Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'International political communication'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: International political communication.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'International political communication.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
McKee, Erin Leigh. "Conflict-Conditioned Communication: A Case Study of Communicative Relations between the United States and Iran from 2005-2008." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/264.
Full textAbstract:
In protracted international conflicts, truth is often sacrificed in the name of victory. Political realists see international politics as a competition to win power, retain power, and demonstrate power; misleading the enemy in the name of strategy and misleading the public in the name of security are necessary elements of the game. A less obvious condition is that those caught in the cycle of intergroup conflict also withhold truths from themselves. This denial of truth and reality--to the Other, to the public, and to the self--is especially prevalent in the communicative relationship between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study explores the communicative relationship between the United States and Iran via mass media with a particular focus on propaganda as "natural." The literature review explains how conflict-conditioned communication grows and operates within the context of intergroup conflict, including the significance of globalization and information technology. The communicative relationship between the United States and Iran is used as a case study to explore conflict-conditioned communication. A snapshot of the U.S.-Iran communicative relationship was taken from May 1, 2005 - May 1, 2008. Articles from three print and online media sources were combed and analyzed for examples and patterns of conflict-conditioned communication. The method is based on an approach to understanding conflict-conditioned communication that was developed by Dr. Harry Anastasiou, a conflict resolution professional and educator. The method additionally utilizes the work of Dr. William O. Beeman, an expert on misperceptions between the United States and Iran. The conflict-conditioned communicative relationship between the United States and Iran shows how legitimate concerns and human needs are filtered through collective psychology, history, and national identity and absorbed into misperceptions. These misperceptions are perpetuated through propaganda and lead to unyielding political positions. The dual phenomena of globalization and advanced information technology amplify these unyielding political positions by spreading propagandized misperceptions faster and farther than ever before. As the United States and Iran become more entrenched in unyielding political positions, communication reduces to competing systems of propaganda, thus making peaceful conflict resolution less likely.
2
El, Hashash Mohammed. "Rationalization of Terrorization: Analytical Investigation into the Israeli-Palestinian Political Communication (2008-2009)." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28925.
Full textAbstract:
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been a contributing factor to Middle East instability for the last six decades. Both Israelis and Palestinians have practiced terrorization against one another and more so, have engaged in the rationalization of terrorization to justify their desired goals. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the political communication through which Israelis and Palestinians have used tools to rationalize their acts of terrorization. Drawing on Hobbes's (1985) rationality, James' (1971) morality legitimacy on conflict and diplomacy, and Dilthey's (Hodges, 1974; Ermarth, 1978; De Mul, 2004) critique of historic reason, this thesis looks into modern theories of classical political realism (Morgenthau, 2006), rational actor and bounded rationality decision-making (Snyder & Diesing, 1977), Orientalism (Said, 1994), Occidentalism (Buruma & Avishai, 2005), cultural representation (Hall, 1997a), and state and non-state terrorism (Jaggar, 2005) in order to investigate the Israeli-Palestinian political communication during the Gaza War of 2008-2009 and the subsequent release of the Goldstone Report. This thesis utilizes quantitative and qualitative online media content analysis as a methodological design with historical-comparative components through which a sample of the Israel Defense Forces, the Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center, and Arutz Sheva (Israel) as well as the Ezzedeen Al Qassam Brigades, the Palestine News Network, and The Palestine Telegraph (Palestine) has been selected. Findings explore the components of the decision-making processes by both adversaries in order to politically communicate their rationalization of terrorization of one another. These components demonstrate the different decision-making processes of each adversary in selecting strategies of rationalization (e.g., Israelis rationalize in order to defend themselves from eight years of Hamas rocket fire into Israel, while Palestinians rationalize as a means of seeking sympathetic support for their cause---with each adversary using different tools and tactics), resulting in unique patterns that can be applied to future instances of Israeli-Palestinian rationalization of terrorization.
3
Pak, Elena. ""When the President Says 'Democracy'": Examining the Relationship Between Presidential Discourse and Democritizatsiia in Kazakhstan." TopSCHOLAR®, 2005. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/471.
Full textAbstract:
Many expected that the fall of Soviet communism would result in the democratization of its successor states. The majority of the post-Soviet republics announced democracy as their new way of development; however, very few have evolved into democratization processes. Kazakhstan's democratization has resulted in the formation of authoritative presidentialism, though with limited liberalization (Cummings, 2002, p. 9). Kazakhstan has neither established the anomalous democracy as its most influential neighbor in Eastern Europe, Russia, nor has become the extreme sultanism like its Central Asian fellow, Turkmenistan. According to Cummings (2002), Kazakhstan has shaped "a hybrid, transitional regime of part-authoritarianism" (p. 5). Although the political system has not proved to be democratic, Kazakhstan underwent through distinctive changes of "transitional regime." Scholars have applied various approaches to study a transition of post-communist states. Analyzing political speeches and discourse, linguists and rhetoricians have contributed in a general field of political science, but they have practically disregarded post-Soviet area. Scholars in political science have addressed democratizatsiia in Central Asia from different angles (Cummings, 2002; Dawisha & Parrott, 1997a; Olcott, 1995). The traditional perspective, which examines the fairness of presidential and political elections, the government-media relationships, and human rights, has received their closest attention (Dawisha & Parrott, 1997a). Olcott (1995; 1997) has thoroughly observed the political transition in Kazakhstan specifically by providing a full overview of the political and social structure of the republic. Scholars have never studied democratizatsiia in Central Asia from communication lenses. Specifically, no study on the presidential discourses and their connection with the democratization process in Central Asia exists so far. This study examines the relationship between democratizatsiia in Kazakhstan and the political discourse of its president, Nursultan Nazarbaev. I consider the dynamic of presidential discourse development as an indicator of transitional changes in the political regime of Kazakhstan. This work addresses the questions, what is the relationship between presidential discourse and democratizatsiia in Kazakhstan? This thesis asks: What role does presidential discourse play in the republic's transition from the Soviet totalitarian system? Does the discourse of Nazarbaev reveal the real political situation of the country? From the standpoint of the discourse, is Kazakhstan moving toward or away from democracy? I discuss these issues through content analysis of Nazarbaev's speeches form 1984 to present. The thesis seeks to discover whether the governmental discourse of rule has changed over decades of democratizatsiia since the independence. The study of the presidential discourse complements the previous research on democratizatsiia in Kazakhstan and helps in better understanding the political situation of this country.
