Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'International political economy'
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1
Sattler, Thomas. "The political economy of international finance /." Zürich : ETH, 2007. http://e-collection.ethbib.ethz.ch/show?type=diss&nr=16925.
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Potter, Christopher John. "Transnational corporations in international political economy." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/219.
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This thesis examines the conceptualisation of transnational corporations by realism and neoliberalism within the discipline of international political economy. It initially considers, via case studies, the example of three 'transnationals' closing plants in northeast England in 1998/9, asking how those actions correlated with existing theoretical conceptualisations. From this analysis, a hypothesis is developed whereby all firms are seen as national constructs and, as such, subordinate to the state. Theoretical and academic legitimacy is then provided by considering the continued importance of the national in forming identity, how political schools of thought have sought to accommodate the national, and whether theories of the firm can explain national identity in abstract corporate bodies. An holistic theoretical explanation of the firm as a nationa' construct is reached, identifying national identity as the strongest social sphere influencing development of the individual self, with realist behavioural theories showing it as imported into firms as abstract social structures. This finds a political home in the Gramscian concept of the national popular. The North East of England is then used as the defined geographic region in which to test the hypothesis empirically via a synthesis of extensive and intensive research methods. Questionnaires to all firms with host operations constitutes the former, and the latter is provided by documentary evidence, the Internet and interviews informing case studies focusing on twelve of these firms with home bases in the United States, the European Union, Scandinavia and Asia. The testing fails to falsify the hypothesis, and the manner in which the case studies display their national identity is discussed. The thesis concludes by offering a new way in which a transnational corporation can be identified as conceptually distinct from other firms. It thereafter confirms that, failing to identify such a firm by the empirical testing undertaken, reinforces realist ideas of the firm in world order, whereas neoliberal ideas remain more in the realm of hope and/or expectation.
3
Aquilante, Tommaso. "Essays in International Trade and Political Economy." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/216757.
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This dissertation consists of three independent essays which contribute to the literatures on International Trade and Political Economy. The first essay addresses questions related to the political economy of antidumping (AD). With the remarkable falling in tariff barriers that has characterized the post-World War II period, AD has become the most used non-tariff barrier (NTB).1 Studying the use of AD is thus of great importance, also because the restrictive effects of AD measures on trade can be sizable (see for instance Ruhl, 2014). Moreover, there is an increasing concern that AD has turned to be an industrial policy tool rather than a mean that governments can use to restore the “level-playing field” (Vandenbussche and Zanardi, 2008). This worry is in line with the findings presented in the first chapter of this dissertation, Bureaucrats or Politicians? Political Parties and Antidumping in the US, which shows that the adoption of ADmeasures in the US is heavily shaped by political parties’ interests. I focus on the voting behavior of the International Trade Commission (ITC), a US quasijudicial agency composed by six non-elected commissioners who are supposed to conduct (an important part of the) AD investigations in a fair and objective manner. Using a newly collected dataset containing all ITC commissioners’ votes on AD over the period 1980-2010, I show that political parties can affect the ITC voting behavior in two ways: by selecting ITC commissioners who have a similar stance on trade policy as their own (selection effect) and by influencing them while they are in office (pressure effect). While other studies have emphasised that Congress can put pressure on the ITC, the novelty of this work is to show that this pressure is party-specific. First, I show that Democratic-appointed commissioners are systematically more protectionist than Republican-appointed ones. This effect is sizable (the probability of voting in favor of AD is at least 8 percentage points higher for Democratic-appointed commissioners) and suggests that political parties can play an important role by influencing the choice of ITC commissioners who have a similar preferences on trade. This result is insensitive to several changes in the econometric specifications and to the use of different methodologies. Moreover, commissioners’ votes on AD depend on the trade policy interests of key senators (i.e. Trade subcommittee members) in the party they are associated to.2 In particular, whether (Democratic) Republican-appointed commissioners vote in favor of AD depends crucially on whether the petitioning industry is key (in terms of employment) in the states represented by leading (Democratic) Republican senators at the time. This result is robust to several checks also holds when controlling for any unobserved time-invariant characteristic of ITC commissioners (e.g. the state of origin) that could influence their votes on AD and be correlated with the pressure variables, i.e. when commissioner fixed effects are included in the specifications. In addition, the pressure effect can actually overcome the selection effect, making a Republican-appointed commissioner more protectionist than the average Democratic-appointed one. The second essay, Internationalization and Innovation of Firms: Evidence and Policy, analyzes the link between internationalization and innovation at the firm level.3 The evidence presented Chapter 2 shows that the degrees of involvement in internationalization and innovation activities are inextricably linked. However, the European policy context seems at odds with this evidence: trade-promotion and innovation-enhancing policies are largely unrelated and often carried out through various agencies (see EIM, 2010).4 Thus, understanding the interaction between internationalization and innovation can be crucial for policy makers, especially in a world which is increasingly characterized by global value chains.5 The interplay between internationalization and innovation is investigated in a unique, representative and cross-country comparable sample of manufacturing firms with at least ten employees (EFIGE), across seven European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Spain, UK) for the year 2008. We find that firms in the sample at hand are quite active in both innovation and internationalization: 87% of firms devote resources to R&D projects, IT solutions, or patent/design/ trademark registrations, while 77% of our firms are active in international trade, cross-border outsourcing relations, or FDI. For modes of internationalization, there is a clear ranking of associated firm performance: FDI makers show the highest productivity, followed by outsourcers and traders. Innovation differences across modes are less clear cut. Moreover, defining internationalization (innovation) intensity as the number of internationalization (innovation) modes in which firms are involved, we show that firms with high innovation intensity tend also to show high internationalization intensity. Instrumenting innovation intensity by the share of firms that have benefitted from R&D financial incentives in a given (NACE 2 digits) industry-country pair and by the share of investment in R&D over the value added in the same industry-country pair, for the years 2002-2006, we are not able to find conclusive evidence of a causal effect of innovation on internationalization. Finally, a positive association between innovation and internationalization intensities appears at both firm level and country-industry (milieu) level, and at country level when average intensity is calculated disregarding the relative numbers of firms in the different industries. If country average intensities are computed weighting by firm numbers in the various industries, the correlation between innovation and internationalization intensities across countries appears weaker, suggesting that innovation matters more than internationalization for driving differences across countries. Based on the evidence we collected, we suggest a higher coordination/integration of internationalization and innovation policies at both the national and EU levels, and propose a bigger coordinating role for EU institutions, in order to reduce the current paradox of generally uncorrelated policies aimed at mostly correlated outcomes. The third essay, Cooperation Among Criminal Organizations: Evidence from Organized Crime in Italy, uncovers new facts about the behavior criminal organizations on the Italian territory. Since Becker (1968) the economic analysis of crime has especially focused on the behavior of individual offenders. Much less attention has been devoted to the activities of criminal organizations, especially from an empirical point of view. Nevertheless, organized crime is a prominent and alarming presence in the world economy: it destroys physical and human capital and deteriorates the business environment, ultimately lowering the growth potential of an economy (Acconcia et al. 2014; Pinotti, 2015). The third chapter of this dissertation contributes to the literature on economics of organized crime by shedding light on the interaction between domestic and foreign organizations in Italy, showing that the probability of cooperation among them depends both on the type of crime committed and on the presence of traditional (incumbent) organizations in some regions of the country. More specifically, cooperation between domestic and foreign criminal organizations is studied using a novel dataset containing information on their activities in the Italian territory during 2007-2010. Italian territory during 2007-2010. We first show that cooperation among Italians and foreigners is skewed towards specific crimes (e.g. counterfeiting activities). We then show that the presence of traditional (incumbent) organizations in some regions reduces the probability of cooperating. Interestingly, in these areas the same probability is higher when cooperation takes place for criminal activities in which foreign organizations can play an important role in providing inputs.Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
4
Rouzet, Dorothee. "Essays on International Trade and Political Economy." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10433.
