Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'International Politics and Economics'
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Lu, Tailai. "International Debt Crisis: Interaction of Economics and Politics." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935791/.
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This study attempts to examine the international debt crisis in the 1980s from a primarily political perspective, to permit a greater understanding of the interaction between economics and politics in the course of crisis management The process of dealing with the current international debt crisis provides an pat case for investigation of how economic concerns affect political outcomes, and how political factors influence economic outcomes, and how political factors influence economic policies. This study concentrates on the two regions of Latin America and Eastern Europe where the debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt problem has been increasingly politicized in the contemporary international relations, and that its solution, in addition to the economic aspects, calls for political willingness by all parties concerned.
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O'Trakoun, John. "Essays on Conflict, Corruption, and International Trade Politics." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104393.
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Thesis advisor: Fabio GhironiThis dissertation is a collection of three essays which examine issues at the intersection of international economics, political economy, and macroeconomics. A common theme which emerges in the subsequent chapters is a reliance on intuitive models of economies populated by rational agents engaging in both political and economic decisionmaking. Each chapter also presents empirical evidence using aggregate data to highlight new angles on issues related to macroeconomic development policy. Concurrent cross-country political change, such as the recent ``Arab spring" revolutions in the Middle East, the experience of South American military dictatorships in the 1970s and 1980s, and political transition in former Soviet-bloc countries at the end of the Cold War, suggests that global forces impacting multiple countries can serve as a trigger for intrastate conflict. A common conjecture is that economic forces have been a primary impetus for such episodes. In the first chapter, I analyze the effects of worldwide commodity price fluctuations in generating political conflict in developing countries. I develop a simple model to show that shocks to both the level and uncertainty of commodity export prices can elicit conflict events in developing countries. Econometric evidence from a dataset combining major intrastate political resistance campaigns and global food commodity price data lends support to this hypothesis. In the second chapter, I examine whether corruption within one country affected by corruption within another. Understanding the interactions between political-economic culture across countries can allow us to better grasp the implications of greater global and regional integration in recent history. Until now, few studies have examined this question in detail due to the difficulty of measuring corruption and paucity of consistent data over an adequate time span. I use a panel dataset of countries in Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East over a span of fifteen years to examine how domestic corruption reacts to the culture of corruption in the region in which the country is located. Contrary to the results of past literature, I find evidence that a reduction in regional corruption can actually lead to a worsening of corruption within a country, and vice versa. If in an open economy, regional graft lowers the level of income that a rent-seeking government can tax, a reduction in regional corruption can increase the marginal benefit of imposing a more extractive domestic policy by increasing the pool of exploitable funds. My results offer an economic reason for why corruption will be an enduring institution in a more interconnected world. Finally, are less democratic governments more apt to intervene in the prices of imported goods than exported goods? In the third chapter of this dissertation I offer an explanation for why this might be the case, focusing on a government's choice between two alternative interventionist trade policies: import tariffs and export subsidies. If governments have incentives to exploit their political power to extract rents from citizens, they can achieve this by taxing imports rather than subsidizing exports. However, if citizens are able to discipline their governments through elections, the extent of this rent-seeking behavior can be constrained. I present a model that captures this behavior, distinguishing between the level of electoral accountability of a government and the level of bargaining power that citizens have in negotiations. Preliminary empirical evidence is presented which suggests that more authoritarian countries spend greater amounts on import tariffs than on export subsidies. These findings give insight into some of the challenges in establishing free trade amongst countries with different attitudes toward democratic institutions, both on a bilateral basis and within multilateral organizations
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Economics
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Zhu, Lin. "Law, politics and finance." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2580077.
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Pal, Deep. "India-China Relationship Since 1988 -- Ensuring Economics trumps Politics." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586663.
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The Sino-Indian relationship marked by mutual mistrust for the last six decades has seen definitive changes since the late 1980s. Though considerable issues remain unresolved, the two have begun establishing mechanisms to establish a certain level of trust that began with the visit of Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi to Beijing in 1988. The paper analyzes recent literature on this relationship and finds them predicting two outcomes primarily - either one where India admits Chinese supremacy and kowtows to it, or one that foresees increased clashes between the two. Neither outcome takes into account the complex association that the two nations are building guided by a series of frameworks, mechanisms and agreements. This paper posits that in the evolutionary arc of interstate relations, Sino-Indian relations have not reached a point where only one of the two options - cooperation and competition, will be chosen. This paper argues that economic interests of the two rising powers is behind the present behavior where the two are courting each other but at the same time, preparing for the other's rise. Both countries consider their economic identity to be primary and do not want to be distracted from the key national goal of economic development. They are particularly careful that their disagreements with each other do not come in the way of this goal. The paper analyzes the various frameworks and suggests that they are created with this end in consideration. Both India and China aim to continue collaboration in economic matters bilaterally or in international issues of mutual interest even when they don't see eye to eye on disputes left over from history. It is likely that competition will at times get the better of cooperation, driven by factors like strategic influence in the neighborhood, finding newer providers of energy as well as markets for their goods and services. But periodic flare-ups notwithstanding, in the absence of serious provocations, the two countries will avoid clashes that can escalate. The paper also analyzes certain black-swan events that might disturb the balancing act. Incidents like the death of the Dalai Lama creating a vacuum within the Tibetan leadership is one such scenario; a terrorist attack on India planned and executed form Pakistan like the one in Mumbai in 2008 is another. However, the presence of multiple bilateral platforms will continue to automatically insulate alternate channels of communication even in these situations. In conclusion, the paper suggests that as they grow, India and China will continue to engage each other at several levels, competing and cooperation, deterring and reassuring each other at once.
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Elgendy, Alaadin M. "The political economy of international organizations and the new world order: North-south relations from a southern perspective." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/904.
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Cao, Xun. "Convergence, divergence, and networks in international political economy /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10793.
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Bist, Ambika. "The Politics and Economics of Outsourcing: Where did all the jobs go?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/530.
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United States legislations have allowed U.S. companies to integrate with the economies of other countries allowing U.S. companies to outsource manufacturing and services abroad and take advantage of lower input cost because of cheap and skilled labor - an opportunity cost choice. In the global economy employment in the United States seems to be influenced simultaneously by variables such as outsourcing, international trade, foreign direct investment (FDI) and immigration. The shift in our economic and labor structure due to outsourcing will impact many different groups of people, mainly the next generation entering the labor market. The goal of this thesis is to examine the effects of outsourcing, Foreign Direct Investment, and International Trade on the U.S. labor market. It reveals that as an effect of outsourcing jobs have shifted to the emerging markets for cost and capability sourcing, but in response to the uproar on U.S. jobs being lost as businesses move abroad there seems more of job complementarily than substitution between parent and foreign affiliates. Also, companies are integrating vertically and that outsourcing is integral to a company’s success in the global economy. Furthermore FDI in the U.S. is not growing as rapidly as it is in Asia and many other parts of the world, when FDI is shown to positively affect a country’s economy. The U.S. because of the imbalance in international trade runs a huge trade deficit, which again takes a toll on the U.S. economy and employment. As the U.S. parent companies account for large shares of the overall U.S. economy, and foreign affiliates are also significant contributors to the U.S. economy there should be legislations that support multinationals to remain competitive in the global market as they contribute to strengthen the U.S. economy.