4
Tarter, Lynne E. "Face, speech, and other concerns of global business communication." Thesis, Gonzaga University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1535547.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to explore global leadership communication competencies, as the communicative knowledge, skills and abilities of current business leaders do not meet the current sophisticated and fast-paced business demands of the interconnected global marketplace. Specifically, this study examines what attributes comprise communication competency for corporate leaders with global responsibilities, how those competencies are developed, and finally the impact the competencies have on organizations. A qualitative field study was conducted with two global leaders from two different regions of the world as they interacted with others from different cultures. A separate quantitative survey was administered to 95 global leaders from North America, Asia, Europe and Latin America. Findings from a review of the literature combined with the correlation of these two studies are as follows: (a) virtual communication efficacy may be greatly enhanced when the terms and conditions associated with non-verbal clues is deliberate and modeled by leadership; (b) foreign language competency is deemed more important by global leaders outside of North America, but all respondents report general dissatisfaction with the corporate support of foreign language competency; (c) the concept of facework, and its associated competencies, are key to working across borders but awareness and understanding of this concept is very low. The findings of this study demonstrate a business case for building global leadership communicative competency with new skills, in new ways, for new demands in the face-paced and interconnected business environment.
5
Logie, André N. "Legal implications of mobile communication systems in Low Earth Orbits (LEOs)." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=27458.
Full textAbstract:
The world of telecommunications has dramatically evolved these last few years. With the wind of liberalization blowing, private companies are playing a new role in an area where monopolistic public entities had always imposed their rules. New technologies are now opening broad perspectives which were even not forecast a few years ago. In only ten years, mobile communication systems have witnessed three different technologies and are now integrating the latest concept, satellite mobile communications called S-PCS (Satellite Personal Communication Systems, which is the faculty of being contacted at anytime, anywhere).New players are emerging from the United States and tend to impose their predominance to the world. With the award of a licence to operate by the Federal Communications Commission to them, three US companies have gained a headstart, which only one non-US company, Inmarsat ICO, seems capable to challenge. However, in order to achieve the global communications era of S-PCS, they will have to overcome implementation barriers such as the authorization to operate on a worldwide basis.
Countries are not ready yet to relinquish their sovereignty on telecommunications and each company will have to be licensed in each country to be able to provide their service.
If they can implement these new technologies, the new systems will definitely dominate the international mobile communication era for the next ten years.
6
Rodgers, Francis Jayne. "Gendered political spaces in international relations : the case of NGO use of information & communication technologies (ICTs)." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/362/.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis contributes to evolving debates on spatial theorising in the discipline of International Relations (IR). It argues that spatial interpretation in the discipline is both gendered, through its focus on public institutions of politics, and state-centric, through a neo/Realist hegemony of ideas in its discourse. These discursive parameters are argued to impose limitations on the study of transnational phenomena, and the thesis therefore develops a framework for analysis apposite to research into political activity that is not state-centred. This analytical frarnework is based initially upon the work of Henri Lefebvre, and identifies three categories of analysis: spatial practice, representations of space and space of representation. In this respect the thesis introduces a form of spatial methodology to the discipline. The thesis argues that these categories provide a more flexible model for analysis of complex interactions in the international arena than extant approaches in the discipline can provide, by permitting examination of political activity at the level of agency. The spatial categories are applied to two transnational phenomena of relevance to the discipline: the international political practices of non-governmental organizations(NGOs), and their use of information and communications technologies (ICTs). A survey of the use of ICT's by Amnesty International, Christian Aid, Friends of the Earth, the Institute for Journalism in Transition and Oxfam is undertaken. The thesis then analyses the use of ICTs as a political tool by these organizations, using spatial theories as a framework. The application of spatial theories as a methodological approach aims to extend the discursive parameters of the discipline by introducing a less gendered, more flexible analytical model, appropriate to research into complex political practices.
7
Alleyne, Mark D. "The political economy of international communication in North-South relations : a case study of the New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO) debate c. 1970 - c. 1987." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315948.
Full text
8
Strong, James. "More spinn'd against than spinning? : public opinion, political communication, and Britain's involvement in the 2003 invasion of Iraq." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/516/.
Full textAbstract:
When Tony Blair took Britain to war in Iraq in 2003, he overruled vociferous opposition from both the wider public and members of his own governing party. Public opinion was exercised by the issue on a vast scale. Over one million marched in London against the war. Opinion polls uniformly showed majority opposition to the use of force. Newspapers, the engine of media debate in this country, mostly attacked the government line, and encouraged their readers to protest or even, in one case, to rebel. The story of Iraq, however, is not simply one of an ideological or misguided premier dragging the entire nation to battle against its will. It is not simply one of ‘spin’, dossiers, Alastair Campbell, and Weapons of Mass Destruction. Much of the debate, and much of the hostility it generated, focused on areas that foreign policy analysts would consider peripheral; the domestic political consequences of war, the role of ‘spin doctors’ in the assessment of intelligence, and the question of whether the Prime Minister’s (successful) efforts to build a strong alliance with the world’s last superpower had transformed him into the President’s ‘poodle’. Interactions between ministers and the media were conditioned on both sides by an intimidating array of structural pressures. Diplomatic and journalistic calculations often clashed, trapping the government in the middle of an immensely complex ‘multi-level game’. News management influenced substantive foreign policy just as policy influenced news management, and the media arguably affected both, albeit often indirectly. The substance and the communication of the decision to go to war proved to be inseparable, both in the course of decision-making, and in their later retrospective assessment. Public Opinion, broadly defined, had a significant impact on British foreign policy at this time. Crucially, however, this impact operated through political communication mechanisms usually ignored by FPA.
9
Scraggs, Emily Anne. "The use of social science knowledge at the United States Agency for International Development." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313027.
Full text
10
Corum, Jennifer. "People Like Me : Analyzing Universal Themes of the Holocaust Through a Culture-Specific Lens." TopSCHOLAR®, 2007. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/249.