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This dissertation consists of two essays in international trade and one essay in political economy. The first essay analyzes the role of firm-level and country-level reputation for quality in international transactions. It studies the entry and pricing strategies of high-quality and low-quality exporters when buyers cannot observe the quality of a product prior to purchase. In a steady-state industry equilibrium, country reputations are endogenously set by the quality of their exports, leading to the possibility of multiple equilibria and low-quality traps. We show that export subsidies have a positive long-run effect on average quality, reputation and welfare in countries exporting low-quality goods. However, they have the opposite consequences in countries that export high-quality products. We present some evidence consistent with the model in the empirical pattern of US export prices. The second essay studies the choice between home country and host country financing for multinationals facing demand uncertainty. Three main channels are identified. The cost of capital depends on local financial development. A diversification channel arises from the ability of geographically diversified firms to generate more stable cash flows. By contrast, contagion risk may result in inefficient liquidations when firms raise funds exclusively on their home market. In particular, the model predicts that the prevalence of affiliate production and the share of parent finance should increase with the correlation of business cycles between the home and host markets. Moreover, exchange rate risk tilts the financing decision towards local debt. The third essay deals with the emergence of mass education. Using data from the last 150 years in 137 countries, we show that large investments in primary education systems tend to occur when countries face military rivals or threats from their neighbors. Interestingly, democratic transitions are negatively associated with education investments, although democratic political institutions magnify the positive effect of military rivalries. These empirical results are robust to a number of statistical concerns and hold when we instrument military rivalries with commodity prices or rivalries in a given country’s immediate neighborhood. We also present historical case studies, as well as a simple model, that are consistent with the econometric
evidence.Economics
5
Ziegler, Nikolai. "The political economy of international trade negotiations /." Marburg : Tectum-Verl, 2009. http://d-nb.info/996811141/04.
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Cheng, I.-Hui. "Three essays on political economy, trade and international economic integration." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314295.
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Kim, Jundong. "The underground economy, political regimes, and economic growth : international evidence /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3025630.
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Murgo, Daniel O. "Essays On Political Economy." FIU Digital Commons, 2010. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/149.
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The first chapter analizes conditional assistance programs. They generate conflicting relationships between international financial institutions (IFIs) and member countries. The experience of IFIs with conditionality in the 1990s led them to allow countries more latitude in the design of their reform programs. A reformist government does not need conditionality and it is useless if it does not want to reform. A government that faces opposition may use conditionality and the help of pro-reform lobbies as a lever to counteract anti-reform groups and succeed in implementing reforms. The second chapter analizes economies saddled with taxes and regulations. I consider an economy in which many taxes, subsidies, and other distortionary restrictions are in place simultaneously. If I start from an inefficient laissez-faire equilibrium because of some domestic distortion, a small trade tax or subsidy can yield a first-order welfare improvement, even if the instrument itself creates distortions of its own. This may result in "welfare paradoxes". The purpose of the chapter is to quantify the welfare effects of changes in tax rates in a small open economy. I conduct the simulation in the context of an intertemporal utility maximization framework. I apply numerical methods to the model developed by Karayalcin. I introduce changes in the tax rates and quantify both the impact on welfare, consumption and foreign assets, and the path to the new steady-state values. The third chapter studies the role of stock markets and adjustment costs in the international transmission of supply shocks. The analysis of the transmission of a positive supply shock that originates in one of the countries shows that on impact the shock leads to an inmediate stock market boom enjoying the technological advance, while the other country suffers from depress stock market prices as demand for its equity declines. A period of adjustment begins culminating in a steady state capital and output level that is identical to the one before the shock. The the capital stock of one country undergoes a non-monotonic adjustment. The model is tested with plausible values of the variables and the numeric results confirm the predictions of the theory.
9
Djeredjian, Daron O. Lovely Mary E. "Essays in international trade theory and political economy." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Cao, Xun. "Convergence, divergence, and networks in international political economy /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10793.
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Gillespie, Piers. "Security in a post-hegemonic international political economy /." Title page and contents only, 1992. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arg478.pdf.
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Parker, Paul Kenneth. "Global coal trade : an international political economy approach." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1990. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1097/.
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This thesis argues that to better understand global coal trade, the conventional economic model of trade needs to be replaced with a more comprehensive international political economy model of trade. The rapid growth of global coal trade during the 1970s and 1980s is disaggregated by coal type, source and destination. The extent and adequacy of various data sets are assessed and contract data are selected as the source of greatest information. The limitations of the conventional least cost trade model are then evaluated using detailed Japanese and European trade data. The global coal trade is found not to conform with a uniform commodity market model, but to be fragmented. A new international political economy model is then developed to explain and evaluate the structures which create a fragmented coal trade. The importance of security, production, financial and information structures are each examined in turn. The security structure identifies the policies and decisions of the state and their importance in shaping trade. Important state initiatives include the protection of domestic industry and the promotion of diverse supply sources. Governments also enter bilateral trade and investment agreements and form international entities like the International Energy Agency which affect coal trade. Most studies of the coal trade concentrate on the production structure where investment in mines creates the productive capacity of the industry. Particular attention is paid to investment where mines are integrated either horizontally or vertically into large productive units which may effect bargaining power in the trade. The financial structure grew in importance in the 1970s and 1980s. Coal mines are increasingly financed on an independent project basis. However, loan finance is not necessarily independent of traditional investors. Linkages among loans to established joint venture partners or parent corporations and long term contracts are shown to be strong. The information structure is rarely studied, but essential to the trade process. Specialised information institutions have evolved to facilitate the reliable and coordinated control over trade flows. Japanese trading houses, sogo shosha, are shown to have an especially strong role in global coal trade. This pattern is contrasted with the declining and specialised role of European coal traders. The comparison of Japanese and European trade patterns and the attitudes of regional consumers offers a better understanding of global trade patterns than that offered by simple competitive models. The result is not only more detailed insight into trade patterns, but a better understanding of the resource trade process.