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El, Mughrabi Marei A. "An exploration of the impact of international and domestic factors on economic reform programmes in Libya 1987-2004." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2005. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/1937/.
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This thesis seeks to explore the changes of the Libyan economy, which began in the mid-1980s. The core of this research is to examine the influence of these changes on the course of the state and the implementation of the economic reform programmes. The relevant theoretical literature is based upon the relationship between the international and internal factors leading up the economic reform. The globalisation and state power are reviewed. The theory of rentier state and also the discussion of the most relevant aspects of the privatisation process were considered. The contribution of the thesis is its sustained analysis of the Libyan economic policies and, more importantly, its response to the neglect of the international and domestic influences of the economic reform process particularly in oil states. In addition, the literature on Libya and its structural and economic reform suffers from a lack of theoretically-grounded analysis. The methodology of this study is based upon combination of both interviews and questionnaires seemed the ideal methods in examining the economic reform and the privatisation programmes. The documentary research was also an important element for this study. In order to identify the determinants of the changes of the Libyan economy and the implementation process, it employs a variety of Libyan official documents and economic data. In general the study reveals that the relationship and the interaction between the international and domestic factors is extremely vital to understand the economic reform and privatisation programmes in Libya. Despite the significance of the international arena, its impacts are mitigated through the domestic context. Moreover, the previous state policies, the role of the state institutions and the interaction between the state apparatus and the Libyan society are important in understanding the Libyan economy.
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Blemings, Travis I. "The Politics of Development Aid: Understanding the Lending Practices of the World Bank Group." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/454225.
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Political SciencePh.D.
This study examines variations in the lending strategies of the four main agencies of the World Bank. Countries with similar basic development and demographic attributes often receive very different amounts of financial support from the different agencies of the World Bank. Utilizing regression analysis of panel-data covering the years between 1990 through 2011, the study finds that variation in the allocation of development aid both within and between the different World Bank agencies (IBRD, IDA, IFC, and MIGA) do not generally reflect patterns in objective indicators of economic need or institutional quality among recipients. Rather, statistical analysis shows that World Bank aid is positively correlated with several measures of donor influence. Utilizing a multi-donor model of political influence, the study finds evidence that the Bank’s top donors, countries such as the United States, United Kingdom, and Japan disproportionately influence the Bank to lend in ways that support their foreign policy interests. Countries with close economic, political, and geostrategic ties to powerful donors tend to receive more aid on average than their less well-connected peers. The data show that the Bank often lends in ways that contradict its own lending criteria. Despite the Bank’s explicit emphasis on economic need and institutional quality, the agencies of the World Bank often provide greater amounts of assistance to those with less need and poor quality governance. The study has implications for the study of international organizations, institutional design, and how donor influence at the World Bank is mediated by variations in internal agency structures.
Temple University--Theses
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Woo, Byungwon. "The Strategic Politics of IMF Conditionality." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275420293.
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Alam, Nabeela. "Politics, Trade and Foreign Aid." Thesis, Brandeis University, International Business School, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3721587.
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This dissertation examines the influence of donor-driven and recipient-driven interests on foreign aid allocation.
Chapter 1 examines how the donor's trade interests together with elections and the political competitiveness of electoral processes in recipient countries are associated with bilateral foreign aid flows. US gives more aid to its non-competitive larger trade partners, but cuts their aid ahead of elections. It substitutes aid with market access for non-competitive countries for which it is an important export market, but not during election years. Germany, Japan and UK give more aid to countries with competitive electoral systems, but for these countries Japan and UK substitute aid with trade. The substitution disappears for UK during election years. Japan and UK also reward countries for which they are important export markets with more aid, but only during non-election years for Japan. During election years, Germany cuts aid to non-competitive countries, but gives more aid to non-competitive countries for which it is an export destination. There is weak evidence that France substitutes aid with market access for politically competitive countries.
Chapter 2 focuses on recipient incentives. I extend the Grossman and Helpman (1996) model of elections and special interests by adding foreign aid. I show that with conditional aid when the preferred policy of the donor and that of the special interest group are not aligned, the latter has an incentive to alter election probabilities so that the opposition party wins and implements the lobby's preferred policy. Under these circumstances, the government has an incentive to substitute away from conditional foreign aid. Furthermore, if the government has a higher probability of winning under unconditional aid, the lobby succeeds in asking the government to deviate the most in its policy stance.
In Chapter 3 I examine how China's growing importance as an export destination is related to countries' UN voting alignment with the US, and whether this relationship is different if the countries export oil and mineral resources that China. I find regional differences in UN voting alignment response. Latin American countries and Sub-Saharan African countries not heavily reliant on exports of oil and minerals show decreased political alignment with increased export dependence on China. UN voting alignment for the resource exporters from Sub-Saharan Africa do not vary with export dependence on China. Instead, they have a lower level of UN alignment with the US.
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Djeredjian, Daron O. Lovely Mary E. "Essays in international trade theory and political economy." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Mariani, Fabio. "On some consequences of international migration for economic growth and politics /." Louvain-la-Neuve : Univ. Catholique de Louvain, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/56024813X.pdf.
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Sundhya, Pahuja. "Decolonising international law : development, economic growth and the politics of universality." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.559845.
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This thesis is a work of international jurisprudence and political economy. It argues that the increasing violence of transformative interventions in the Third World represents the intensification of a dynamic inaugurated with the institution of the post-war settlement. The instituted dynamic both reveals and is revealed in the constitution of the space of the international and relations within it. The dynamic is a diffuse 'rationality of rule', operative in terms of an assertion of universality for a constellation of specific values and forms of social, economic and political organisation. It works through establishing a relation between the constituent parts of the ideological-institutional complex we call `international law' and is given impetus and logical coherence by the concepts of development and economic growth. Paradoxically, the dynamic is generated by a `critical instability' at the heart of international law. The instability arises from the aspirational dimension of international law in which it bears an enduring relation to an idea of justice. This relation holds out a promise of universality which has inspired attempts by the Third World to use international law as a site of political struggle. However through a combination of its ongoing movement and transcendent securing, the `critical instability' of international law is stilled. A particular content is (re)ascribed to the universal and stabilised in that `universal' position. Attempts to call on the promise of international law have therefore had the unintended consequence of legitimising an expanding domain of international intervention into the Third World. The unfolding of this universalising logic has produced 6 within international law a project of violent transformation and made the idea(l) of self government in the Third World illusory
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Oelgemoller, Eva Christina. "Migration management : the radical violence of the international politics of migration." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39688/.