Full textAbstract:
Sustained academic and popular interest in the Holocaust depends largely on the ability of educators to communicate its universality. At Holocaust memorials around the world, educators make strategic rhetorical choices in pursuit of this imperative. However, as communicators present narratives, documentation, and visual rhetoric at memorials, they filter each message through a unique cultural lens. This unavoidable human tendency raises questions concerning the degree to which culture shapes Holocaust narratives. Given that Holocaust memorials may offer pivot insights into modern and future genocides, cultural influences on Holocaust rhetoric seem worthy of renewed evaluation. Burke's dramatistic pentad provides a valuable tool with which a scholar can evaluate the rhetoric at Holocaust memorials. The pentad preserves unique facets of the communication acts, enabling a rhetor to identify differences between the memorials, while providing a universally applicable framework through which to view the memorials. This pentadic analysis reveals that Holocaust memorials address many of the same universal questions. The answers to these questions, however, depend on the culture surrounding the memorial. Such a finding seems to indicate that a global event such as the Holocaust will stimulate the same questions in citizens across a variety of cultures, but that citizens will reach different conclusions about the event based on the influences of their culture.
11
Yug, Elliott D. "The legal implications of low earth orbit (LEO) : constellations of communication satellites." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22707.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores some of the legal implications of communication satellite constellations in Low Earth Orbit (LEO), specifically the satellite systems that plan to provide Personal Communication Services (PCS). The thesis begins with a brief history of long distance communications and their evolution from wire systems to space-based technology; the types of service providers and users are also indicated. Next, some of the perceived shortcomings of the current telecommunications technology are examined and suggestions are made as to how they could be overcome by LEO-based PCS satellites. The legal requirements, national and international, that need to be met to secure interference-free operation of these satellites and services are explored. Also some of the risks and potential liability producing events are discussed, as well as ways of dealing with them. The thesis concludes that LEO-based communication satellite constellations are feasible, both technically and legally, provided that the relevant legal and technical issues are resolved before the deployment of these systems.
12
Junas, Povilas. "Emergence of self-ruling mass media in international relations." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110606_114008-36457.
Full textAbstract:
Independence and liberty of cyberspace enabled inception of new kind mass media. Internet based news organization no longer needed to obey national laws and acknowledge states' superiority in international political communication. News organizations, like Google, Facebook, Twitter, Wikileaks, etc., have emerged as mighty actors in the international communicative activities. They are being driven by self-interests, which not necessary conform sovereign states' interests. The development of new kind mass media are not being determined by national laws or other offline rules. This study determined the role of self-ruling mass media in the international political communication. Also, this work showed that emergence of new kind mass media have caused substantial decline of sovereign states' power in international political communication.Liberalus, atviras ir decentralizuotas internatas – erdvė, kurioje vystoji naujos rūšies masinio informavimo priemonės. Jos yra nepavaldžios nacionalinių valstybių vyriausybėms ir veikia skatinamos savų interesų. Google, Wikileaks, Facebook, Twitter ir kitos netradicinės internatinės žiniasklaidos organizacijos tapo įtakingomis ir galingomis veikėjomis tarptautinės politinės komunikacijos procese. Jos vystosi ne pagal valstybių sukurtas taisyklės, tačiau pagal savas. Jos yra pirmos viršvalstybinės naujienų agentūros. Šis tyrimas atskleidė savivaldžių žiniasklaidos organizacijų vaidmenį ir galią tarptautinėje politinėje komunikacijoje. Taip pat tyrimas parodė, kad naujo tipo žiniasklaidos iškilimas lėmė valstybių galios tarptautinėje politinėje komunikacijoje mažėjimą.
13
Sun, Kang. "Translation in China as a Form of Technical Communication: Rethinking Social Roles of Technical Communication in the Current Political and Economic Contexts in China." Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1122304773.
Full text
14
Lee, Denise Kelley. "Structural power, hegemony and the global political economy : a study of the International Telecommunication Union and the direct broadcasting by satellite debate." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359579.
Full text
15
Kaiser, Stefan. "Legal implications of satellite based communication navigation and surveillance systems for civil aviation." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22385.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis deals with the legal problems arising from the introduction of satellite based communication, navigation and surveillance systems for civil aviation. The technical innovations are asking for an international institutional implementation, which has not yet started.After a brief look at the technical aspects of the new systems (Chapter II), existing institutional arrangements of international satellite systems, air-navigation infrastructure and air traffic control are outlined (Chapter III). A legal analysis presents the obstacles and alternatives future institutional arrangements will be confronted with, and leads to a definition of the institutional problem (Chapter IV).
The core of the thesis is a proposal for regional intergovernmental organizations, which coordinate the operation of aeronautical satellite communications and air traffic control as an intermediary between the States and service providers (Chapter V). Among other problems financing, user charges, and liability are discussed. Legal problems of navigation systems are discussed on the base of the emerging global systems (Chapter VI).
16
Zajácz, Rita. "Technological change, hegemonic transition and communication policy State-MNC relations in the wireless telegraph industry, 1896--1934 /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3195577.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 2006.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-11, Section: A, page: 3852. Adviser: Herbert A. Terry. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 10, 2006).
17
Bonn, Georg. "Communication Flow, Information Exchange and Their Impact on Human Rights Violations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277910/.
Full textAbstract:
Although international human rights declarations exist, violations of human rights are still sad but also common facts around the world. But for repressive regimes, it becomes more and more difficult to hide committed human rights violations, since society entered the "Information Revolution." This study argues that the volume of international information exchanged influences a country's human rights record. A pooled cross sectional time series regression model with a lagged endogenous variable and a standard robust error technique is used to test several hypotheses. The findings of this study indicate that the flow of information can be related to a country's human rights index. The study also suggests that more empirical work on this topic will be necessary.
18
Park, Youn Jung. "The political economy of country code top level domains." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available, full text:, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
Full text
19
Campbell, Joshua Michael. "How Information and Communication Security Technologies Affect State Power." Malone University Undergraduate Honors Program / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ma1462540876.
Full text
20
Wolf-Monteiro, Brenna. "Consuming Justice: Exploring Tensions Between Environmental Justice and Technology Consumption Through Media Coverage of Electronic Waste, 2002-2013." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22618.