13
Kiss, Áron. "Essays in political economy and international public finance." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2009. http://d-nb.info/99698240X/04.
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Shin, Koo-Sik. "Political economy of protectionism in EC-Korea trade." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.319196.
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Waterman, K. "The political economy of U.S. military strategy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/36040.
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Rapid economic growth in emerging economies since the end of the Cold War has driven debate on American 'relative decline'; the relative diminution of US material capabilities with respect to other states. Such relative decline poses potential constraints on US power and has thus manifested itself in arguments over the economic merits of the United States' expansive military commitments. Contributing to this literature, my thesis answers the following question: does American military strategy generate economic benefits? I argue that that there is significant evidence to suggest that US military strategy has influenced international economic relationships in ways beneficial to US national interests. Principally, my analysis shows American military strategy acts as a 'underwriter' for the extant international economic system. I explore two logics associated with this. Firstly, a general 'status quo' logic which sees military power as both a guarantor and promoter of specific structural configurations of the international political economy. And secondly, a more specific 'utility' logic operating on other states either bilaterally or multilaterally. This pathway assumes that US military strategy, particularly its security guarantees, may alter the utility of other states decisions in America's favour. This thesis also shows that specific results often prove far more tentative and circumstantial than commonly articulated by scholars in the literature. Nearly all specific and 'utility' pathways through which the United States is hypothesized to derive economic benefit suffer from foundational generalisability issues, irrespective of methodology. This suggests that specific avenues and instances of US military strategy influencing international economic relationships are not likely to be a reliable or prudent source of future policy making. Rather, the principal political-economic influence to consider is the role US military power plays in underwriting the contemporary American centred international order, which is the prerequisite for other specific pathways to emerge.
16
Lim, Jamus Jerome. "Essays on the political economy of international financial crises /." Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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FARIAS, ALEX JOBIM. "BRAZILS 1987 DEFAULT IN LIGHT OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 1998. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=2640@1.
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CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICOEste trabalho se propõe a explicar as causas da moratória decretada pelo governo brasileiro, em 20 de fevereiro de 1987, analisando este evento através da contribuição teórica pertencente a economia política internacional. O presente trabalho conclui que as causas da moratória residiam nos planos internacional e doméstico. No plano internacional, o esquema convencional de renegociação da dívida externa dos países em desenvolvimento foi montado tendo como principal objetivo evitar uma crise no sistema financeiro internacional, por interesse e articulação dos governos dos países credores. No plano doméstico, o governo Sarney, especialmente durante a gestão de Dilson Funaro, Ministro da Fazenda, não aceitava os custos da solução imposta pelos credores; em especial, o sacrifício das metas de crescimento econômico. A rigidez do esquema convencional não ofereceu outra alternativa à posição brasileira senão a decretação da moratória. O realismo é a corrente da economia política internacional que mais pode contribuir para a explicação do evento enfocado; contudo, a premissa do ator unitário deve ser posta de lado em virtude da importância da política doméstica para a decretacão da moratória.
This work aims at explaining the causes of the Brazilian default, decrelared on February 20 th 1987, analyzing it through the existing theoretical contribution in the field of international political economy. This work concludes that the causes of default lay in both international and domestic areas. Considering the international area, the conventional framework for external debt restructuring of developing countries was devised by creditor countries, in their behalf, to avoid an international financial crisis. Contemplating the domestic area, the Sarneys administration did not agree to bear the costs of the solution imposed bycreditors, especially during the time Dilson Funaro was a minister. Dilson stood up for Brazils economic growth, which would have to be reduced if the creditors solution were carried out. Default was the only alternative in face of creditors intransigence. Realism is the perspective in international political economy that explains better the focused outcome. However, the rational unified actors premise must be put aside in order to consider properly the importance of domestic politics.
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Abu, Gulal Saif Badr. "Political economy of international sanctions : the case of Iraq." Thesis, Durham University, 2003. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1254/.
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Roden, Mark Allan. "The international political economy of contemporary US-China relations." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2001. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14814/.
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This book investigates the changing nature of US power at the level of world order using US relations with the People's Republic of China in the 1990s as a case study. It is argued that US hegemony has given way to a period of dominance in which the neo-liberal policy objectives of the US state are increasingly realised via the structural power of global institutions and the ideological preferences which underpin them; the cultivation of regional trading blocs; and the material power of the US state as conceived in more traditional terms. This neo-Gramscian assessment of US power is accompanied by the idea that political agency is required to satisfy policy goals under conditions of globalisation. State policy is thereby understood as the product of a political process involving US civil society and non-state actors rather than a given entity. The chapters of the book flesh out the methods by which the US has sought to promote a liberal trading order in the light of China's emergence as a global power and the various areas of consensus and disagreement between the two nations. This takes the form of analysing five major thematic areas of the relationship which include assessments of the historical evolution of US-China relations; the political economy of US-China trade; the role of social forces (civil society) in US-China relations; environmental aspects of the relationship; and the impact of regionalism on US-China relations. Overall, the intention is to problematise the view that the relationship can still be broached in conventional state-centric terms which play down new structural conditions underpinned by the onset of economic globalisation and more multilateral forms of power. In many senses, the thesis entails a novel approach to the political economy of relations between two of the world's foremost powers by placing analysis within the context of neo Gramscian critical theory. It concludes by noting that though US structural power remains considerable in the post-hegemonic era of the 1990s and beyond, the rise of China may induce moves, for better and perhaps worse, to a more multilateral world order.
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Ozcelik, Emre. "Institutional Political Economy Of Economic Development And Global Governance." Phd thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607360/index.pdf.
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There are two inter-related themes of this thesis: Economic development and global governance. We develop a perspective of &ndashwhat we call &ndash
&lsquo
Institutional International Political Economy&rsquo
(IIPE) in order to: i) assess the likelihood of developmental success on the part of the Third World countries in the twenty-first century, and ii) analyze the developmental and world-systemic implications of the so-called &lsquo
global governance model&rsquo
, which we conceptualize as an ultra-liberal capitalist project on the part of the &lsquo
commanding heights&rsquo
of the contemporary &lsquo
world-economy&rsquo
. Our IIPE-perspective relies on an &lsquo
institutionalist&rsquo
synthesis of the classic works of Karl Polanyi, Joseph Schumpeter and Fernand Braudel. In the light of this perspective, &lsquo
state-led development&rsquo
seems to be inconceivable in the face of &lsquo
governance&rsquo
, which is an attempt to disintegrate the &lsquo
institutional substance&rsquo
of the state-as-we-know-it into &lsquo
market-like processes&rsquo
. Nevertheless, &lsquo
governance&rsquo
is bound to become the victim of its own success insofar as it destroys the indispensable political institutions upon which capitalism has survived as a historical world-system in the past.
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Andujar, Julio Gabriel. "Essays on the political economy of the dominican reform process." FIU Digital Commons, 1999. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1302.
