Journal articles: 'International political communication'

1

VALENTINI, CHIARA. "Political communication in international settings." Journal of International Communication 14, no. 2 (January 2008): 102–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2008.9674735.

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DeNotto, Michael. "The international encyclopedia of political communication." Reference Reviews 31, no. 2 (February 20, 2017): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rr-10-2016-0252.

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Mishchenko, Alla, Inna Shevel, Daria Likarchuk, and Marina Shevchenko. "aspects of international communication." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S4 (November 23, 2021): 1895–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns4.1878.

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The article is intended to the analysis of geopolitical, conflict-related, strategic interests of Ukraine, which can be realized within the framework of the South vector of the state geopolitics through rational and pragmatic cooperation with the trans-regional leader of the region – Turkey. The purpose of the study is to identify priority areas of cooperation between Ukraine and Turkey in the Black Sea region for the effective implementation of geostrategic interests of Ukraine, and the regularity of development of systems in political defense of states during crises and modern military-political conflicts. The use of interdisciplinary approach and methods of analytical, comparative analysis made it possible to study and analyze the evolution of the value-ideological loads which dominate the implementation of Eastern or Western geopolitical vectors. The necessity to take into account political, social, and conflict-related imbalances and integration constraints revealed the pragmatic direction of the implementation of an equidistant foreign policy of a three-dimensional format which can be viewed as an alternative vector of bilateral cooperation with Turkey, a joint position with which will ensure accelerated development of Ukraine and will help avoid pressure from the European Union and the Russian Federation.

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Tormosheva, Vera. "INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 12, no. 4 (2018): 166–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2018-4-166-181.

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Vranjes, Aleksandar, and Zeljko Budimir. "International political communication and influence of information and communication technologies on contemporary international relations." ПОЛИТЕИА 7, no. 13 (2017): 128–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pol1713128v.

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Sosin, Gene. "Censorship and political communication." Studies in Comparative Communism 19, no. 2 (June 1986): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(86)90014-1.

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Shi-xu. "Understanding contemporary Chinese political communication." Journal of Language and Politics 11, no. 1 (March 22, 2012): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.1.05shi.

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In the international scholarship, Chinese political communication is usually viewed from a political-economic and West-centric perspective. Consequently, it is portrayed as a product of the Chinese Communist Party(‘s ideology), deviant, totalitarian and unchanging. In this article I first argue for a historical and intercultural approach and so a view of contemporary Chinese political discourse as dynamic, critical-creative and cultural-hegemony-resistant. Then I analyze and assess accordingly the case of the Chinese discourse of human rights. It will be seen that this discourse has been evolving topically, reinforcing socially, and responding interculturally, thereby constituting a historic transformation in China’s human rights situation on the one hand and a counter-veiling force in the unbalanced international communication on human rights on the other. In conclusion I suggest that the mainstream scholarship go beyond the a-historical-and-a-intercultural approach to political communication in general and to that of non-Western societies in particular.

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Tormosheva, V. S. "International communication in posrmodern political thought: theoretical aspect." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология, no. 3 (2016): 76–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2016-3-76-94.

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Kuchyk, Halyna, and Oleksandr Kuchyk. "Political Communication in Multilateral Diplomacy: Linguistic Dimension." Studies in Media and Communication 10, no. 3 (December 17, 2022): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v10i3.5843.

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Conceptual approaches to the study of the text as phenomenon are highlighted; its place and role in the communicative activity of the individual, social groups, state, international actors are determined. The peculiarities of political communication in the political and diplomatic activities of states in the international arena are analyzed. The importance of linguistics in diplomatic relations cannot be underestimated. Diplomatic etiquette and norms of the negotiation process significantly affect both the success of the process in international relations and the positions of the parties and their willingness to cooperate. The relevance of this study lies in the attraction of sources of different origin for a comprehensive analysis and processing of this little-studied aspect of international relations. The aim of the article is to analyze the issue of political text in political linguistics and its place in political communication within political and diplomatic activities of multilateral cooperation. The methodological basis of the research is a multidisciplinary approach, which includes both general and specific scientific research methods. The methodology is based on a systematic approach, which is to study the political text as a single system of interconnected elements (linguistic, communicative, discourse), which are characterized by interconnectedness and interdependence. This allows us to consider the text as a set of speech and writing activities to create a text as an element of communicative activity and the result of political communication, which creates a text as a result of the political willing of the state in the international arena.