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In the 1980s, the narrative of international migration was significantly altered in Europe. This thesis examines how this new narrative was brought about by policy-makers and shows how the narrative re-configured our understanding of international migration. Empirically, the focus of the thesis is the Inter-Governmental Consultations on Asylum, Refugee and Migration Policies in Europe, North America and Australia (IGC). These consultations are situated in the context of debates in the 1970s and 80s concerning ‘free-market conservatism'. The thesis argues that these debates comprised the conditions of possibility for the emergence of an 'informal plurilateralism'. Through thus far confidential memos between high ranking public servants, summaries distributed across embassies, background papers, minutes of meetings and personal letters, I trace the development of an altered discourse and the construction of a new figure: the ‘illegal migrant'. ‘Migration Management', I argue, is best seen as a hegemonic paradigm which embodies a tool-box of mechanisms for governments to deal with international migration; introduces a distinctive way of treating human mobility; prescribes specific ways of constructing migrants, including a minority of illegal migrants who remain just outside of the European external boundaries, stripped of their juridico-political status. As such, these migrants are suspended from the community of those with a place and function. The figure of the suspended migrant points to the disappearance of the political, understood as a space where public encounter of the heterogeneous is possible. This raises crucial questions about what democracy is, how it works and how the political can be realised in a climate where the logic of necessity and efficiency has filled the space previously occupied by bipolar grand-narratives. Most urgently, it raises questions about the way in which the value of a human being is established, granted or denied. Arendt and Rancière help me to start addressing these questions.
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Andujar, Julio Gabriel. "Essays on the political economy of the dominican reform process." FIU Digital Commons, 1999. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1302.
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This dissertation provides an analytical framework to study the political economy of policy reform in the Dominican Republic during the nineties. Based on a country study, I develop two theoretical models that replicate the mechanisms of policy approval in developing countries with weak democracies. The first model considers a pro-reform President who submits a tariff bill to an anti-reform Congress dominated by the opposition party. In between, two opposing lobbies try to get their favored policy approved. Lobbies act as Stackelberg leaders vis a vis a weak President. The behavior of the Congress is determined exogenously while the lobbies act strategically pursuing the approval of the reform bill and indirectly affecting the President's decision. I show that in such a setting external agents like the Press play an important role in the decision-making process of the political actors.
The second model presents a similar framework. However, the President, who is a Stackelberg leader, is allowed only two choices, total reform or status-quo. I show how a lobby reacts to an increase in its rival's or its own size. These reactions depend on the President's level of commitment to the reform. Finally, I discuss the effect of variations in the size of the lobbies on the President's choice. The model suitably explains real events that took place in the Dominican Republic in the mid-nineties.
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Khan, Ghulam Yahya. "Applicability of neo-classical growth theory to the SAARC5 countries : an empirical assessment." Thesis, Kingston University, 2014. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/28781/.
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This thesis assesses the applicability of the neoclassical "Solow" growth model to the recent experience of the countries within the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). The Solow growth model carries an implication that some key macroeconomic aggregates will grow at the same rate indicating a "balanced growth". Stochastic versions. of the model interpret balanced growth as stationarity of some so-called "great ratios". They include consumption/income and investment/income ratios, considered in Kuznets' seminal contribution (1942) for the US economy in the early twentieth century. Although Kuznet dismissed international trade as being of negligible consequence, the set of ratios examined here in the case of SAARC countries, are extended to include a trade/income ratio, in recognition of the significant role now played by international trade. The Johansen (1988) and Johansen and Jusilius (1990) maximum likelihood method has been used for estimating and testing long-run steady-state relations in multivariate vector autoregressive models. The empirical support for the balanced growth hypothesis is very limited. Econometric methods that accommodate the impact of structural reforms on economic growth still find only weak evidence for the one-sector neoclassical growth model. The study also investigates the extent of "growth convergence"- a property of the Solow model, within SAARC, by examining the stationarity of relative per capita incomes assessed by unit root tests and permitting structural breaks. It additionally employs Phillips and SuI (2007, 2009) two-factor growth model and the "flexible Fourier trend" method developed by Enders and Lee (2012). The study makes an assessment of regional convergence in the SAARC countries and identifies the consequences of non-convergence and hence draws policy implications for economic integration in South Asia. The results based on data from 1960-2011 reveal that the per capita output is not converging. The key methodologies employed developed from Carlino and Mills (1993) with modification made to them by Li and Papell (1999); Philips and SuI (2007, 2009); Ender and Lee (2012). With or without structural breaks, analyses of the SAARC5 data suggest that per capita output is not converging in these countries.
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Schmutte, Ian. "International union activity politics of scale in the Australian labour movement /." Connect to full text, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/719.
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Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Sydney, [2004?].Title from title screen (viewed 30 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy to the Discipline of Work and Organisational Studies. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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Kim, Jundong. "The underground economy, political regimes, and economic growth : international evidence /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3025630.
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MacGregor, Robert J. "An Economic and Political Analysis of the United Kingdom's Membership in the European Union." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/676.
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This thesis will explore the current relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union. There is a high degree of public discontent in the UK over current membership and I will seek to answer the question: is continued membership in the interest of the UK? I will analyze this question from both an economic and political perspective examining the overall degree of linkage and key arguments for and against continued EU membership on a number of issues including trade, labor, foreign direct investment, and political/foreign relations. To conclude, I propose an alternative solution through a multi-speed European Union.
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Ding, Youhan. "Why Did China Do This? An Analysis on China's New Gasoline "Price Floor" Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/912.
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Why did China choose certain policy over others that would achieve similar impact? Because China has a significant presence in the modern international community, it is difficult yet critical to understand the policy implications of the Chinese government under its unique political and socioeconomic context. This thesis shows the impact of a specific “price floor” policy China chose to employ in its oil and gasoline market, and identifies the factors concerning the Chinese regime that it took into consideration in the decision making process, through analysing data and official statements released by the government. After different parties affected by this policy are recognized, this thesis investigate how those impacts relate back to the Chinese government’s long-term agenda of energy security and environmental protection.
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Atashi, Rahim. "The importance of Middle-East Oil in International Politics." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212450.
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Clarke, Nikia R. "Of people, politics and profit : the political economy of Chinese industrial zone development in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:194625ba-9a35-408c-851c-9f2078547de5.