Full textAbstract:
The social and environmental impacts of consumer electronics and information communications technologies (CE/ICTs) reflect dynamics of a globalized and interdependent world. During the early 21st century the global consumption of CE/ICTs expanded greatly while the infrastructure behind CE/ICTs, especially the extraction and disassembly phases, became more integrated. This dissertation examines how messages about the social and environmental impacts of CE/ICTs changed during this period and explores the discursive power of actors involved in environmental justice campaigns surrounding the disposal and disassembly of electronic waste (e-waste).
The dissertation reports the results of a mixed methods investigation of twelve years of media coverage of e-waste through quantitative content analysis and qualitative document analysis. The analysis examined almost 800 articles from eleven media outlets between 2002 – 2013 and explored differences between legacy media coverage (e.g. The New York Times, USA Today) and coverage from digital news outlets focused on technology (e.g. Ars Technica, CNET, Gizmodo).
When the story of e-waste began to gain traction in media outlets, the haze of commodity fetishism cleared for a brief moment and the social relations of exploitation behind the wonders of technology were included in media narratives. While the media coverage about e-waste initially examined environmental justice issues of pollution and labor exploitation, the coverage evolved into focusing on the technical and business solutions to managing the environmental problems and the growth of a private sector profiting from mineral reclamation through electronics recycling.
21
Smathers, Heidi L. "Open Fire: A Portrait of Gun Control in U.S. and International Newspaper Articles after the 2011 Arizona Mass Shooting." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1443.
Full textAbstract:
This research sought to explore media framing theory, first introduced by Erving Goffman, which asserts that the media portray certain items in a way that affects awareness, salience and tone of those items. There has long been debate about media framing especially as it pertains to the framing of violent events. Mass shootings are of particular interest because of the graphic and often senseless nature of the crime. This study looked particularly at the 2011 Tucson, Arizona mass shooting.
A content analysis of articles between February 7, 2010, and November 8, 2011, was conducted to explore media framing of gun control after the Tucson, Arizona mass shooting involving U. S. Representative Gabrielle Giffords.
Results showed an equal amount of articles with a negative or neutral tone, with the tone shifting to being more frequently neutral after the shooting. The topic shifted toward legislation, adding further support to media framing theory. These findings have impacts for media and public relations.
22
Mohlin, Henrik, and Fazila Muratovic. "Crossing borders despite conflict : The role of communication routes." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1419.
Full textAbstract:
Can cross-border interaction: interpersonal, economic, and otherwise, help ease relations between neighbouring political entities facing conflicts of interest and other differences?
1. How and why are border crossing communication routes created and maintained?
2. Under what circumstances are they used and how?
3. In what ways do they alter the conditions of a conflict between the parties that they link?
4. How do governments relate to the communication route and in what ways do they fit it into their policies?
Seeking to reconcile the theories of the international system advanced by Hedley Bull and John W. Burton, we conduct a comparative case study, based on contemporary media and scholarship, of the situations regarding Senegal and the Gambia, as well as the two de facto (if not de jure) republics of Cyprus to answer these questions. Having sought to estimate the causes and effects of border crossing, we find that host factors, in particular divergent economies and the utilization of international partners, may in fact come to stem from the issues of border-crossing activity and contribute to complicating existing conflicts rather than resolve them.
23
Tsagkroni, Vasiliki. "Political communication in perspective : identifying the message of radical right parties in Europe during the first decade of the 21st century : a comparative case study." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/9026.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis aims primarily to analyse the communication strategies of radical right parties. More specifically, the research examines three cases of radical right parties in Western Europe during the first decade of the twenty-first century with particular emphasis on the political communication along with marketing and branding techniques used to engage with the electorate to gain and maintain electoral support. These case studies comprise the Greek Popular Orthodox Rally (LA.O.S.), the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) and the Italian National Alliance (AN). Different forms of content analysis are used in order to pinpoint the characteristics that identify the parties as members of the radical right family. Through this approach the thesis provides evidence that the parties, in their effort to become more appealing to their audiences, avoid direct engagement with issues, which reflect traditional ideological tenets of the radical right issues such as fascism, racism or xenophobia. Rather, they attempt to present a more mainstream and competitive profile in the political arena. From a market-oriented perspective, the thesis addresses questions on marketing and related explanations which focus both on how the parties choose to communicate with the electorate, what is their message and, through comparative analysis, whether there are similarities in communication techniques among the three parties and whether it can be argued that parties in the radical right family project a common profile in terms of their communication strategies. Furthermore, the application of such an approach to the use of political communication techniques of the selected radical right parties can contribute to a wider understanding of how the concept of ‘consumption’ has come to be applied increasingly in activities undertaken in the political arena.
24
Coson, Murniz Allen Vasay. "The Interaction of Political Capacity and Economic Growth to Attract Foreign Direct Investments at the Provincial Levels of Developing Countries." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/16.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation will explore how developing provinces within countries attract foreign direct investment. The policy implication to this study is important because it could account for the uneven distribution of growth in developing countries that so frequently leads to dual economies. To attract foreign direct investments, provincial governments compete among themselves trying to appeal to international investors. There is consensus in the economic development literature that both economic and political variables interact to advance a nation's economy. The ability for a country to provide a free market economy to exchange goods and ideas makes the environment more favorable for investors, hence it makes sense to focus on institutions that can attract FDI if the government is committed to developing its economy and compete in the global market. Political factors serves as an important component of strengthening a country's economy. Political variables such as political capacity have helped ensure the success of a growing economy. Governments must possess the ability to extract resources from its people, thereby pursuing policy goals to create a more favorable market environment for investors. Investors then feel more confident and comfortable investing in these economies. This political variable has helped countries redefine themselves in the global community as credible and safe countries for investment. However, this political variable alone is not enough to explain how to attract foreign direct investments in developing countries. Rather, governments must also possess the economic tools necessary, such as economic growth and an open economy. These economic tools combined with political capacity can effectively attract foreign direct investments. Many provinces in developing countries lack these variables, thereby jeopardizing the opportunity to attract foreign direct investments and compete in the global market. Hence, I look at both the political and economical variables as an interaction variable as a strong indicator to attract foreign direct investments. If my work is successful, I hope that these findings can serve as a policy tool for provinces of developing countries to effectively attract foreign direct investments in a competitive global market.
25
Dima, Ramona. "On Othering Migrants and Queers : Political Communication Strategies of Othering in Romania and the Republic of Moldova." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43321.
