, it will be necessary to identify current trends in changing the content and nature of power relations between the subjects of world politics.

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50

Chabal, Patrick. "Cape Verde: politics, economics and society." International Affairs 65, no. 3 (1989): 576–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621797.

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