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This project approaches ongoing debates over the impact of increased Chinese engagement in African countries through the lens of production and industrialisation. Emerging market FDI into Africa is growing rapidly, and an increasing proportion of this investment is into manufacturing and productive sectors. This trend is led by the commercial expansion of private Chinese manufacturing firms across the continent. The goal of this project is to examine the differentiated impacts on African industrialisation attempts of this phenomenon. It takes as its case study industrial zone development projects in Nigeria, namely, the two official economic and trade cooperation zones being developed as large-scale FDI projects by Chinese firms, with Chinese and Nigerian government support, in Lagos and Ogun states. Analytically, four dimensions of this process are identified for study: the home country context, the host country context, the zone structures and institutions, and the firms themselves. Special attention is paid to the interface between foreign actors and the particular political economy of Nigerian manufacturing, as well as the at times substantial gaps between policy and practice in terms of industrial planning, investment and production. The thesis argues that SEZ projects in general, including the Chinese ETCZs, are industrial policy tools that operate on particular assumptions regarding the organisation of global production. As such, they incentivise the insertion of export-oriented firms into established global networks supplying international markets. However, a closer examination of industrial policy in China, the production environment in Nigeria and the behaviour of internationalising firms reveals that these assumptions are not always accurate. Thus, the SEZ institution as it is currently conceived in Nigeria is ill-suited to lend support to the trend towards Chinese relocation of producer firms, as well as to the reality of Nigerian production—both of which are predicated on domestic and regional markets as the primary driver of African industrialisation and productive sector growth.
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Naylor, Tristen A. "Closure games : the politics of clubs in international society." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e1e4c6f8-f163-43bf-9b87-5640db21f090.
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This thesis develops a theory of international social closure to examine (i) the politics of membership in status groups – or, clubs – in international society and (ii) the persistence of clubs in international society. This thesis offers new concepts to improve the English School’s understanding of international society, its expansion, and its reproduction. In so doing it also addresses limitations and gaps in the IR status literature and the global governance and diplomacy literatures concerned with clubs and networks. This thesis analyses strategies of exclusion, entry, and incorporation used by actors to deny, attempt, or grant inclusion into clubs as well as the institutional contexts underpinning those clubs. Specifically, this research undertakes a study of instances of exclusion, entry, and incorporation in the context of three clubs: the Family of Civilised Nations, the Great Powers club, and G-summitry. In the first two cases, this research relies primarily on secondary sources while in the case of G-summitry it presents original empirical research gathered through archival research, interviews, and ethnographic participant observation. This thesis presents four main conclusions about the operation of closure: (i) the logics of different closure games are defined by overarching normative institutions of international society; (ii) despite a collectivist closure rule, closure in international society is predominantly individualistic; (iii) actors seeking entry tend to employ deferential entry strategies that reproduce a stratified status quo order; and (iv) incorporation promotes stratification along both functional and cultural lines. This thesis also draws three specific conclusions that run counter to much current scholarship: (i) contemporary international society is neither more open nor less hierarchical than nineteenth century international society; (ii) hierarchy is reproduced to a large degree by entry and incorporation strategies rather than exclusion strategies; and (iii) closure does not run along a ‘west versus the rest’ fault line.
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Hwang, U. "Essays on political economics : intergenerational resource conflicts and international labour standard." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.604909.
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This thesis studies some issues related to intergenerational conflicts and resource management and international labour standards within a political economics framework. The thesis includes a collection of four self-contained essays. The thesis is based on the idea that politics is an essential factor in the formation of economic policy. We argue that policy making should be viewed as an endogenous process in which the interests of politicians, voters and lobby groups over the relevant policy are traded off. In chapter 2, we study the political economy of resource management in an OLG framework with an intertemporal externality problem. The externality arises because a common resource used for production is depleted by production of “dirty” goods. An intergenerational conflict arises because the young generation cares about the level of current production of dirty goods. This is so because production of dirty goods affects the future availability of the resource. The old, on the other hand, has no such concern, and tries to maximise current resources use. We assume that the interests of the two generations are represented by two pressure groups. They lobby the government to affect the policy choice – an upper limit on the resource use allowed for production of dirty goods – in their favour. The game between the two lobby groups and the government is modelled as a dynamic common agency. We study stationary equilibria focussing on a particular class of strategies which we called “Take It or Leave It” (TIOLI) strategies, where a principal makes a positive contribution only when her payoff maximising policy is implemented. It is shown that political competition may lead to a “greener” environment policy and to less resource exploitation than in an unregulated economy. More surprisingly, we also find that resource exploitation may be lower in political equilibrium than in an economy run by a social planner. In chapter 3, we consider a simple two-period version of the model analysed in chapter 2 and study political equilibria in “truthful” strategies, as suggested by Bernheim and Whinston (1986). In contrast to the “TIOLI” strategy equilibrium, the “truthful” equilibrium is efficient. The comparison between the truthful and the TIOLI equilibrium highlights the difference between the logic of political compromise and that of partisan politics. Chapter 4 investigates the controversial relationship between labour standards and globalisation (a fall in transportation costs) within a two factor-two sector Heckscher-Ohlin-Mayer political-economy trade model. The right to collective bargaining is one of the core labour standards. Chapter 5 develops a two-country model of political competition between industry lobbies and unions that can explain regulation that relate to this labour standard. We compare equilibrium outcomes in a number of different institutional frameworks.
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Rouzet, Dorothee. "Essays on International Trade and Political Economy." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10433.
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This dissertation consists of two essays in international trade and one essay in political economy. The first essay analyzes the role of firm-level and country-level reputation for quality in international transactions. It studies the entry and pricing strategies of high-quality and low-quality exporters when buyers cannot observe the quality of a product prior to purchase. In a steady-state industry equilibrium, country reputations are endogenously set by the quality of their exports, leading to the possibility of multiple equilibria and low-quality traps. We show that export subsidies have a positive long-run effect on average quality, reputation and welfare in countries exporting low-quality goods. However, they have the opposite consequences in countries that export high-quality products. We present some evidence consistent with the model in the empirical pattern of US export prices. The second essay studies the choice between home country and host country financing for multinationals facing demand uncertainty. Three main channels are identified. The cost of capital depends on local financial development. A diversification channel arises from the ability of geographically diversified firms to generate more stable cash flows. By contrast, contagion risk may result in inefficient liquidations when firms raise funds exclusively on their home market. In particular, the model predicts that the prevalence of affiliate production and the share of parent finance should increase with the correlation of business cycles between the home and host markets. Moreover, exchange rate risk tilts the financing decision towards local debt. The third essay deals with the emergence of mass education. Using data from the last 150 years in 137 countries, we show that large investments in primary education systems tend to occur when countries face military rivals or threats from their neighbors. Interestingly, democratic transitions are negatively associated with education investments, although democratic political institutions magnify the positive effect of military rivalries. These empirical results are robust to a number of statistical concerns and hold when we instrument military rivalries with commodity prices or rivalries in a given country’s immediate neighborhood. We also present historical case studies, as well as a simple model, that are consistent with the econometric
evidence.Economics
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Chen, YuJane. "The economic security of Taiwan : a case study of cross-strait relations between Taiwan and China, 2000-2004." Thesis, University of Hull, 2007. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:11083.