Full textAbstract:
Research on migration often focuses on non-citizens such as migrants being excluded from the framework of citizenship. This study suggests a novel approach by focusing on non-citizens and citizens alike, while exploring the strategies of othering in relation to how citizenship is constructed. It discusses and comparatively analyses the ways in which migrants, as non-citizens, and LGBT+ individuals, as a particular category of citizens, are framed as not conforming to the norms proposed by nationalist and populist ideologies in SouthEastern European (SEE) countries. Even if they are citizens, they are excluded from “national belonging” by populist political leaders in their communications. The study compares the category of LGBT+ persons to that of migrants and explores how both are framed in political communications using populist strategies of othering. It also shows that these two categories are placed at the outside of the nation state and of the notion of citizenship. Moreover, it highlights the multiple tropes that are employed in the process of othering and that refer to how nations are defined through their “traditional values”, “morality”, “religious views” and a strong opposition to what is considered to belong to the Western progressive values. The body of material comprises statements mostly made by highly positioned politicians such as Presidents, Ministers, Prime Ministers, etc. from Romania and the Republic of Moldova.These politicians shape the internal and foreign policies of the two countries and their communications have a great impact in different areas of the society. The analysis shows that the social dimension of citizenship is important in how a certain category of citizens is framed as not belonging to the nation state. The results based on the analysis of this less researched material are consistent with the trend of anti-gender movements and the increasing anti immigration stances in other Eastern European countries such as Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic and Slovakia.
26
Chang, Kwai-yan, and 張葵茵. "Will the English language become the single world language in the 21stcentury?" Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42575709.
Full text
27
Pestalardo, Maria. "War on the Media: The News Framing of the Iraqi War in the United States, Europe, and Latin America." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2006. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2205.
Full textAbstract:
This study analyzes the framing of the war in Iraq (2003) during the week before and the week after the conflict started according to the media coverage of nine leading newspapers from United States, Europe, and Latin America. Through quantitative content analysis, the researcher answered seven research questions and analyzed the framing, sources, and approaches used by the newspapers in the news coverage of the conflict. The researcher compared the news coverage of each region and found that there were significant differences in the content of the war reporting according to the geographical area of the media. European and Latin American newspapers framed a "bigger and more balanced picture" in covering more sides of the war and quoting diverse sources while American media covered a narrower range of war perspectives and quoted coalition sources in almost all of their news stories and editorials.
28
Fine, Hunter Hawkins. "UNDERNEATH THE STREETS, THE BEACH: DRIFTING TOWARD/FROM A PROTO-POSTSTRUCTURALIST PERFORMANCE OF EVERYDAY SPATIAL SUBJECTIVITY." OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/652.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation maps a proto-poststructuralist tradition and fuses a subsequent methodology with/in a practice derived from performance studies to uncover a spatially informed corporeal notion of subjectivity. Combining the cultural and historically radical motility of the street skateboard and precursory surfboard with an ambulatory interpretation of radical political philosophy and subjectivity this work explores, through the lens of a drifting practitioner, a quotidian routine in The Commute, and a distinctly urban practice, in The Skateboard Dérive. Functioning as case situations these performance events are used to elaborate, produce, and apply a drifting approach to critical spatial inquiry through the recognition of four elemental notions: drifting, situating, becoming, and fragmenting.
29
Lok, Mai-chi Ian, and 樂美志. "Cultural understanding in English studies: anexploration of postcolonial and world Englishes perspectives." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B35804749.
Full text
30
Ryoo, Woongjae. "The South Korean Mediascape: State, Civil Society and the Implications of Regional Political Economy for Cultural Transformation." restricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-08042006-154333/.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2006.Title from title screen. David Cheshier, committee chair; Michael Bruner, Leonard Teel, Carol Winkler, James Hamilton, committee members. Electronic text (238 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed June 13, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 225-238).
31
Murphy, Justin. "Mass Media and the Domestic Politics of Economic Globalization." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/269883.
Full textAbstract:
Political SciencePh.D.
This dissertation argues that the mass media have played a critical but misunderstood role in the variety of national political responses to economic globalization around the world since the 1960s. More specifically, quantitative as well as qualitative methods across three article-length studies demonstrate how mass media have played a variety of anti-democratic roles in the domestic politics of economic globalization since the 1960s, in ways which have gone largely unnoticed by political scientists. The first article, "Mass Media and the Domestic Politics of Economic Globalization," argues that the mass media make welfare spending less responsive to domestic groups harmed by economic globalization. Statistical tests on state-level economic data as well as individual-level survey data are found to be consistent with this theory. The second article, "Media Ownership and the Social Construction of Economic Globalization," argues that the response of mass publics toward the global economic exposure of their country varies according to the degree of foreign ownership in the national media market. Statistical analysis of state-level media ownership data and aggregate public opinion data, combined with qualitative analyses of newspaper con- tent, provides mixed evidence for the theory. The third article, "Why are the Most Trade-Open Countries More Likely to Repress the Media?" argues that different components of economic globalization exert contradictory pressures on state-media relations. Statistical analysis of economic data and media freedom data combined with process-tracing in Argentina and Mexico pro- vide evidence for the theory.