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Nimmo, Dan, Robert E. Denton Jr., Bernard Rubin, and Gary C. Woodward. "Political Communication in America." American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (December 1986): 1344. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960889.

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Belozerov, V. K. "International Political Communication in The Context of Digitalization of World Development." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 2 (July 21, 2020): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-2-9.

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The article is dedicated to exploring the phenomenon of international political communication, changing in the context of world development digitalization. The logic of comprehension and sequence of material presentation stem from a number of circumstances. Firstly, the modern socio- political practice of responding to digitalization is characterized by fragmentation, discreteness and incompleteness. Nevertheless, digitalization is a real phenomenon that has a political dimension, and its manifestations, consequences and exposure perspectives need scientific understanding. Furthermore, the very international political communication remains understudied. The research on communication processes is focused mainly on the domestic sphere. Consequently, the content and direction of changes in the sphere of international political communication under the influence of digitalization are not fully evaluated by the scientific community.The methodological basis of the research is the theory of political communication and realism. The disclosure of the stated topic required the use of structural and functional analysis, document analysis, comparative analysis, and performance analysis. The author derives the definition of international political communication. Based on the study of specialized literature and available examples from practice, problem clusters of international political communication are being identified and characterized, some measures of response to digitalization are being proposed. In order to assess and understand the prospects for responding to the digitalization of international political communication, attention is paid to the study and comparison of the doctrinal documents of Russia, the USA, Germany and Austria. It is substantiated that changes in the practice of international political communication in the context of digitalization will increase.

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CONSTANTINOU, COSTAS M., OLIVER P. RICHMOND, and ALISON M. S. WATSON. "International Relations and the challenges of global communication." Review of International Studies 34, S1 (January 2008): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050800778x.

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We live in an interconnected, hyper-mediated world. A plethora of communications surrounds our everyday lives and polities, whilst new media and technologies have brought forth possibilities for, and ways of, communicating across space and time. Long-distance communication and travelling, the accelerated flow of information, ideas, images and sounds across national and other frontiers, the construction of multinational urban centres and global media corporations, the live broadcasting and commercialisation of major events and crises, the expansion of global advertising, spin and political marketing, and the advent of the Internet, have modified and complicated the reality of national, international and transnational relationships. This very collection of essays was made possible via the Internet to connect the Editors, based in different locations and while they were travelling. This is now the norm. Slightly more unusually, yet underlining the growing potential of this area, a workshop held at the University of St Andrews in November 2006 brought some of the contributors together both physically and virtually through the medium of Skype. Physical presence has long not been necessary in order to communicate, influence, or indeed, coerce.

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Sekhar, D. Varaprasad. "Book Reviews : International Communication." International Studies 40, no. 1 (February 2003): 101–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002088170304000111.

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Hintz, Arne. "Challenging the Digital Gatekeepers: International Policy Initiatives for Free Expression." Journal of Information Policy 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 128–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.2.2012.128.

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Abstract Can civil society interventions preserve openness on the Internet? Dr. Hintz presents an array of examples of successful policy advocacy for free and open communications, from both within and without formal structures. These are analyzed to show the technical, social, and political responses in resisting enclosures and restrictions on digital communications. The strategies, characteristics, and conditions of successful communications policy activism are laid out. The development of new legal proposals and legislative frameworks, along with participation in their construction, has been especially effective. While a broader collaborative approach has yet to emerge, civil society initiatives have in some cases successfully challenged attempts to curtail online communication, and initiated change towards more open communication environments.

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Jones, Timothy H. "Freedom of Political Communication in Australia." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 45, no. 2 (April 1996): 392–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300059042.