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This thesis aims to demonstrate that economic security is also a significant pillar of safeguarding national security. Aside from military security measures, adopting peaceful economic engagement and economic measures can be an alternative security policy choice through which a state may achieve its national security agenda. To facilitate an understanding of economic security, this thesis submits a working definition of economic security, which has been delineated as 'the protection of a core value from all forms of potential or actualised threat by using economic measures and policies'. The core value refers to national interests and security Objectives. With this framework, the current thesis takes Taiwan as a case study to assess Taiwan's effort of implementing economic security strategy to accomplish its national security agenda within the context of the complex and hostile cross-Strait relations yet growing economic integration. This research intends to answer three categories of questions. Firstly, how large is the cost to Taiwan of pursuing economic security vis-a-vis China, and what is Taiwan's capability to afford such cost? Secondly, what factors would contribute to or undermine Taiwan's efforts in practising economic security, and to what extent? Thirdly, do cross-Strait economic ties strengthen or weaken Taiwan's economic security with respect to its economic performance, and to what extent? From three perspectives, this study analyses the above questions. Firstly, it analyses how Taiwan has employed economic power to construct its national security within the international system. Secondly, it examines how Taiwan has utilised economic measures to resist China's political and economic influence. Thirdly, from an economic perspective, it examines whether Taiwan's economic security objectives, in the context of its capability of sustaining economic prosperity, have been enhanced when it has engaged in economic exchange with China.
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Yoon, Suk-Joon. "Sino-South Korean relations, 1971-1990, in the context of economic and international politics." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/86325a45-672a-445f-b275-a6cbbe4cacb7.
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Menendez, Gonzalez Irene. "The politics of compensation under trade : openness, economic geography and spending." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7974d14a-b88d-46a3-99aa-553dc85a9192.
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This thesis examines the conditions under which democratically elected policymakers are more likely to provide policies that compensate individuals that lose from international trade. It develops and empirically tests a theoretical framework of compensation in open economies that accounts for differences in the degree to which governments benefit losers from trade. It first develops a theory of preference formation based on economic geography, and then argues that electoral and legislative institutions jointly condition the supply of compensation. The theoretical analysis provides three sets of observable implications evaluated using micro- and macro-level data in Europe and Latin America. First, exposure to international competition increases demand for policy that compensates for the costs of trade, but this effect is more pronounced among those individuals in economically specialised and uncompetitive contexts where reemployment in the event of a shock is difficult. Second, policymakers in proportional electoral systems face weak incentives to target trade losers in geographically concentrated and uncompetitive regions. In contrast, majoritarian institutions generate incentives to increase compensation when trade losers are geographically concentrated. Another implication is that under some conditions, the presence of a strong upper house that represents regional interests dampens the provision of compensation, and the relative effect of electoral rules. The empirical implications of the argument are tested using a multi-method research strategy that combines cross-national and case study analyses and draws on quantitative and qualitative techniques. Chapter 3 tests the micro-level implications of the model using survey data for European regions over 2002-2006. The findings indicate that regional economic specialization and regional competitiveness jointly condition the impact of trade on preferences for compensation. Chapter 4 systematically tests the extent to which the geographical concentration of trade losers conditions the effect of electoral institutions on levels of compensation. It uses panel data from 14 European countries from 1980 to 2010. The findings indicate that where trade losers are concentrated, lower district magnitude leads to more compensation. Chapters 5 and 6 conduct case studies of compensation in Spain and Argentina, both countries that underwent deep liberalisation and offer significant variation at the regional and institutional level. Chapter 5 explores preferences over compensation in selected regions in Spain and Argentina, and shows that regional specialisation and competitiveness were important in shaping levels of support for compensation. Chapter 6 examines the role of electoral institutions and legislative veto bargaining in shaping the politics of compensation in Spain and Argentina.
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Haffner, Stephanie C. "Has the Franco-German Power Balance in the European Union Tipped in Favor of Germany?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/194.
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The power balance between France and Germany in the European Union has been one of great discussion and debate. Countless journalists and scholars have argued that Germany’s power has risen gradually against the seemingly perpetually stronger France over the past sixty years, and is now finally set to surpass France; but how true are these claims? How can power within the EU truly be measured? Through an analysis of Franco-German collaboration through unionization, a critique of the contemporary discourse on the relationship, and an examination of changing contributions to the EU budget, my paper argues that the Franco-German power balance has never been truly equal, as Germany has continually been the largest source of economic power in the European Union since its creation.
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Grillos, Tara. "Participation, Power and Preferences in International Development." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:23845452.
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Participatory development is widely touted as the remedy for ineffective and disempowering top-down development models of the past. However, participation can take many different forms, so an important open question for effective delivery of development assistance is: Which forms of participation influence which development outcomes under which circumstances? In this dissertation, I identify six key areas of research related to participatory development: the initial adoption of a participatory institution, the decision by individuals to participate or not, the direct outcomes of the participatory process, the effects on participants themselves, changes in the process over time, and carefully selected comparisons across contexts. I then make specific contributions to three of these areas through empirical research.
The first essay, Popular Participation, Reciprocity Norms and Conservation Incentives in Bolivia, examines the decision to participate. In it, I compare the characteristics of participants and non-participants in a compensation program for environmental conservation in Bolivia, and I show that in addition to material incentives, social embeddedness plays a role in motivating participation. The second essay, Poverty Targeting and Elite Capture in Participatory Planning in Indonesia, addresses the direct outcomes of participation. In it, I examine the geographical distribution of the outcomes of a participatory planning process in Indonesia, and I show that the benefits are captured most by the least poor areas, but that this occurs in ways distinct from how capture is typically conceived. The third essay, Gender Inequality and the Multi-Dimensionality of Power in Northern Kenya, addresses the effects of participation on the empowerment of participants themselves. In it, I assess the impact on women’s empowerment of a program meant to enhance women’s political participation in northern Kenya, and I find that while the program largely fails to promote political participation, it has an impact on women’s empowerment within the household, very likely due to a component of the program which engaged directly with men.
Overarching themes that emerge across these studies include (1) the importance of increased conceptual clarity not only with respect to the various forms that participation can take and the various goals it can be invoked to seek, but also regarding various hypothesized effects of and motivations for participation, (2) the potential relevance of the implementing agency and its relationship with pre-existing, overlapping social institutions, and (3) the usefulness of engaging with literature on psychology and behavioral economics. Understudied areas for future research include the evolution over time of a particular participatory process and more systematic comparisons of participatory processes across settings.Public Policy
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Zhou, Qingshui. "Trade and the environment a political model of international public goods problem /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 1999. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=1106.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 1999.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 112 p. Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 80-106).