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This dissertation provides an analytical framework to study the political economy of policy reform in the Dominican Republic during the nineties. Based on a country study, I develop two theoretical models that replicate the mechanisms of policy approval in developing countries with weak democracies. The first model considers a pro-reform President who submits a tariff bill to an anti-reform Congress dominated by the opposition party. In between, two opposing lobbies try to get their favored policy approved. Lobbies act as Stackelberg leaders vis a vis a weak President. The behavior of the Congress is determined exogenously while the lobbies act strategically pursuing the approval of the reform bill and indirectly affecting the President's decision. I show that in such a setting external agents like the Press play an important role in the decision-making process of the political actors.
The second model presents a similar framework. However, the President, who is a Stackelberg leader, is allowed only two choices, total reform or status-quo. I show how a lobby reacts to an increase in its rival's or its own size. These reactions depend on the President's level of commitment to the reform. Finally, I discuss the effect of variations in the size of the lobbies on the President's choice. The model suitably explains real events that took place in the Dominican Republic in the mid-nineties.
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Vattuone, Santiago Esteban. "Essays on the political economy of international financial institutions aid." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3311.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.Thesis research directed by: Economics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Yu, Zhihao. "Three essays on international trade, political economy and environmental policy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0005/NQ39009.pdf.
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Du, Plessis Marthinus Johannes. "The international political economy of the Cartagena Protocol on biosafety." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52543.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The development of the global biotechnology industry largely coincided with the development of the US biotechnology industry. This resulted in this industry's oligopolistic and centralised nature where only a few multinational chemical and pharmaceutical companies control most biotechnology processes and production of commodities emanating from these processes. The governance of biotechnology has, until recently, been dominated by state actors who have endeavoured to secure national interests, including those of large multinational corporations (MNCs) based within their boundaries. The technological ability of developed states to exploit and use unevenly distributed resources to their advantage means that an uneven relationship exists between these and poor developing countries. This has been highlighted by differences in public opinion about the role and application of biotechnology in society. While some opinions favour the use and application of biotechnology to enhance food supplies and boost production levels and trade, other opinions caution against the possible hazards that genetically manipulated organisms (GMOs) hold for the environment and human existence. The commercialisation of biotechnology has resulted in the exponential growth of genetically manipulated crops in especially the United States and countries like Argentina and Canada. These countries produce large surpluses of staple grains such as corn and soya and try to sell these to countries with food supply problems. The clash in commercial interests stemming from developed countries' insistence on the protection of intellectual property rights (IPR) on genetically manipulated (GM) seeds has caused considerable conflict with poor farmers who will not be able to sustain their livelihoods if they cannot save seeds for future harvests. This is one aspect of the problems surrounding the protection of knowledge products that is exacerbated by the scientific uncertainty pertaining to the risk involved with biotechnology. While some observers agitate for precaution with the use of GMOs, others feel that a lack of scientific proof of harm is sufficient grounds for proceeding with developments in biotechnology. Conversely, there are some that feel that biotechnology is market driven instead of human needs driven, ultimately resulting in developing countries receiving very little benefit from it. The Cartagena Protocol on biosafety was drafted to address some of the difficulties involved with the transboundary movement of GMOs. Although it holds very specific advantages for developing countries, as a regulatory framework it is limited in its scope and application. Developing countries are limited in their policy options to address their need to protect biodiversity and secure their food supply. This means that considerable challenges and constraints await these countries in utilising global governance of public goods and building their human and technological capacities.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ontwikkeling van die globale biotegnologie-industrie het grootliks saamgeval met die ontwikkeling van die Verenigde State se biotegnologie-industrie. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot hierdie industrie se oligopolistiese en gesentraliseerde aard waar slegs enkele multinasionale chemiese en farmaseutiese maatskappye die meeste biotegnologie prosesse en die vervaardiging van kommoditeite uit daardie prosesse beheer. Die regering van biotegnologie was tot onlangs oorheers deur staatsakteurs wie gepoog het om nasionale belange te beskerm, insluitend die belange van multinasionale korporasies (MNK) wat vanuit hulle grondgebied funksioneer. Die tegnologiese vermoë van ontwikkelde state om oneweredig verspreide hulpbronne tot eie gewin te benut beteken dat 'n ongelyke verhouding bestaan tussen hierdie en arm ontwikkelende state. Dit word beklemtoon deur verskille in openbare mening oor die rol en aanwending van biotegnologie in die samelewing. Terwyl sekere opinies ten gunste van die aanwending van biotegnologie vir die verbetering van voedselbronne en produksievlakke en handel is, dui ander opinies op die moontlike gevare wat geneties gemanipuleerde organismes (GMOs) vir die omgewing en menslike voortbestaan inhou. Die kommersialisering van biotegnologie het gelei tot die eksponensiële groei van geneties gemanipuleerde gewasse in veral die Verenigde State en state soos Argentinië en Kanada. Hierdie state produseer groot hoeveelhede stapelgrane soos mielies en soja en poog om dit te verkoop aan state met voedselvoorsieningsprobleme. Die botsing in kommersiële belange wat spruit uit ontwikkelde state se aandrang op die beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsreg op geneties gemanipuleerde saad veroorsaak beduidende konflik met arm landbouers wie nie hulle lewensonderhoud kan verseker as hulle nie saad kan berg vir toekomstige saaiseisoene nie. Dit is een aspek van die problematiek rondom die beskerming van kennisprodukte wat vererger word deur die wetenskaplike onsekerheid wat gepaard gaan met die risiko's van biotegnologie. Terwyl sekere waarnemers vir waaksaamheid pleit in die gebruik van GMOs, is daar ander wat voel dat 'n gebrek aan wetenskaplike bewyse van skade genoegsame gronde is vir die voortsetting van ontwikkelings in biotegnologie. Insgelyks is daar diegene wat meen dat biotegnologie markgedrewe in plaas van menslike behoefte gedrewe is, wat uiteindelik daartoe lei dat ontwikkelende state baie min voordeel daaruit trek. Die Kartagena Protokoloor bioveiligheid is opgestel om van die probleme betrokke by die oorgrens verskuiwing van GMOs aan te spreek. Hoewel dit spesifieke voordele vir ontikkelende state inhou is dit as reguleringsraamwerk beperk in omvang en aanwending. Ontwikkelende state het beperkte beleidsopsies om hulle behoefte om biodiversiteit te beskerm en voedselvoorsiening te verseker, aan te spreek. Dit beteken dat beduidende uitdagings en beperkings hierdie state in die benutting van globale regering van openbare goedere vir die bou van menslike en tegnologiese kapasiteite in die gesig staar.
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Ma, Jie. "Three essays in imperfect competition, political economy and international trade." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2006. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/191381/.