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In three important decisions,1 handed down on the same day in October 1994, the Australian High Court continued its exploration of the implied constitutional guarantee of freedom of political communication. Two years previously, in the judgments in Nationwide News Pty Ltd v. Wills2 and Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v. The Commonwealth,3 a majority of the High Court had distilled an implication of freedom of political communication from the provisions and structure of the Australian Constitution.4 This was not an implication of freedom of expression generally, since it was derived from the concept of representative government which the majority considered to be enshrined in the Constitution: “not all speech can claim the protection of the constitutional implication of freedom … identified in order to ensure the efficacious working of representative democracy and government”.5 The extent of this implied constitutional guarantee was left rather unclear, since a number of different views were expressed. As Justice Toohey has now explained,6 there were two possibilities. The first was a more limited “implied freedom on the part of the people of the Commonwealth to communicate information, opinions and ideas relating to the system of representative government”. The second was a rather more expansive “freedom to communicate in relation to public affairs and political matters generally”. In the recent trilogy of cases a majority of the High Court was prepared to endorse the second of these alternatives.7 In Cunliffe v. The Commonwealth Chief Justice Mason concluded that it would be too restrictive to limit the implied freedom to “communications for the purposes of the political processes in a representative democracy”.8

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Pipchenko, Nataliia. "TRANSFORMATION OF FOREIGN-POLICY COMMUNICATION OF THE EU, GERMANY, AND UKRAINE." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (13) (June 28, 2022): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2022-02-91-101.

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The study’s purpose is to critically analyse approaches to international communi- cation in the global environment and clarify the specifics of processes that char- acterize the asymmetry of foreign-policy communication because the contem- porary communication tools allow forming both a positive perception of foreign policy initiatives and a negative attitude of politicians or the world community toward foreign-policy actions. As a result, the research focuses on studying the transformation of the EU foreign-policy communication tools; analysing the practice of foreign-policy communications of Germany and Ukraine; detecting the impact of destructive communications on the image of the EU, Germany, and Ukraine in the international information space. The main conclusions of the research are such statements: the aggravation of Ukrainian-Russian relations has demonstrated an imbalance in the existing for- eign-policy orientations; the EU leaders rethought the political impact of supra- national formation on the contemporary system of international relations; Ger- many’s practice in foreign-policy communication concerns the preservation of the position as a world leader that is able to influence the solution of complex international political and security issues.

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Sharifian, Farzad. "Figurative language in international political discourse." Journal of Language and Politics 8, no. 3 (December 15, 2009): 416–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.3.04sha.

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Figurative language is used in all domains of communication, including political discourse. And since figurative language is largely socio-culturally constructed it presents a significant locus for misinterpretation or even manipulation when it collides with the realm of international politics. This paper presents an analysis of several cases of the use of figurative language in Iranian political discourse. For example, it shows how transposing a Persian metaphor onto an English metaphor has led to a conceptual shift. Given the potential risks involved in misconstruing political discourse internationally, the paper concludes by calling for additional systematic comparative studies with respect to other languages.

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Levchenko (Astashenkova), D. K. "INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT IN POLITICAL INTERNET COMMUNICATION: DISCOURSIVE DIMENSION OF CONFLICTOGENITY." Lviv Philological Journal, no. 11 (2022): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32447/2663-340x-2022-11.18.

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Stępińska, Agnieszka, Dorota Piontek, and Jakub Jakubowski. "METHODOLOGICAL CHALLENGES FOR INTERNATIONAL EMPIRICAL STUDIES ON POPULIST POLITICAL COMMUNICATION." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 56, no. 4 (December 31, 2017): 226–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.14.

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Turvey, Calum G., Benjamin Onyango, and William H. Hallman. "Political Communication and Agroterrorism." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 31, no. 10 (October 16, 2008): 947–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100802294273.

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Lilleker, Darren G. "Political communication and social theory." British Politics 5, no. 4 (December 2010): 549–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/bp.2010.22.

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Wheeler, Mark. "Key Concepts in Political Communication." British Politics 1, no. 3 (October 25, 2006): 429–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200032.

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Blumler, Jay G. "The third age of political communication." Journal of Public Affairs 1, no. 3 (August 2001): 201–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.66.

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Savigny, Heather. "Public Opinion, Political Communication and the Internet." Politics 22, no. 1 (February 2002): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00152.

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In contemporary society public opinion is generally mediated by the mass media, which has come to encompass the Habermasian ‘public sphere’. This arena is now characterised by the conflict between market and democratic principles, by competing interests of politicians and the media. The presentation of information for debate becomes distorted. The opinion of the ‘public’ is no longer created through deliberation, but is constructed through systems of communication, in conflict with political actors, who seek to retain control of the dissemination of information. The expansion of the internet as a new method of communication provides a potential challenge to the primacy of the traditional media and political parties as formers of public opinion.