Temple University--Theses
32
Fourie, Mieke. "What African voice? The politics of publishing Africa in IR." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6644.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Despite the validity of arguments highlighting the inadequacy of existing theories to explain Third World and specifically African realities, criticism has perpetuated, rather than disarmed, status quo theories. This is because focus on (and thus within) the existing conceptual framework has impeded vision beyond these barriers, thereby hampering the formation of new, more applicable theories. The intellectual balance of power and methodological hegemony of the West is perpetuated, on the African continent through Western monopoly over course content in tertiary education as well as the preferences of publishers for Africanist rather than African contributions. This study provides a critical assessment of scholarly dominance on the topic of Africa in order contribute to a greater understanding of the dynamics acting to exclude non-Western ideas and experiences from the IR narrative. The study provides a content analysis of 25 peer-rated influential journals publishing IR content for the period January 2000 to August 2010. The aim was to identify dominant themes and scholars on the topic of Africa in IR. General biographical information on the five highest ranking scholars in terms of publication exposure was gathered in order to assess networks of academic and professional affiliation that could have contributed to their publishing success. Dominant themes vary between African, Third World and international-oriented journals. Governance is a prevalent theme throughout, but African journals prefer intervention to the international journals’ preoccupation with conflict in Africa. Third World Journals place development first. The five most prolific authors are Ian Taylor, Kevin C. Dunn, Cameron G. Thies, Nana K. Poku and Chris Alden. They are all currently lecturing at either American or British academic institutions and are all Africanists, save for Poku who is a diasporic African. Networks of affiliation are established through institutions of higher education primarily and through societal memberships. The internet does not seem to be an important tool of networking amongst Africanists. Dominant authors tend to collaborate, serve as article reviewers or on editorial boards of journals for which they also submit articles, and as research grant proposal reviewers, thus also constituting the gatekeepers in academia.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte van geldige argumente wat aanvoer dat bestaande teorieë nie in staat is daartoe om Derdewêreld ervarings – spesifiek dié van Afrika – genoegsaam te begryp nie, het kritiek eerder hierdie teorieë versterk as ontsetel. Dit is omdat fokus op (en dus vanuit) bestaande teoretiese raamwerke die oorweging van elemente buite hierdie raamwerke onmoontlik maak, en sodoende die ontstaan van nuwe, meer verteenwoordigende raamwerke, teenwerk. Die intellektuele magsbalans en metodologiese hegemonie van die Weste word voortgesit, selfs op die Afrika kontinent, deur Westerse monopolie oor die kursusinhoude van tersiêre instansies, sowel as deur die voorkeur wat Afrikaniste se bydraes geniet bo dié van Afrikane vir publikasie. Hierdie studie bied ‘n kritiese analise van dominansie in kundigheid oor die onderwerp van Afrika om sodoende by te dra tot ‘n meer omskrywende geheelbeeld van die dinamiek wat nie-Westerse idees en ervarings uitsluit tot die diskoers van Internasionale Betrekkinge. Die navorsing is in die vorm van ‘n inhoudsanalise van 25 invloedryke joernale wat inhoud relevant tot Internasionale Betrekkinge publiseer, vir die periode Januarie 2000 tot Augustus 2010. Die doel is om dominante temas en kundiges oor die onderwerp van Afrika se internasionale betrekkinge te identifiseer. Biografiese inligting oor die vyf mees bedrewe kundiges in terme van publikasies is ingesamel om die netwerke van akademiese en professionele affiliasie wat moontlik tot hulle status kon bydra, te assesseer. Dominante temas verskil tussen Afrika-, Derdewêreld- en internasionaal-georiënteerde joernale. Regeerkunde is deurgaans ‘n prominente tema, maar die Afrika-joernale verkies intervensie teenoor die internasionale joernale se fokus op konflik in Afrika. Derdewêreld-joernale plaas meer klem op ontwikkeling. Die vyf mees bedrewe outeurs is Ian Taylor, Kevin C. Dunn, Cameron G. Thies, Nana K. Poku en Chris Alden. Hulle is almal lektore by Amerikaanse of Britse akademiese instansies en, behalwe vir Poku wat deel van die Afrika diaspora vorm, is hulle almal Afrikaniste. Netwerke van affiliasie word deur instansies van hoër opleiding of lidmaatskap aan professionele assosiasies bewerkstellig. Die internet is klaarblyklik nie ‘n baie belangrik instrument in kontakbouing vir Afrikaniste nie. Dominante outeurs is geneig om saam te skryf, hulle is dikwels die artikelkeurders vir joernale of dien op die redaksie en tree ook dikwels in ‘n hoedanigheid van keurders van navorsingsbefondsing op. As sulks is hulle gelyk die dominante akademici as die waghonde van die ivoortoring.
33
Frederick, Katelin. "Making Good: An Exploratory Study of the Socialization, Identity, and Sensemaking of Mission Trip Volunteers." TopSCHOLAR®, 2013. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1267.
Full textAbstract:
This research explored how mission trip volunteers assume various roles throughout their volunteer experience. By seeing the various roles that emerge in mission volunteer work, the identities that they construct based upon these roles are revealed. Discovering the ways in which these roles and constructed identities affect the way that mission trip volunteers could potentially help colleges improve their recruitment messages and distinguish themselves from other institutions. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to obtain data from the participants, and the data were analyzed through a thematic, constant comparative method. Findings revealed the types of stories heard from other mission trip volunteers prior to serving, the impact of those stories on decisions to volunteer, the various identities that emerge while serving on a mission trip, and how mission trip volunteers make sense of their experiences after serving. This study applies several well-known aspects of organizational communication to the context of mission trip volunteers, offering new and interesting data. This study also provides practical implications for mission trip coordinators and individuals who might be interested in being a mission trip volunteer.
34
Thornberg, Jack. "Distant Suffering : A multimodal analysis of the politics of pity in news agencies’ mediation of the chemical weapons attack on Khan Sheikhoun." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7014.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores of how American and British television mediated the crisis that started with the 4 April 2017 alleged chemical attack in Syria and culminated with the subsequent attack on Syria by the United States 7 April 2017. It builds upon a rich literature and focuses on the politics of pity in the mediated representation of distant suffering as set out by Luc Boltanski. The thesis utilizes a methodological approach which merges Lilie Chouliaraki’s ‘analytics of mediation’ with Roxanne Lynn Doty’s view of discourse analysis. The results find that CNNW mediated the distant suffering based on ostensibly a priori knowledge, whereas BBC News was more inclined to guide the spectators along a line of investigative reasoning.
35
Contreras, Richard Anthony. "A COMMUNICATION GUIDE FOR EX-OFFENDERS." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/712.