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This Thesis has two themes: (1) political economy of international trade and factor mobility policy; (2) the robustness of strategic trade and industrial policy. Chapter 1 is a non-technical introduction of my research. In Chapter 2, Double-edged incentive competition for FDI, we study the impact of special interest lobbying on competition between two countries for a multinational in a common agency framework. \Ve address the following questions. On the positive side, is special interest lobbying a determinant of competition for FDI? If so, how does it work? How does it affect the equilibrium price for attracting FDI? On the normative side, what are the welfare effects of FDI competition when special interest lobbying is present? Is allocative efficiency always achieved? We argue that special interest lobbying provides an extra political incentive for a government to attract FDI. We show that compared to the benchmark case when governments maximize national welfare, now (1) an economically disadvantageous country has a chance to win the competition; (2) the equilibrium price for attracting FDI is higher than in the benchmark case; (3) allocative efficiency cannot be always achieved. In Chapter 3, Advertising in a differentiated duopoly and its policy implications for an open economy, we develop a model of advertising in a differentiated duopoly in which firms first decide how much to invest in cooperative or predatory advertising and then engage in product market competition (Cournot or Bertrand). We then use this model, with the type of advertising endogenously determined, to explore the policy implications in the context of a Brander-Spencer third-country model of strategic trade. Among results derived from this model, most interestingly we show that for a range of parameter values we get robust trade policy in which governments always use a trade subsidy irrespective of the type of advertising or form of market competition. In Chapter 4, Is export subsidy a robust trade policy recommendation towards a unionized duopoly, we argue that although previous researches imply that the robust trade policy recommendation towards a unionized duopoly is an export subsidy, we cannot get such a result even in the linear case if the opportunity cost of public funds is sufficiently high. However, if we consider the case where the domestic firm and the trade union lobby the government to set their favorable trade policies by giving the government political contributions (modeled in a common agency setting), then the result of robustness will be restored if the government cares about the political contributions sufficiently relative to national welfare. See Chapter 5 for some technical proofs.
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Milner, Wesley T. "Progress or Decline: International Political Economy and Basic Human Rights." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2180/.
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This dissertation is a cross-national, empirical study of human rights conditions in a dynamic international political economy. The scope of the examination covers 176 developed and developing countries from 1980 through 1993. Through evaluating the numerous theoretical aspects of human rights conceptualization, I draw upon Shue's framework and consider whether there are indeed "basic rights" and which rights should fit into this category. Further, I address the debate between those who claim that these rights are truly universal (applying to all nations and individuals) and those who argue that the validity of a moral right is relative to indigenous cultures. In a similar vein, I empirically investigate whether various human rights are interdependent and indivisible, as some scholars argue, or whether there are inherent trade-offs between various rights provisions. In going beyond the fixation on a single aspect of human rights, I broadly investigate subsistence rights, security rights and political and economic freedom. While these have previously been addressed separately, there are virtually no studies that consider them together and the subsequent linkages between them. Ultimately, a pooled time-series cross-section model is developed that moves beyond the traditional concentration on security rights (also know as integrity of the person rights) and focuses on the more controversial subsistence rights (also known as basic human needs). By addressing both subsistence and security rights, I consider whether certain aspects of the changing international political economy affect these two groups of rights in different ways. A further delineation is made between OECD and non-OECD countries. The primary international focus is on the effects of global integration and the end of the Cold War. Domestic explanations that are connected with globalization include economic freedom, income inequality and democratization. These variables are subjected to bivariate and multivariate hypothesis testing including bivariate correlations, analysis of variance, and multiple OLS regression with robust standard errors.
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Mustapha, Mala. "State, conflict and political economy of oil in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2013. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/10966/.
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This thesis explores the nature, cause and dynamics of the conflict in the oil-rich Niger Delta region of Nigeria. The region has become a hot spot for increased oil insurgency and well-organized criminal activity in the wake of the 1999 transition to democratic rule. The main contribution of this study lies in its use of the political economy theory of the state and the post-colonial characterization of the Nigerian state to analyse and explore specific role of the Nigerian state in the oil conflict. The research critiques past studies in the field as “grand narratives” based on assumptions of international political economy of resource conflicts not least the rentier state and resource curse theses. Through a case study of the state-owned oil industry the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and Vanguard Newspaper representing a section of the media the thesis problematized the oil conflict in the Niger Delta to failure of democratization to address decades of conflict, politicization of ethnicity, descent to terminal spoils via oil bunkering and flaws in the country’s federalism. The study critically interrogates the legal/institutional as well as militaristic response of the state to the conflict as state-centric and factors spurring the conflict. The findings reveal that the conflict is rooted in factors affecting the control, management and distribution of oil resources by a centralized federal structure characterized by a failure of governance. In other words, the conflict dynamics of the Delta is explained by total failure of oil-wealth to foster development. Instead, it impedes political development, generates conflict over resource distribution, fuels ethnic conflict and fragmentation, and institutionalized corruption all spawned by rise in government oil largesse. Since the return of democracy in 1999, lack of genuine democratization in Nigeria, has crippled even nascent attempts at reform resulting to socio-economic stagnation, which relates directly to the rising trend of violence in the region. One of the key contributions of the study also is through an analysis of “illegal oil bunkering” as an empirical case of how legal/institutional failure of the state to response to the crisis and a reflection of descent to terminal spoil in the Nigerian oil industry led to spoils of oil violence. The research critically examines how oil bunkering has damaged the environment through oil spillage and contributes to proliferation of small arms and light weapons in the region. Finally, the thesis also suggests that, the potential solution to the Niger Delta crisis lies in governance and constitutional reform that focuses on correcting the structural imbalances embedded in the nature of Nigerian fiscal federalism, its revenue allocation formula and to effectively fight corruption at all levels of governance. The Nigerian state should also abrogate or review specific oil-related laws that serve as a fault-line of conflict with the oil producing communities. Failure to tackle this problem will allow the self-destructive cycle of violence to continue to undermine reform initiatives and perpetuate the region’s instability.
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Derghoukassian, Khatchik. "Illicit Associations in the Global Political Economy: Courtesan Politics, Arms Trafficking and International Security." Scholarly Repository, 2010. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/467.
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The accelerated trend of globalization has transformed the traditional role of the state. According to James Mittelman and Robert Johnston, the state is engaged in a courtesan role, which consists in shifting from serving citizens to acting as tacit partners in market relations, including with globally organized criminal groups. Building on the concept of the courtesan role of the state, this study addresses: (a) the general question of direct and indirect connections of states with illicit transactions in the post-Cold War, with a special attention to arms trafficking; (b) the reaction of the United States, as the remaining unique superpower, to the behavior of states associated with global illicit transactions, especially when involving security-sensitive cases such as arms transfer; (c) the security implications of this particular feature of the global illicit economy, particularly how threats are defined in international politics in the post-Cold War unipolar world. Focusing on the Argentina venta de armas case of illicit arms transfer to the Balkans and Ecuador in the 1990s, the research explores (a) the structural conditions and the domestic roots of a state engaged in illegal transactions in the post-Cold War; (b) the superpower's reaction to policies involving illicit transactions; (c) the security consequences. Through these venues, the dissertation aims at refining the debate in IR Theory to provide a better understanding of the international security dynamics in the post-Cold War.