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Puppis, Manuel, Martino Maggetti, Fabrizio Gilardi, Jan Biela, and Yannis Papadopoulos. "The Political Communication of Independent Regulatory Agencies." Swiss Political Science Review 20, no. 3 (July 28, 2014): 388–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12118.

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ALBERT, MATHIAS, OLIVER KESSLER, and STEPHAN STETTER. "On order and conflict: International Relations and the ‘communicative turn’." Review of International Studies 34, S1 (January 2008): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210508007791.

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AbstractThis article begins from the observation that while communication is a widely used catch-phrase in current IR theorising, the very concept of ‘communication’ is still mainly treated in terms of simple sender-receiver models which do not sufficiently elaborate how the insights of the ‘communicative turn’ can be made fruitful for IR theorising. The argument is developed in three steps. First – particularly drawing on the work of Karl W. Deutsch – we identify those pockets in IR theory, namely conflict studies and theories of ‘communicative action’, in which ‘communication’ plays a considerable theoretical role. Second, it is claimed that placing ‘communication’ at the centre of any theory of IR requires taking full account of the theoretical consequences of the ‘linguistic turn’. To develop this argument requires an examination of the often implicit notion of ‘communication’ in contemporary uses of speech act theory and symbolic interactionism in current IR theory. Such a move necessarily leads to the diagnosis that all social systems and orders of exchange, including international relations, are communicatively constituted. Finally, such a view enables a reconfiguration of the central problems of ‘order’ and ‘conflict’ in IR theory in an innovative fashion: while the problem of order can be restated not as the problem of establishing regularities and patterns but as a problem of disconnecting communications, the problem of conflict can be restated not as a problem of a disruption of communication but as a problem of continuing conflict communication.

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Antil, Anjuman, and Harsh V. Verma. "Metaphors, Communication and Effectiveness in Indian Politics." Journal of Creative Communications 15, no. 2 (February 23, 2020): 209–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973258619893806.

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The aim of this article is to give insights on the role and usage of metaphors in political communication. The article studies the use of conceptual metaphors by politicians in two different scenarios, namely election campaign and addresses of a prime minister to a global audience. Both these settings are important from political image building perspective. For studying political communication during election campaigns, we have examined the text of newspaper articles and social media handles of politicians. For analysing metaphors used while addressing an international audience, select speeches delivered abroad by Indian Prime Minister Modi have been studied. The analysis is carried out on the basis of Lakoff and Johnson’s Conceptual Metaphor Theory. For this, important metaphors are culled out and analysed, including POLITICS IS WAR, A POLITICIAN IS A WATCHMAN, WORLD IS COMMUNITY, WORLD IS FAMILY AND NATION IS PERSON.

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Yeriomyn, Mykola. "Prognostic function of audiovisual media in the analyses of international political communication." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 6 (December 17, 2018): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2018.6.123-135.

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The article dwells upon the original research on the subject of analyses of aspects of international political communication employing the prognostic function of audiovisual media. Shown is certain, lesser-studied effectiveness of creative approaches and «artistic filter» in the field of international political studies. Underlined are the problems and advantages of the use of narrative fiction audiovisual works as additional empirical sources in the research of international political processes.

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Biletska, Oksana, Valerii Lastovskyi, and Kostyantyn Semchynskyy. "Intercultural communication competence." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S4 (November 23, 2021): 1664–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns4.1874.

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The study outlines the role of intercultural communication as a crucial component of diplomats and international professionals’ training, which increases the effectiveness of interaction with representatives of different cultures in performing professional duties. Conditions of civilizational development, achievements of science, innovative technologies, requirements of public life, the priority of foreign policy activity have led to the deepening of people's and cultures’ interaction. Because of such interaction of both individuals and cultures, diplomatic relations between different states have gained a special status. The diplomatic relations are based on intercultural communication as a tool of international cooperation aimed at promoting foreign policy interests of different states, as well as ensuring international cooperation and developing long-term formal and informal ties between government institutions, international actors, diplomatic missions, and political leaders. All these cause the intensification of intercultural communication processes that become systemic. With the research methods being study, analysis, and generalization, the study was aimed at revealing the concept of intercultural communication competence as the diplomats and international affairs specialists’ ability to choose and implement a speech act depending on the goals and content of professional speech through language, as well as mastery of communication strategies and tactics.