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Murphy, Justin. "Mass Media and the Domestic Politics of Economic Globalization." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/269883.
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Political SciencePh.D.
This dissertation argues that the mass media have played a critical but misunderstood role in the variety of national political responses to economic globalization around the world since the 1960s. More specifically, quantitative as well as qualitative methods across three article-length studies demonstrate how mass media have played a variety of anti-democratic roles in the domestic politics of economic globalization since the 1960s, in ways which have gone largely unnoticed by political scientists. The first article, "Mass Media and the Domestic Politics of Economic Globalization," argues that the mass media make welfare spending less responsive to domestic groups harmed by economic globalization. Statistical tests on state-level economic data as well as individual-level survey data are found to be consistent with this theory. The second article, "Media Ownership and the Social Construction of Economic Globalization," argues that the response of mass publics toward the global economic exposure of their country varies according to the degree of foreign ownership in the national media market. Statistical analysis of state-level media ownership data and aggregate public opinion data, combined with qualitative analyses of newspaper con- tent, provides mixed evidence for the theory. The third article, "Why are the Most Trade-Open Countries More Likely to Repress the Media?" argues that different components of economic globalization exert contradictory pressures on state-media relations. Statistical analysis of economic data and media freedom data combined with process-tracing in Argentina and Mexico pro- vide evidence for the theory.
Temple University--Theses
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Dainoff, Charles A. "OUTLAW HEAVEN: WHY STATES BECOME TAX HAVENS." UKnowledge, 2018. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/polysci_etds/24.
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It is the argument of this dissertation that states become tax havens as a conscious economic development strategy. These states – more properly referred to as "jurisdictions" because some lack the sovereignty of the traditional Westphalian state – do not have the natural resources or the population to pursue more traditional economic development strategies, but they do have the ability to write or implement laws that create a virtual resource: banking secrecy. These jurisdictions are able to carry out this strategy because they tend to be well-governed, stable, and relatively wealthy, making them attractive partners for the international banking, legal, and accounting firms that drive offshore finance, and then for their customers – both individual and corporate – as well. The qualities tax havens possess also enable them to calculate that the benefits they reap from pursuing this strategy outweigh any penalties assessed by anti-tax haven international collective action activities, such as the naming and shaming campaigns of 2000.
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Rhodes, Thomas Christopher 1959. "The political economy of the Mount Graham International Observatory facility siting conflict." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278153.
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The absolutist nature of the Endangered Species Act of 1973 encourages uneven enforcement, lengthy litigation, and rent seeking in the public policy process. There are net social benefits to be captured from a cooperative approach to facility siting. The narrow utility functions involved in unilateral facility siting attempts often ignore costs shifted on to others from development. Inclusion of all affected parties in facility planning can achieve siting of the right projects in the right places at least social cost. The institutional structure of an economy is deterministic with respect to efficient policy outcomes. Political power plays a central role in natural resource conflicts, frequently affecting the role of science in policy debates. An analysis of the Mt. Graham International Observatory facility siting conflict illustrates these findings.
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Hughes, Caroline. "Dependent Communities: Aid and Politics in Cambodia and East Timor." Southeast Asia Program Publications, Cornell University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6272.
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Dependent Communities investigates the political situations in contemporary Cambodia and East Timor, where powerful international donors intervened following deadly civil conflicts. This comparative analysis critiques international policies that focus on rebuilding state institutions to accommodate the global market. In addition, it explores the dilemmas of politicians in Cambodia and East Timor who struggle to satisfy both wealthy foreign benefactors and constituents at home-groups whose interests frequently conflict.Hughes argues that the policies of Western aid organizations tend to stifle active political engagement by the citizens of countries that have been torn apart by war. The neoliberal ideology promulgated by United Nations administrations and other international NGOs advocates state sovereignty, but in fact "sovereignty" is too flimsy a foundation for effective modern democratic politics. The result is an oppressive peace that tends to rob survivors and former resistance fighters of their agency and aspirations for genuine postwar independence.In her study of these two cases, Hughes demonstrates that the clientelist strategies of Hun Sen, Cambodia's postwar leader, have created a shadow network of elites and their followers that has been comparatively effective in serving the country's villages, even though so often coercive and corrupt. East Timor's postwar leaders, on the other hand, have alienated voters by attempting to follow the guidelines of the donors closely and ignoring the immediate needs and voices of the people.Dependent Communities offers a searing analysis of contemporary international aid strategies based on the author's years of fieldwork in Cambodia and East Timor.
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Consolino, Ivan de Jesus. "Economia, trabalho e imigração: as relações Brasil Portugal na contemporaneidade." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2010. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2206.
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Previous issue date: 2010-12-09Since the early times from discovery of Brazil we are used to think that Portugal and Brazil are partner countries , even considering the colonization period. Obviously the history also shows us conflicts and raids, however it was eased by behaviors and society characteristics in this relationship. The object in this research is to identify whether the relationship between these two countries were improved, maintained, or restricted at the time when Portugal entered the group called the European Union, in 1992, analyze in greater detail the impact caused by the rules imposed on Portugal in the mentioned year, and particularly under the conditions that migrants are having since this date. In a few words, the goal is concluded if the sentence Portugal will be the front door to the European Community to Brazilian peoples? is true or not. Or even if to the Brazilians residents in this country, legally or illegally, are offered the minimum conditions that the agreements between their governors could be seen in their routines, looking for the quality of life similar to the one offered to the local population. The use of nonstandard interviews was outstanding in the creation of this text, the option was to let the interviewers free to express, and only after the data selection would be held. A measure of caution took in the intention to increase credibility the collected data was the preparation of a guide to try to direct or redirect the discussion, in case of a derivation from the main subject
Desde os tenros anos do descobrimento do Brasil, nos acostumamos a pensar que Portugal e Brasil são países considerados irmãos , parceiros, mesmo considerando o período colonizador. Evidentemente a história também nos mostra conflitos e rusgas, porém amenizadas pelos costumes e características das sociedades contidas nesta relação. O que se busca identificar nesta pesquisa é saber se as relações entre esses dois países foram ampliadas, mantidas, ou ainda restringidas, no momento em que Portugal adentrou ao grupo denominado União Européia no ano de 1992. Analiso, com maior detalhe, repercussões ocasionadas pelas regras impostas a Portugal no ano citado, e, em particular, as condições com que os migrantes passam a ter que conviver a partir de então. Em resumo, poder concluir se a frase Portugal será a porta de entrada à Comunidade Européia para os imigrantes brasileiros? é verdadeira ou não. Ou ainda saber, se para os brasileiros instalados naquele país, legal ou ilegalmente, são oferecidas as condições mínimas validadas nos acordos firmados entre os seus governantes em suas rotinas, visando a qualidade de vida semelhante ao que é oferecida à população local. A utilização das entrevistas foi marcante na confecção deste texto. A opção foi de deixar o entrevistado livre para se expressar. Após isto, a seleção dos dados seria realizada. Uma medida de cautela foi tomada na intenção de aumentar a possibilidade de organizar a coleta e propiciar comparações, que foi a elaboração de um guia, que permitisse dirigir ou re encaminhar a discussão, caso houvesse uma derivação do assunto principal
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Kenealy, Daniel Peter. "Protected and confederated : power politics and the forging of European Union." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8182.