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Li, Jie Sheng. "The political economy of foreign aid flows." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6735/.
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This thesis examines the rise in bilateral aid disbursements over multilateral aid between 2000 and 2010. It would be simply stated that such a trend would be due donor nations focusing on strategic self-interests. I argue, using a combination of principal-agent theory, foreign policy analysis and the effect of institutions, that new political actors in donor nations found a window of opportunity to alter the level foreign disbursements and in several cases, increase the overall level of foreign aid. Bilateral aid eventually rose due to both the worldviews of these new decision makers as well as how their policies were influenced and shaped by local institutions. In this thesis, I focus on the US, the UK and Japan as donor nations and the World Bank’s International Development Association. In the US case, political and cultural institutions along with the worldviews Bush Administration officials shifted US bilateral aid upwards. In the UK, local institutions along with the perspectives of New Labour officials result in higher British bilateral aid disbursements. Japan’s political actors initially focused on the country’s economy but later actors, with their worldviews and shaped by historical norms, increased Japan’s bilateral aid vis-à-vis its contributions to IOs.
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Lim, Kevin (Kevin Shun Wei). "Estimating the effects of foreign bribery legislation in the international economy." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/62471.
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Thesis (S.M. and S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2010.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 64-67).
Foreign bribery - the payment of bribes across borders - poses a classic collective action problem in theory. A firm may extract benefits through the payment of bribes to foreign public officials without its own country bearing the associated costs of governmental corruption, and hence while eliminating foreign bribery may be in the best interests of all who are engaged with the global economy, there are few obvious incentives for any one national government to be the first to take action. Over the last two decades, however, an unprecedented degree of multilateral cooperation on the issue of foreign bribery has been achieved. In particular, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has been a key institutional locus of activity, serving as the coordinating body for the monitoring and enforcement of a comprehensive anti-bribery convention that was adopted in 1997. This convention appears to have been largely successful at least in terms of spurring legislative change: all OECD member countries as well as several nonmember nations have since adopted laws that explicitly criminalize the act of bribing foreign public officials, and the capacity of the state to monitor, detect, and prosecute the offense of foreign bribery has ostensibly been enhanced. Given the potential for collective action problems to develop, it is thus important to ask whether the legislative action that has been taken thus far is meaningful in any measurable sense. I answer this question by constructing an original measure of the strictness of foreign bribery legislation, which I then employ as the main independent variable in an empirical study of export data, utilizing both difference-in-difference estimators and regression analysis. The results of my analysis provide support for the hypothesis that the enactment of stricter foreign bribery legislation amongst the countries party to the OECD convention has reduced exports to more corrupt countries more so than it has exports to less corrupt countries. These findings are robust to a variety of sensitivity tests, and I thus conclude that the OECD's multilateral anti-bribery initiatives have indeed had a meaningful impact on business decisions in the international economy.
by Kevin Lim.
S.M.and S.B.
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Anievas, Alexander. "Capital, states, and conflict : international political economy and crisis, 1914-1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252244.
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Stoyanov, Andrey. "Essays in international trade, political economy of protection and firm heterogeneity." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1010.
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The first two chapters study the effect of foreign lobbies on trade policy of a country which is a member of a Free Trade Agreement (FTA). They rely on a monopolistically competitive political economy model in which the government determines external tariffs endogenously. In the first paper the effect of foreign lobbying under the FTA is examined empirically using Canadian industry-level trade data that allow differentiating of lobby groups by the country of origin. The analysis suggests that the presence of foreign lobbying has a significant effect on the domestic trade policy: the presence of an organized lobbying group in an FTA partner country tends to raise trade barriers while an organized lobbying group of exporters from outside of the FTA is associated with less protection. The second paper analyses political viability of FTAs and their effect on the world trading system in the presence of lobbying by organized foreign interest groups. I show that the FTA in the presence of an organized lobby group in a prospective partner country may cause an increase in the level of protection against imports from third countries and impede trade with non-member countries. I also find that foreign lobby may encourage the local government to enter a welfare-reducing trade-diverting FTA. Finally, I show that the FTA increases the lobbying power of the organized lobby groups of the member countries, which can potentially obstruct the viability of welfare-improving multilateral trade liberalization.
The last paper shows that the reason for a higher capital-labor ratio observed for exporting firms is a higher capital intensity of their production technology. Exporters are more productive, more likely to survive and, hence, more likely to repay loans. A higher repayment probability causes creditors to charge lower interest rate and reduces the marginal cost of the firm when a more capital-intensive technology is used. Here, a reduction in international trade costs stimulates exporting firms to use more efficient capital-intensive technologies, while non-exporters switch to less capital-intensive ones. This within-industry change in the composition of technologies reinforces the productivity advantage of exporters and contributes further to industry-wide productivity improvement. The results of model simulations highlight that to 10% of welfare and productivity gains of trade liberalization come from the adoption of new technologies by existing firms in the industry, thus amplifying the effect of resource reallocation from firms' entry and exit.
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Keenes, Ernie (Ernest Morley) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Embedded liberalism and Canada: state reorganization in the international political economy." Ottawa, 1991.
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BONNET, PAOLO. "Essays on the Political Economy of Environmental Policies and International Trade." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Pavia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/11571/1456947.
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Walter, Andrew. "The role of hegemony and international monetary order." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.304729.
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Lu, Tailai. "International Debt Crisis: Interaction of Economics and Politics." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935791/.
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This study attempts to examine the international debt crisis in the 1980s from a primarily political perspective, to permit a greater understanding of the interaction between economics and politics in the course of crisis management The process of dealing with the current international debt crisis provides an pat case for investigation of how economic concerns affect political outcomes, and how political factors influence economic outcomes, and how political factors influence economic policies. This study concentrates on the two regions of Latin America and Eastern Europe where the debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt problem has been increasingly politicized in the contemporary international relations, and that its solution, in addition to the economic aspects, calls for political willingness by all parties concerned.
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O'Trakoun, John. "Essays on Conflict, Corruption, and International Trade Politics." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104393.