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Lidberg, Johan. "The International Freedom of Information Index." Nordicom Review 30, no. 1 (June 1, 2009): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0145.

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Abstract During the past two decades, the number of countries that have enacted Freedom of Information (FOI) laws has increased dramatically. In many respects, FOI laws have become a democratic ‘right of passage’. No FOI, no ‘proper’ democracy. The promises of FOI regimes are far-reaching: extensive independent access to government-held information will lead to increased transparency, prevention of corruption and maladministration and greater public participation in the political process. But are these promises borne out by the practice of FOI? This article describes a study that tracked a number of real-life FOI requests in five countries. The project puts forward a prototype for the first International Freedom of Information Index, ranking the five countries of study on how their FOI regimes function in practice. In conclusion, the paper suggest that the FOI Index should be expanded to cover all 65 plus countries that have implemented FOI laws. It is argued that such an index could play an important role in furthering some of the core properties of liberal democracy: transparency, political accountability and good governance.

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Walker, Lee Demetrius. "Communication Inefficiencies and Research Validity in International Studies." International Studies Review 22, no. 2 (March 3, 2020): 236–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa015.

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Abstract In this essay, I propose that a focus on research validity can improve communications among scholars of international studies who use a variety of methodological approaches because validity as a unifying standard allows for greater flexibility of methodological and empirical approaches to theoretical concepts. Social science disciplines have recently been more concerned with replication and transparency as the standards by which social science research is measured and valued. I apply transparency, replication, and validity to five identified inefficiencies in international studies communication and an examination of judicial independence/international studies research. This application indicates that validity is the more useful standard in that it addresses four of the five communication inefficiencies. Linking validity to advancing causal inference research, creating incentives for multimethod research teams, and improving social science communication to the lay public can also facilitate communication among international studies scholars.

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Yeromin, M. B. "UNIVERSAL CODES IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL COMMUNICATION: SPECIFIC CASE OF AUDIOVISUAL MEDIA." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 4(40) (December 10, 2018): 32–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2018.4(40).194045.

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Fortner, Robert S. "Technological, political, and economic prospects for DBS‐audio in international communication." Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 32, no. 2 (March 1988): 183–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08838158809386693.

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Drescher, David. "A typology of international political communication: Factual statements, propaganda, and noise." Political Communication 4, no. 2 (January 1987): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584609.1987.9962811.

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Djelantik, Sukawarsini. "POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC OPINION: A STUDY OF JOKOWI’S INDONESIA." Journal of Media Critiques 2, no. 8 (December 17, 2016): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17349/jmc116210.

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Atwood, L. Erwin, and Ann Marie. "Applying Situational Communication Theory to an International Political Problem: Two Studies." Journalism Quarterly 68, no. 1-2 (March 1991): 200–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909106800122.

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TSYBAKOV, D. L. "DEVELOPMENT OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL COMMUNICATIONS IN ORDER TO STRENGTHEN THE COLLECTIVE SECURITY OF THE CSTO." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 16, no. 2 (2021): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2021-16-2-155-163.

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The article is devoted to the use of the potential of international political communi-cations in the process of strengthening the collective security of the Collective Se-curity Treaty Organization at the beginning of the XXI century. It is proved that in the course of the growth of military-political expansionism in the near abroad of Russia, the use of political communication technologies in the form of "soft power" and "public diplomacy"is being revised. There is a transition to imperative forms of international political communication, which creates challenges and threats to Russian interests in the information and communication and humanitarian spheres. Russia needs to reorient its political communication system to actively educate the civil communities and governments of the CIS countries about the role of the CSTO as a guarantor of international stability in the post-Soviet space.

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Hartig, Falk. "Political slogans as instruments of international government communication – the case of China." Journal of International Communication 24, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2018.1444664.

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Volodenkov, Sergey, and Sergey Fedorchenko. "Subjectness of Digital Communication in the Context of the Technological Evolution of the Contemporary Society: Threats, Challenges, and Risks." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 14 (December 29, 2021): 437–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.25.