Full textAbstract:
Incarceration rates and the release rate of ex-offenders into the community are both increasing. Studies have shown, on a consistent basis, that, while incarcerated, ex-offenders experience lower literacy levels than the general population, suffer emotional and mental distress from a harsh prison life, and suffer from the negative effects of public perception. Ex-offender anger abounds. These factors interfere with an inmate’s ability to communicate effectively. Notwithstanding, upon release from custody, how do we help such ex-offenders communicate? Many handbooks exist to help former inmates. However, the vast majority only offer assistance with locating government social services agencies, obtaining documents, and helping with jobs. A few offer help with finding mentors. However virtually none assist with communication techniques. Utilizing clear and simple language, A Communication Guide for Ex-Offenders fills this gap. The guide consists of three sections: the first defines basic concepts of communication, including contextual and cultural aspects. Additionally, it contains information on how ex-offenders can communicate more effectively despite suffering from various mental and emotional issues. Finally, a theoretical application focuses on the importance of disclosing information and making a favorable impression. At the end of each section, there is a review of concepts. This manual will also contain two new features in the application of communication studies and the ex-offender population: A communication ‘Bill of Rights’ for ex-offenders and a pledge on ex-offender responsibilities
36
Garlot, Florine. "(Re)penser la communication des associations de solidarité internationale françaises : d'un état des lieux à des pistes théoriques et opérationnelles." Thesis, Université Clermont Auvergne (2017-2020), 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020CLFAL007.
Full textAbstract:
La recherche doctorale, dont il est ici rendu compte, fait l’objet d’une CIFRE, au sein du réseau Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes d'appui à la coopération internationale (RESACOOP). Elle vise à comprendre le sens construit sur la solidarité internationale – par son histoire, les représentations sociales qui ont cours et la communication externe des associations de solidarité internationale (ASI) – ainsi qu’à proposer et expérimenter des pistes de communication de solidarité internationale (CSI) démocratique. La solidarité internationale est plurielle. Pour les associations du domaine (ASI), elle se réfère à trois activités principales : l’action humanitaire, le développement et l’éducation à la citoyenneté et à la solidarité internationale (ECSI). Or, s’il existe bien des travaux portant sur la communication des ONG humanitaires (Carion, 2010; Dauvin, 2010), la CSI dans toute sa diversité ne fait pas l’objet de recherche. L’enjeu de cette thèse est d’essayer de combler cette lacune. D’un point de vue épistémologique, cette recherche s’inscrit en sciences de l’information et de la communication (SIC). Les SIC pensent les liens, elles se tiennent dans l’inter (Bougnoux, 1993) : ce sont les relations qui donnent sens au monde. Elles trouvent alors leur place dans le relationnalisme méthodologique, paradigme selon lequel les individus et les formes collectives sont une «cristallisation spécifique de relations sociales prises dans des contextes sociohistoriques variés» (Corcuff, 2017, p.111). Le langage de «ce programme relationniste» (Corcuff, 2017, p.111) est le constructivisme. Dans cette vision constructiviste, la communication participe à la définition des identités et du monde commun (Mucchielli, 2000). À l’inverse, la communication entre individus est fruit de la construction sociale de la réalité. D’où l’intérêt, et c’est l’un des enjeux de cette recherche, de faire dialoguer représentations sociales et communication et, plus particulièrement, représentations sociales de la solidarité internationale et communication de ses acteur·rices associatif·ves. Sur le plan théorique, cette thèse s’inspire de l’approche pragmatique de la communication proposée par John Dewey. Selon lui, l’une des visées instrumentales de la communication est de construire une Grande communauté (Dewey [1927], 2010, p. 236) qui est l’idéal de la démocratie. Tendre vers cet idéal implique que chacun·e ait la capacité de former des jugements publics, par la participation. Dans le développement de cette compétence démocratique, les ASI devraient jouer un rôle majeur. Pourtant, l’hypothèse qui a conduit à ce travail doctoral est que tel n’est pas le cas. En effet, cette thèse est née d’un trouble lié à ma pratique professionnelle : il existe un décalage entre la fin (l’aspiration à une solidarité internationale) et les moyens (une communication invitant les «citoyen·nes du Nord» à «aider les victimes du Sud»). Pour confirmer ce trouble et tenter de le résoudre, cette recherche-action adopte un plan en trois parties. La première dresse le cadre théorique et méthodologique de ce que John Dewey ([1938], 1993) nomme une «enquête sociale» et présente un historique de la solidarité internationale. La seconde confronte production des ASI et réception par des publics. Elle met en avant l’échec de la CSI qui ne parvient ni à faire évoluer les représentations sociales ni à atteindre les objectifs opérationnels fixés par les communicant·es rencontré·es. Partant de ce constat, la troisième partie s’efforce de proposer des pistes permettant de penser une nouvelle manière d’envisager et de pratiquer la CSI. Elle s’appuie sur des apports théoriques (la pensée décoloniale, la sociologie économique, le modèle de l’incommunication), mais aussi sur des expérimentations conduites tout au long de ces quatre années de rechercheThe doctoral research, which is reported here, was carried out within the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes network in support of international cooperation (RESACOOP). It aims to understand the meaning built on international solidarity -through its history, the social representations that prevail and the external communication of international solidarity associations -as well as to propose and experiment with ways of communicating democratic international solidarity. International solidarity is plural. For associations in the field, it refers to three main activities: humanitarian action, development and education for citizenship and international solidarity. However, while there is much work on the communication of humanitarian NGOs (Carion, 2010; Dauvin, 2010), international solidarity in all its diversity is not the subject of research. The challenge of this thesis is to try to fill this gap.From an epistemological point of view, this research is part of the information and communication sciences. This discipline thinks of links, it is held in the inter (Bougnoux, 1993): it is relationships that give meaning to the world. It then finds its place in methodological relationalism, a paradigm according to which individuals and collective forms are a "specific crystallization of social relations taken in various socio-historical contexts" (Corcuff, 2017, p. 111). The language of "this relational program" (Corcuff, 2017, p. 111) is constructivism. In this constructivist vision, communication contributes to the definition of identities and the common world (Mucchielli, 2000). Conversely, communication between individuals is the result of the social construction of reality. Hence the interest, and this is one of the challenges of this research, in bringing together social representations and communication and, more particularly, social representations of international solidarity and communication of its associative actors.On the theoretical level, this thesis is inspired by the pragmatic approach of the communication proposed by John Dewey. According to him, one of the instrumental aims of communication is to build a Great Community (Dewey[1927], 2010, p. 236) which is the ideal of democracy. To strive towards this ideal implies that everyone has the ability to make public judgments, through participation. In the development of this democratic competence, associations should play a major role. However, the hypothesis that led to this doctoral work is that this is not the case. Indeed, this thesis was born from a disorder related to my professional practice: there is a gap between the end (the aspiration for international solidarity) and the means (a communication inviting "citizens of the North" to "help the victims of the South"). To confirm this disorder and attempt to resolve it, this action research adopts a three-part plan. The first provides the theoretical and methodological framework for what John Dewey ([1938], 1993) calls a "social inquiry" and presents a history of international solidarity. The second confronts the production of associations and reception by audiences. It highlights the failure of communication, which fails to change social representations or achieve the operational objectives set by the communicators met. Based on this observation, the third part tries to propose ways of thinking about a new way of considering and practising communication. It is based on theoretical contributions (decolonial thinking, economic sociology, the incommunication model), but also on experiments conducted throughout these four years of research
37
Chen, Hunglin Maggie. "An analysis of the impact of cultural differences upon management styles of selected Taiwanese managers within business/industry organizations of Southern California." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1045.