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Thesis advisor: Fabio GhironiThis dissertation is a collection of three essays which examine issues at the intersection of international economics, political economy, and macroeconomics. A common theme which emerges in the subsequent chapters is a reliance on intuitive models of economies populated by rational agents engaging in both political and economic decisionmaking. Each chapter also presents empirical evidence using aggregate data to highlight new angles on issues related to macroeconomic development policy. Concurrent cross-country political change, such as the recent ``Arab spring" revolutions in the Middle East, the experience of South American military dictatorships in the 1970s and 1980s, and political transition in former Soviet-bloc countries at the end of the Cold War, suggests that global forces impacting multiple countries can serve as a trigger for intrastate conflict. A common conjecture is that economic forces have been a primary impetus for such episodes. In the first chapter, I analyze the effects of worldwide commodity price fluctuations in generating political conflict in developing countries. I develop a simple model to show that shocks to both the level and uncertainty of commodity export prices can elicit conflict events in developing countries. Econometric evidence from a dataset combining major intrastate political resistance campaigns and global food commodity price data lends support to this hypothesis. In the second chapter, I examine whether corruption within one country affected by corruption within another. Understanding the interactions between political-economic culture across countries can allow us to better grasp the implications of greater global and regional integration in recent history. Until now, few studies have examined this question in detail due to the difficulty of measuring corruption and paucity of consistent data over an adequate time span. I use a panel dataset of countries in Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East over a span of fifteen years to examine how domestic corruption reacts to the culture of corruption in the region in which the country is located. Contrary to the results of past literature, I find evidence that a reduction in regional corruption can actually lead to a worsening of corruption within a country, and vice versa. If in an open economy, regional graft lowers the level of income that a rent-seeking government can tax, a reduction in regional corruption can increase the marginal benefit of imposing a more extractive domestic policy by increasing the pool of exploitable funds. My results offer an economic reason for why corruption will be an enduring institution in a more interconnected world. Finally, are less democratic governments more apt to intervene in the prices of imported goods than exported goods? In the third chapter of this dissertation I offer an explanation for why this might be the case, focusing on a government's choice between two alternative interventionist trade policies: import tariffs and export subsidies. If governments have incentives to exploit their political power to extract rents from citizens, they can achieve this by taxing imports rather than subsidizing exports. However, if citizens are able to discipline their governments through elections, the extent of this rent-seeking behavior can be constrained. I present a model that captures this behavior, distinguishing between the level of electoral accountability of a government and the level of bargaining power that citizens have in negotiations. Preliminary empirical evidence is presented which suggests that more authoritarian countries spend greater amounts on import tariffs than on export subsidies. These findings give insight into some of the challenges in establishing free trade amongst countries with different attitudes toward democratic institutions, both on a bilateral basis and within multilateral organizations
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Economics
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Dikmen, Neslihan. "Political Economy Of China'." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610171/index.pdf.
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This research aims to analyze the international political economy of rising China since the mid 1990s. The main question it tries to answerwhy in the early 21st century, Chinese officials defined China&
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Langley, Paul. "World financial orders and world financial centres : an historical international political economy." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/698.
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Attempts to comprehend contemporary world finance are confronted by a dual problematic: inquiry encounters not only significant change that cannot easily be captured, but also the predominance of neo-classical economics as a mode of knowledge. By taking as its starting point existing research in the field of International Political Economy (IPE) and grounding inquiry in an 'Historical IPE' approach, 'World Financial Orders and World Financial Centres' offers an alternative mode of knowledge of contemporary world finance. An Historical IPE of world finance proceeds by focusing upon the changing organisation of world credit practices since the seventeenth century. World credit practices are organised in the context of the structures of power in successive social orders, that is, world financial orders. Relative stability in world financial orders is reproduced by structures of authority which articulate interdependent relationships between state, civil and market institutions in the organisation of world credit practices. World financial centres (WFCs) are identified as necessary to an understanding of world finance in two main senses. First, WFCs are the key social spaces for world finance, where world credit practices and the material, ideational and institutional forces that frame them become centralised. Second, WFCs are key spaces of authority in world finance, the social loci for the reproduction of world financial orders. It is shown that periods of relative stability in successive world financial orders tend to coincide with the dominance of a single WFC. With the present standing of New York, London and Tokyo as a 'triad' of WFCs, contemporary world finance is characterised by its 'unstable reproduction'.
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Malan, Franck Adonis. "International political economy : on the trajectories of policy-makers and reforms policies." Thesis, Normandie, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NORMLH10/document.
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Cette thèse en politique économique internationale analyse à travers 4 chapitres les facteurs influençant la prise de décision en se focalisant sur les trajectoires des décideurs. Le premier chapitre montre que les membres du Conseil d’Administration (CA) du Fonds Monétaire International (FMI) ont un avantage considérable en matière de prêt et de remboursement sur les autres membres du FMI à travers des réseaux informels développés par leur simple présence aux réunions de CA du FMI à Washington DC. Le second chapitre met l’accent sur les trajectoires de carrière des membres du CA du FMI avant et après leur poste au sein de cette institution et comment ces trajectoires influent les prêts et les modalités de remboursement des pays emprunteurs. Dans un troisième chapitre, nous cherchons à savoir si les années de récession connues par les Présidents des Banques Centrales des pays occidentaux sont en mesure d’influencer leur gestion de ces institutions. Enfin, le quatrième chapitre propose un modèle d’économie politique des réformes en montrant l’importance des syndicats des travailleurs ainsi que des transferts de richesse de la part des gouvernements vers les populations, sur la mise en œuvre des réformes au sein des pays de l’OCDE. Cette thèse montre qu’à l’instar des décideurs nationaux qui ont tendance à influencer directement la vie économique des pays, les décideurs internationaux de par leurs histoires, leurs identités et leurs expériences de vie, peuvent également influencer la sphère économique des paysThis thesis in international political economy analyses factors influencing the decision-taking focusing on the trajectories of policy-makers across 4 chapters. The first chapter shows that the IMF’s Executive Board (EB) members have a considerable advantage on other IMF members in terms of loans and repayments through informal networks developed by their simple presence on the IMF’s EB at Washington DC. The second chapter focuses on the IMF’s EB career trajectories before and after their position, and how these trajectories influence loans and repayment modalities of borrowing countries. In a third chapter, we want to know in what extend central bankers’ recession experiences tend to lead them to decrease the interest rates of central banks. Finally, the fourth chapter proposes a model of political economy of reforms showing the importance of unions and transfers from governments to populations concerning the implementation of reforms in OECD countries. This thesis shows that, as national policy-makers which tend to directly influence the economic life, international policy-makers, through their stories, identities and life experiences, can also influence the economic sphere of countries
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Baines, A. C. "EMU and international monetary relations : the political economy of exchange rate policy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.596267.
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The external dimension of EMU has rarely been afforded a role of central importance in academic or official work. This thesis investigates the impact of EMU on international monetary relations by examining exchange rate policy for the euro and EMU participation in international institutions such as the Group of Seven. As a theoretical background to the analysis of this question, a framework for understanding how industrial states choose which exchange rate policy to pursue is developed. In opposition to traditional 'power' based analyses of international monetary relations such as Hegemonic Stability Theory, a financial structural argument is developed in conjunction with domestic-level analysis to explain policy outcomes. The existence of a financial structure associated with high levels of capital mobility imposes common constraints on industrial states, forcing them to resolve a trade-off between domestic policy autonomy and exchange rate stability. This policy choice is determined by the economic characteristics of the state, the role and organisation of interest groups, policy perspectives of the monetary authorities, and the degree of independence of the central bank. Applying these considerations to the new case of EMU suggests that the exchange rate of the euro will be subject to 'benign neglect', primarily as a result of the high levels of independence of the European Central Bank, but also as a result of the relatively closed nature of the Euroland economy, limited scope for interest group pressure, and complex institutional structures. Concentration on domestic goals and limited interest in the exchange rate, as well as ineffective institutional arrangements for external representation, indicate that international monetary cooperation will not increase, despite the simplification of global monetary politics into an effective Group of Three.