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The purpose of this article is to identify the risks, threats, and challenges associated with possible social changes in the processes of digitalization of society and transformations of traditional communication practices, which is associated with the emergence of new digital subjects of mass public communication that form the pseudo structure of digital interaction of people. The primary tasks of the work were to identify the potential of artificial intelligence technologies and neural networks in the field of social and political communications, as well as to analyze the features of “smart” communications in terms of their subjectness. As a methodological optics, the work used the method of discourse analysis of scientific research devoted to the implementation and application of artificial intelligence technologies and self-learning neural networks in the processes of social and political digitalization, as well as the method of critical analysis of current communication practices in the socio-political sphere. At the same time, when analyzing the current digitalization practices, the case study method was used. The authors substantiate the thesis that introducing technological solutions based on artificial intelligence algorithms and self-learning neural networks into contemporary processes of socio-political communication creates the potential for a wide range of challenges, threats, and risks, the key of which is the problem of identifying the actual subjects of digital communication acts. The article also discusses the problem of increasing the manipulative potential of “smart” communications, for which the authors used the concepts of cyber simulacrum and information capsule developed by them. The paper shows that artificial intelligence and self-learning neural network algorithms, being increasingly widely introduced into the current practice of contemporary digital communications, form a high potential for information and communication impact on the mass consciousness from technological solutions that no longer require control by operators – humans. As a result, conditions arise to form a hybrid socio-technical reality – a communication reality of a new type with mixed subjectness. The paper also concludes that in the current practices of social interactions in the digital space, a person faces a new phenomenon – interfaceization, within which self-communication stimulates the universalization and standardization of digital behavior, creating, disseminating, strengthening, and imposing special digital rituals. In the article, the authors suggest that digital rituals blur the line between the activity of digital avatars based on artificial intelligence and the activity of actual people, resulting in the potential for a person to lose his own subjectness in the digital communications space.

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Winseck, Dwayne. "Contradictions in the democratization of international communication." Media, Culture & Society 19, no. 2 (April 1997): 219–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344397019002006.

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Dijkzeul, Dennis, and Markus Moke. "Public communication strategies of international humanitarian organizations." International Review of the Red Cross 87, no. 860 (December 1, 2005): 673–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383100184504.

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AbstractThe article studies the public communication strategies of large humanitarian NGOs as well as UN organizations with regard to the humanitarian principles. It shows that different strategies concerning impartiality vs. solidarity and independence vs. subcontracting cause a wide diversity of humanitarian positions, which lead to different types of public communication strategies. It also discusses several recent trends and three scenarios concerning humanitarian public communication, focusing on interaction with donors and the military, as well as the security situation on the ground. The article concludes that it is essential for humanitarian organizations to understand the different interpretations of the humanitarian principles and that this will help in establishing a strategic approach toward public communication at headquarters, as well as in the field.

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Knight, Alan. "The political gorilla and the Pacific Forum: Getting it right?" Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 11, no. 2 (September 1, 2005): 170–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v11i2.1060.

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Fiji's Prime Minister, Laisenia Qarase, has often complained of 'inaccuracy, misinformation, distortion and bias' in reporting the Pacific region. Yet there is more to 'getting it right' than accurately reporting Qarase's facts. What of journalists' unstated cultures and conventions which frame international news so that international reporting of Pacific events may bear little resemblance to community priorities? Are the resulting perceptions of misinformation and distortion created by differing national agendas, corporate interests, cultural assumptions or even lingering colonial prejudices? This article examines Australian press reporting of the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) summit meeting held in Samoa in August 2004 and compares it to that of the Pacific and New Zealand regional press. Reporters' and editors' views are contextualised with the official communiqué issued at the end of the conference.

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Enghel, Florencia. "Towards a Political Economy of Communication in Development?" Nordicom Review 36, s1 (July 7, 2020): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2015-0026.

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AbstractIn the development communication equation, whether more theoretical, empirical and analytical attention is given to ‘development’ or to ‘communication’ makes a difference: where the emphasis is on development, it is at the expense of communication. Since communication and media arguably play an increasingly pervasive role in the everyday life of citizens and in the politics, economies and governance of most societies, the characteristics and role of specific forms of applied communication strategies in the context of the neoliberal project merit critical scrutiny. Given a complex global scenario, what can a political economy approach bring into an agenda for the future of development communication as a field of study, a practice and an institutional project? This article outlines ways in which a focus on political economy dimensions may contribute to understanding the obstacles and limits to a transformative practice of international development communication.