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This thesis explores the origins and evolution of European integration through the lens of classical realism. Classical realism, as an approach to International Relations, has had little to say about one of the most fascinating and politically important developments in the post-war international system, namely the effort by Western European states to integrate economically from the 1950s onwards. Grounded in classical realism’s ontology of power and the desire by states to secure autonomy and exert influence in the international system the thesis argues that a combination of military power, economic power, and power over opinion can explain the main contours and dynamics of integration. At the core of the argument is the idea of ‘Three Europe’s’ – Protected Europe, Confederated Europe, and a Europe of States – which have coexisted in a stable equilibrium for most of the post-war era. Protected Europe is grounded in both the military power and capacity of the United States and the national interest of the United States, remarkably static from 1945 onwards, to play a hegemonic role within the European military and security sphere. It was Protected Europe that created the military security and stability necessary for Western European states to pursue economic integration. It altered the guns versus butter trade-off and permitted Western European states to invest more in their welfare states. Most importantly if resolved the security dilemma that had existed between the most powerful states on the continent, France and Germany, and created a context in which their interaction shifted to one of intensive cooperation. The product was Confederated Europe. The logic at the core of Confederal Europe was a desire by France to bind Germany, and consent by the Germans to be bound. This was done for a variety of reasons. Internally the concern was to exert as much control over Germany as possible and Germany’s long-term national interest – to secure normalisation, independence, and reunification – complemented this urge. Externally the concern was to secure autonomy in the global economic system and to project power and influence within that system. But the components of the confederation remained distinct nation states and thus a Europe of States existed in an often uneasy tension with Confederal Europe. The fault line between a supranational economic structure and a political structure still tied to the states created intermittent tensions and political earthquakes that have punctuated the history of post-war Europe. However, throughout the period the European masses formed a permissive consensus vis-à-vis integration and, given the rather limited and technical nature of the confederation, this minimised the inherent tension between Confederal Europe and the Europe of States. All three Europe’s are, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, in a state of flux. The decline in the relative power of the United States, and the rise of new challenges in the Asia-Pacific, has triggered a strategic pivot away from Europe and a weakening of the commitment to Protected Europe. How Europe will manage this shift remains unclear but a more prominent European leadership role in NATO or a rejuvenated and more focused European security and defence policy seem necessary. The historical balance between a France that wished to bind and a Germany that consented to be bound has shifted palpably. More willing to act as a ‘normalised’ power in the European system, Germany has emerged as a clearly dominant actor and this will require a shift in the diplomatic practices of a European system that has become used to France leading and Germany both following and supplying the supporting economic power. If Confederal Europe is to survive it must accept stronger German leadership. Finally the permissive consensus at the mass level is being eroded as European integration touches upon ever-more salient policy spheres. This means that the power of the idea of Europe has to be strengthened and entrenched more firmly, thus diluting the prominence of the Europe of States, or integration must retrench to bring its competences back into line with its legitimacy.
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Ho, John B. "Abenomics’ First Arrow: The Effects of the Bank of Japan’s Quantitative and Qualitative Monetary Easing On Japan’s Economy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1080.
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In January 2013, the Japanese Government under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and the Bank of Japan launched a package of monetary and fiscal stimulus along with promises of structural economic reform called Abenomics. This paper examines the preliminary effects of the Bank of Japan’s Quantitative and Qualitative Monetary Easing (QQE), which forms the monetary component of Abenomics. Given the weak economic response to QQE so far, the study predicts that QQE has failed to make a significant impact on its target macroeconomic variables of inflation and output. The results confirm this hypothesis as increases in the monetary base have an insignificant effect on the Consumer Price Index and have little effect in changing the trajectory of output. The results of QQE so far mirror those of the Federal Reserve’s quantitative easing programs, during which expansion of the monetary base in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis failed to significantly raise output given the size of the stimulus. Abenomics, however, continues to be implemented, making the results presented in this paper inconclusive.
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Winter, Brian P. "Democratic Strength and Terrorism: An Economic Approach." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/106.
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There has been much literature about the economic effects of terrorism in democratic countries, but this literature often considers democracy to be a binary variable. This paper sought to explore how the effects might differ depending on the strength of a democracy. In the end, I found that the numbers of attacks and the effects of those attacks do not follow a linear path. The results for autocracies and anocracies require further analysis, but democracies have revealed interesting results. It seems that democracies as a whole have more terrorist attacks, but, within this group, the more democratic a country is the fewer attacks are carried out.
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Gerval, Adam J. "Seeking Autonomy: Comparative Analysis of the Japanese & South Korean Defense Sectors." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1462802738.
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Seok, Jun Ho. "THREE ESSAYS ON FOOD SAFETY REGULATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL TRADE OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS." UKnowledge, 2017. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/agecon_etds/60.
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This dissertation investigates food safety regulations and international trade of agricultural products dividing into three aspects: the signalling effect from U.S. strict food safety regulations on U.S. vegetable exports, political determinants of sanitary and photosanitary non-tariff barriers, and the impact of trade barriers on employment in developing countries. In chapter 2, we investigate the impact of high U.S. maximum residue limit (MRL) standards on U.S vegetable exports to 102 countries utilizing the hierarchical model. MRL, which is one of non-tariff barriers with respect to food safety, is applied to home and foreign countries at the same time. Thus, firms in countries with higher food safety standards are expected to have a competitive advantage from the ‘signalling effect’. The results show that high MRL standards in the U.S. have a positive impact on U.S. vegetable exports, indicating the ‘signalling effect’ from the strict U.S. domestic MRL standards. The results provide policy makers with insights into how strict food safety regulations of the home country can be considered as a catalyst for increasing competitiveness in international markets.
In chapter 3, we examine the political determinants of SPS notifications using a nonlinear threshold model with possible threshold variables (GDP per capita and tariff rate). This article finds no threshold values in both variables of GDP per capita and tariff rate. Our results also show that GDP per capita has a positive relationship with SPS notifications that are one of proxy variables for food quality. That implies the importance of quality competition in agriculture and food sectors. Our finding also represents no significant effect of tariff on SPS notifications. This indicates that a law of constant protection, presenting an inverse relationship between tariff and non-tariff barriers, is not satisfied in the agricultural and food sectors.