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Newcomb, Helen Teresa. "Beyond states and markets : towards an international political economy of human security." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.431195.
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Rodan, Garry. "The political economy of Singapore's industrialisation: State policy and international capital investment." Thesis, Rodan, Garry (1986) The political economy of Singapore's industrialisation: State policy and international capital investment. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1986. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/41381/.
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This thesis analyses the industrialisation of Singapore with special focus on the roles of the state and international capital. The interest in Singapore is due to its status as a newly-industrialising country (NIC) which has been successfully incorporated into a new international division of labour. This new structure has emerged in the last two decades, opening up opportunities for manufacturing production in the Third World. Since both Singapore and NICs in general have been promoted as models for other developing countries wishing to industrialise, it is essential we clarify the reasons for such success.
The argument of this thesis is that Singapore's rapid industrialisation through incorporation into this new international division of labour has been facilitated by the state assuming a pervasive and decisive role, intervening at the social, economic and political levels. This intervention has helped shape Singapore's comparative advantage as well as establish the necessary pre-conditions for the attraction of international capital. The capacity of the state to perform such functions should not be taken for granted: it derives from a convenient juncture of historical and social structural conditions.
To argue that the state has played a role in NIC, and in this case Singapore's, industrialisation is not novel. Certainly there are accounts which ignore the state's role. More commonly, however, neo-classical economists have acknowledged state intervention in the economic sphere but have emphasised market forces in explaining rapid industrialisation. Such an approach generally misrepresents the relationship between market and state. The relationship between the two is presented as dialectical in this thesis, and one which encompasses social and political, and not just economic, factors. Nevertheless, this thesis is not just at odds with such neo-classical analysis, it also challenges the voluntarism of rational-choice approaches and the determinism of dependency theory. So, not only does this thesis examine the various ways in which the state influences the pattern of industrialisation, especially the pattern of investment by international capital, it also examines the reasons for the state's behaviour. It is here that we see the state's complexion is contingent upon a complex set of domestic and international relationships. In Singapore's case, domestic class formations have combined with fortuitous tendencies in international capital accumulation: in short, a relatively autonomous political state has emerged with sufficient need and will to exploit and contribute to this new international division of labour.
Divided into four parts, this thesis provides a chronological account of Singapore's industrialisation. After an introduction to the theoretical concerns of the study, Part I outlines the historical developments of colonial Singapore affecting the island's long-term economic and social structure. Part II looks at how historical and political developments after World War II gave rise to the People's Action Party (PAP) which, in turn, came to assume the status of a virtual 'state party'. In Part III we see how extensive state power was of primary importance not just to the implementation of the export-oriented industrialisation (EOD programme which incorporated Singapore into the new international division of labour, but also to the ongoing management and modification of this relationship. This culminates in the late 1970s in various economic and social contradictions. Part IV examines the so-called 'Second Industrial Revolution', the government's policy response to these contradictions. This was designed to affect an accelerated transition to a more sophisticated technological base and represents the boldest attempt by any NIC government to test the objective limits to the state's ability to influence the pattern of private capital investment in industry.
In essence, this thesis attempts to redress the lack of serious analysis of the state's role in the industrialisation of Singapore and other NICs.
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Rhodes, Thomas Christopher 1959. "The political economy of the Mount Graham International Observatory facility siting conflict." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278153.
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The absolutist nature of the Endangered Species Act of 1973 encourages uneven enforcement, lengthy litigation, and rent seeking in the public policy process. There are net social benefits to be captured from a cooperative approach to facility siting. The narrow utility functions involved in unilateral facility siting attempts often ignore costs shifted on to others from development. Inclusion of all affected parties in facility planning can achieve siting of the right projects in the right places at least social cost. The institutional structure of an economy is deterministic with respect to efficient policy outcomes. Political power plays a central role in natural resource conflicts, frequently affecting the role of science in policy debates. An analysis of the Mt. Graham International Observatory facility siting conflict illustrates these findings.
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Sabet-Esfahani, Shahrzad. "Prejudice and Protectionism: Essays at the Intersection of International Political Economy and Psychology." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11687.
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What explains public opinion toward economic globalization, and specifically, toward international trade? A wave of recent scholarship has shown that symbolic and identity-based factors--individual predispositions such as ethnocentrism, nationalism, prejudice, and cosmopolitanism--are highly correlated with attitudes toward trade. The nature of the relationship between symbolic attitudes and trade opinion, however, remains conspicuously unclear. This dissertation combines fresh empirical strategies with the theoretical tools of both economics and psychology to illuminate the role and effect of non-material factors in the formation of public opinion toward international trade. I present a new theoretical framework for the study of individual preferences in international political economy, and test the empirical implications of the theory using observational data, an original survey experiment, and systematic analysis of open-ended survey responses. Specifically, I show: (1) that symbolic attitudes such a prejudice have a causal effect on trade preferences, independent of economic considerations; (2) that the effect of economic self-interest on trade preferences is contingent upon the strength of symbolic attitudes; and (3) that the trade preferences of cosmopolitan individuals are susceptible to the effect of subjective beliefs about the impact of trade on foreigners, providing the first evidence of foreign-regarding motivations in the context of trade opinion.Government
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Schalke, Thomas. "The Political Economy of Participation in the Euro: A Case Study of Italy and Germany." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1769.
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This thesis analyses the political economy of the decision of Italy and Germany to participate in the euro. The emphasis is on understanding the economic rationales employed in each country in support of euro membership.
For Italy, the central argument is that Italy outsourced monetary policy management to the ECB in order to delimit deficient domestic policy making and import German monetary credibility. This transferred the costs of monetary orthodoxy to Europe, and the thesis briefly examines places where we might observe those costs.
For Germany, the argument is that, out of respect for the national humiliation and shame of the Second World War, Germany shirked the possibility of unilaterally leading European monetary policy in favour of a European solution that suited German economic interests. German actors were aware of these economic benefits at the time.
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O'Neil, Kimberly. "Nuclear fusion: The political economy of technology in France and Germany." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/6737.
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Nemani, Frederick. "The historical origins of the formation of Iran's contemporary political economy." Thesis, London South Bank University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323904.
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Liebman, Benjamin H. "Three empirical studies on the political economy of U.S. trade protection /." view abstract or download file of text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3095259.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2003.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-106). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Ure, John. "The political economy of telecommunications in Hong Kong : information technologies and the management of change." Thesis, University of East London, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.304675.
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