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Artz, Lee. "Political Power and Political Economy of Media: Nicaragua and Bolivia." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (January 14, 2016): 166–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341382.

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The apparent democratic shift unfolding in Latin America, from Venezuela and Bolivia to Ecuador and Nicaragua has been quite uneven. Public access to media provides one measurement of the extent to which social movements have been able to alter the relations of power. In nations where working classes, indigenous peoples, women, youth, and diverse ethnic groups have mobilized and organized constituent assemblies and other social and political organizations, political economies of radical democratic media have been introduced, communicating other progressive national policies for a new cultural hegemony of solidarity. Moments of rupture caused by social movements have introduced new social and political norms challenging capitalist cultural hegemony across the continent, with deep connections between media communication and social power revealed in every case. Public access to media production and distribution is a key indicator of democratic citizen participation and social transformation. Those societies that have advanced the farthest towards 21st century socialism and participatory democracy have also established the most extensive democratic and participatory media systems. These media reach far beyond community and alternative media forms to become central to an emerging hegemonic discourse advocating social transformation and working class power. Community media in Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Ecuador demonstrate how radical political power can encourage mass working class participation, including acquiring and using mass communication for social change and social justice.

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SOGUK, NEVZAT. "Transversal communication, diaspora, and the Euro-Kurds." Review of International Studies 34, S1 (January 2008): 173–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210508007857.

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AbstractThe International Relations discipline (IR) has been uniquely resistant to practices and knowledges aimed at broadening the horizons of IR’s subjects. The discipline has worked to incarcerate its subjects in a location of analysis – spatially Cartesian and politically state-oriented – conditioned to ignore the transnational and transversal formations that have become central to politics. However, this disciplining has also engendered counter-movements pressuring the well-rehearsed disciplinary horizons. This article explores such movements through the Kurdish diaspora in Europe. It regards Kurdish diasporic formations as transversal practices that communicate against the disciplinary boundaries imposed upon the political imagination through traditional IR.

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Bigi, Alessandro. "Viral political communication and readability: an analysis of an Italian political blog." Journal of Public Affairs 13, no. 2 (May 2013): 209–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.1476.

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Ahn, T. K., Robert Huckfeldt, Alexander K. Mayer, and John Barry Ryan. "Expertise and Bias in Political Communication Networks." American Journal of Political Science 57, no. 2 (February 25, 2013): 357–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2012.00625.x.

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Nikci Rexha, Elmire. "Factors for shaping the organizational views and leadership practices of Ibrahim Rugova." Technium Social Sciences Journal 30 (April 9, 2022): 567–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v30i1.6161.

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Analyzing the unique figure of the scholar, writer, politician and diplomat, as well as the key views of the former President of Kosovo Dr. Ibrahim Rugova expressed during the leadership of the political process of state-building in Kosovo. Through this paper I aimed to present the role of political communication as well as leadership in the defining leadership of the masses. Studying the leadership, charisma and political and public communication of Dr. Rugova, we encounter an essential difference in political and public communication between President Rugova and prominent world leaders throughout history. A great deal of space is occupied by the communication of his political and programmatic vision through political doctrine and active peaceful resistance. From the multidimensional treatment of the Rugova leadership elaborated through political-public communication, unique leadership and pragmatism in leading the unfolding of his program vision, he managed to convince the local and international public to be sensitized with his mission. The strategy of political leadership, treated through the prism of public and political communication, highlights a unique doctrine for the realization of the right to self-determination, and the creation of political and state identity. This political doctrine can be defined as "fighting the negative will of the enemy", which is a long-term intellectual war that requires intellectual patience, restrained and coordinated action, and constructive knowledge.

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Mikhal'kov, Gleb Mikhailovich. "EFFECT OF ABSURD IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE (BY THE EXAMPLE OF INTERNATIONAL COMMUNICATION)." Historical, Philosophical, Political and Law Sciences, Culturology and Study of Art. Issues of Theory and Practice, no. 2 (March 2018): 69–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/manuscript.2018-2.17.

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Albert, G. Yu, and A. V. Reznik. "THE FOUNDATION OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL IN SOVIET POLITICAL COMMUNICATION, 1917-1919." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4 (2019): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2019-4-157-167.

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Journal articles on the topic 'International political communication'

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