In chapter 4, we investigate the impact of tariff and SPS barriers on food manufacturers’ skilled and unskilled employment in developing countries utilizing a structural equation model. Results show that both tariff and SPS barriers have a positive effect on unskilled labor employment in developing countries, while trade barriers are not associated with skilled labor employment. This implies that Hecksher-Ohlin theory, presenting labor abundant countries have a comparative advantage in labor-intensive industries such as food, explains well our results since developing countries are abundant in low-skilled labor. We also find that the age of food firm in developing countries is positively related to skilled employment; however, no relationship with unskilled employment. This implies that older food firms change their production process from labor intensive to capital or machine intensive.
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Allen, Kevin. "WINNING THE WAR: SANCTION EFFECTIVENESS AND CONSEQUENCES." UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/economics_etds/48.
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Chapter 1 shows that there is a negative relationship observed between sanctions and civil liberties in the target country, which is driven by how exposed the target country's trade was to the sanctioning countries. Using a fixed panel regression covering 160 countries from 1972-2005, it is found that import exposure to the sanctioning countries drives this negative relationship, with every percentage point of import exposure reducing the inverted FHI freedom score by 0.165 points. This implies that restricting imports to a country that promotes an oppressive response by the targeted government.
Chapter 2 examines whether countries change their trade patterns in response to economic sanction threats in addition to imposed sanctions. Using a bilateral gravity panel dataset covering 180 countries from 1950-2005 I find that imposed sanctions cause a very significant 55.43% increase in purchases from third party suppliers or a smaller 49.78% increase in sales to third party buyers during sanction events. Sanction threats cause a 42.05% increase in purchases from third party suppliers, and a 42.76% increase in sales to third party buyers, all significant at the 1% level. I conclude that both imposed sanctions and sanction threats lead to a significant increase in trade with third party countries, preempting and subverting sanction regimes.
Chapter 3 studies whether there is evidence of cheating during sanction events by examining the difference in reporting for exports in the selling country versus imports in the buying country. A systematic change in reporting behavior is detected, with the log difference of reported exports minus reported imports increasing 7.46% in the case of exporter imposed sanctions, and decreasing 9.86% in the case importer imposed sanctions. This is consistent with the theory that firms in the sanctioning countries face harsher penalties for being caught compared to the targeted countries.
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Yuvaci, Abdullah. "International Politics, Special Interests and Foreign Trade Policy: A Study of Turkish-American Textile Trade Relations." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1271800423.
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Hernández-Rodríguez, Víctor Manuel. "Why not Mexico? Policy Recommendations for a Globally-Oriented Economic Strategy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1968.
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Mexico, one of the world’s largest economies and an increasingly relevant actor in international affairs, is at a crucial point in defining its future policy course. Given the uncertainty surrounding the global economy, as well as the political situation in Mexico, it is important to have a clear vision for policy going forward. This thesis offers a foundation for a national economic strategy with a long-term vision, upon which future administrations can build as appropriate to maximize on the country’s economic potential. The task is undertaken through a three-part approach. First, a thorough and analytical overview of the country’s economic history provides context and lessons from which to learn. Second, key economic issues to be addressed are identified through an evaluation of the current context and economic outlook. Finally, an evaluation of successful policy implementation, domestically and abroad, provides a basis that can be adapted to address the issues identified as they affect Mexico. The result is a series of six policy recommendations along two axes aimed at tackling the aforementioned key issues. These recommendations are by no means exhaustive, nor are they meant to be. The expectation is that they may serve to align national policy to global economic trends, underlying a plausible strategy to realize Mexico’s productive potential.
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Chaves, Olarte Georgina Ines. "International regulation of Caribbean textile and apparel trade." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69750.
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In the last five years, textiles and apparel have represented the largest source of growth of U.S. imports from countries covered by the Caribbean Basin Initiative. The economic importance of this sector to the Caribbean countries gave rise to this study which discusses the international regulation of textile and apparel trade and the possible effects of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations and the North American Free Trade Agreement on the Caribbean textile and apparel industry. This analysis takes into account not only the legal mechanisms developed to control trade in this sector, but also the underlining powers that have allowed the shaping of the current textile and apparel order. Special emphasis is placed on U.S. trade policies toward the Caribbean Region which have played a significant role in the present development of the Caribbean apparel industry.
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Sharma, Kohsheen. "Voices of Women: The Impact of Women's Political Reservations on Female Child Mortality in India." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1134.
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This paper uses state-level variation in the implementation of the 73rd amendment in India to observe the relationship between political reservations for women in local government and female child mortality. Nationally, reservations for women are not associated with a statistically significant difference in female child mortality. However, a state by state analysis shows variations in the level of impact of reservations on the topic of female child mortality. This paper examines the constraints on female representatives and their level of effectiveness in executing pro-female policies given the political and social environment. The two case studies on Kerala and Haryana explore women office holder’s abilities to administer public goods that favor women and children and the subsequent impact on female child mortality.
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Levermore, Roger John. "The European Union/South Africa Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement : decision-making, participation and perceived economic impacts." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/391.
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The European Union-South Africa Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (EU/SA TDCA), signed in October 1999, is viewed by some in South Africa as not only one of the most important trade and development agreements entered into by the 'new' South African goverrunent, but also a significant agreement for setting precedents for other bi-lateral trade and development pacts between the EU and African, Caribbean and Pacific group of states. This thesis considers two major issues related to the EU/SA TDCA. First, it describes and evaluates the structures that supported the South African side of the TDCA decision-making process. Second, it discusses the potential economic impact of the agreement on South Africa and part of southern African. Prior to the election of the 'new' South African government in 1994, the majority of South Africa's population was excluded - both in terms of access to decision-making structures and from economic prosperity. By exploring the TDCA, the thesis provides a window through wl-dch to examine contemporary access to decision-making processes in South Africa and the likelihood of the TDCA promoting economic prosperity for sections of southern African society, particularly the 'traditionally excluded'. Interviews with key actors who helped formulate the TDCA provide information that enabled the evaluation of the TDCA decision-making process and highlighted potential economic 'winners' and 'losers'. Interviewing representatives of the South African wine and textile sectors provided an opportunity to examine in more detail the likely impact of the agreement and decision-making processes, associated to the TDCA, within South Africa. The results indicate that an overriding message of this thesis is one of complexity. The description of the structures that underpinned the EU/SA TDCA portrayed complex relationships between decision-making 'actors'. In evaluating the inclusivity of the policy formulation process, there was a lack of consensus over who had been included or excluded. Likewise, the identification of potential economic 'winners' and 'losers' proved to be somewhat problematic.
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Kastner, Scott L. "Commerce in the shadow of conflict : domestic politics and the relationship between international conflict and economic interdependence /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3089468.
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HABERL, CHRISTIANE. "HAVE THE CHICKENS LEARNED HOW TO COME HOME TO ROOST? AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF ANTIDUMPING INITIATIONS AGAINST THE UNITED STATES." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186451519.
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