Full text
38
Flores, Juan Carlos. "Cultural Value Differences in Arguments Between Presidents Ronald Reagan and Oscar Arias." PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3877.
Full textAbstract:
Costa Rica embodies many of the characteristics which the United States would like to foster in Central America and elsewhere. In recent years, however, misunderstandings have often been present in the development of relations between both nations, and leaders. These differences have been particularly visible between Presidents Reagan and Arias when carrying out their foreign policies towards Central America.
Recent developments in warfare, social and political unrest and economic crises in the region added to the emergence of a Central American political leadership--independent of U.S. decision making-have increased international misunderstandings between both political speakers. These misunderstandings are shown by Reagan and Arias' through their public discourses which have revealed deterioration in communication and cooperation between them.
Since Reagan and Arias come from different cultures, their values are different, making it difficult for the two men to communicate effectively. Towards discovering the differences m cultural values underlying arguments between them, this study uses the Toulmin model to provide a critical and interpretative analysis of the exchange of political arguments from both leaders concerning Central America. Data were collected from public discourses by Reagan and Arias. An intercultural communication perspective is then used to assess the effects of the arguments on international understanding.
This research was successful in isolating a number of political arguments concerning Reagan and Arias' respective policies toward Central America, it revealed consistently different underlying cultural values. These differences in cultural values may affect the mutual understanding between the two political leaders, since their discourses did not acknowledge each other's cultural values or patterns of thinking.
At the core of Reagan and Arias' disagreements is the ethnocentric assumption that each is similar to the other. This assumption is not a recommended strategy for intercultural interaction.
Because of the novelty of this type of interdisciplinary interpretative research, the results can not be compared adequately with previous research on values in public discourse.
Further investigation in this area should support the worth of studying political argumentation from the combines approaches of rhetorical analysis and intercultural communication.
39
Preda, Gabriela. "PUBLIC DIPLOMACY IN PRACTICE: MANAGING DIVERGENT LOGICS OF COMMUNICATION IN EU-RUSSIA RELATIONS- What role for presidential summits?" Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trieste, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10077/10085.
Full textAbstract:
2011/2012This dissertation explores the intricate relationship between European Union (EU) and The Russian Federation (referred to as Russia), through the lens of communication and public diplomacy practices. It sheds light on the question: Why do EU and Russia still lack the setup to map out a joint strategy for managing bilateral communications, despite their mutually acknowledged need to strengthen their comprehensive strategic partnership?. The overall claim is that, although both sides constantly reaffirm their “strong commitment” to an authentic strategic partnership on the axis Brussels-Moscow and to an enhanced bilateral communication, in reality the two actors have always maintained a certain distance in the public sphere and have never stopped perpetuating conflicting narratives on the evolution of their relationship (grounded in divergent vocabularies), while competing for the greatest possible domination of the political communication arena , as part of what appears a wide-ranging competition to sway international policy-making and gain political control when addressing common issues or concerns. In particular, the dissertation draws attention on some of the key distinctive features that typify communication practices in EU-Russian relations, whereby the two actors constantly compete for both access to and influence over the (inter)national media (over international agenda building and frame building as one central strategic activity of their public diplomacy processes). In this sense, it emphasizes the case of presidential summits, presented as a key indicator of a particularly complex relationship between these two partners gradually drifting apart. The assumption is that the “fight”/competition between EU and Russia for the greatest possible domination of the political communication arena (media access and media framing) has alwas been a central element of these events, with both actors realizing that sympathetic media coverage is a prerequisite for political influence. On this point, the thesis identifies various divergent framings in EU and Russian public messages, media statements, discourses and press releases distributed on these occasions, which address common issues or concerns. Temporally, the period between 1998 and 2013 /January 2014 is essential to empirically map EU-Russia interactions in this specific settings and to derive the relevant conclusions. The dissertation speaks to various bodies of literature, as my investigation requires an interdisciplinary approach, while employing various theories and concepts, with emphasis on international relations, communications and public diplomacy. It will hopefully provide a useful baseline for future research and debates as it offers useful insights on the peculiar interplay between public diplomacy and realpolitik dynamics on the international political communication scene. -----------------------------------------------Questo ricerca ha l’obiettivo di indagare ed analizzare alcuni aspetti chiave dei rapporti tra l’Unione Europea (UE) e la Russia, con una particolare attenzione alle dinamiche che riguardano la comunicazione e i canali della diplomazia pubblica negli ultimi decenni. L’analisi affronta alcuni nodi problematici ed ancora irrisolti, concentrandosi su casi ed aspetti specifici, quali per esempio quello dei canali della diplomazia pubblica russa ed europea o del significato dei summit presidenziali UE-Russia. La tesi incrocia vari temi di attualità e dibattiti internazionali attinenti la diplomazia pubblica e al rapporto tra le sue fonti intenzionali e quelle non intenzionali o il dibattito sulle sfide dei rapporti istituzionali UE-Russia.
XXV Ciclo
1977
40
Matsilele, Trust. "The political role of the diaspora media in the mediation of the Zimbabwean crisis : a case study of The Zimbabwean - 2008 to 2010." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85723.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self regulation. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media, which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition parties in Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat, sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.
41
Fesehaye, Natsinet Tesfaye. "Interception of communication by South African government agencies vis-a-vis the right to privacy: The law and the practice in light of the South African Constitution and the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)." University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5906.
Full textAbstract:
Magister Legum - LLMThe right to privacy is recognised as one of the most important individual rights. It is considered to be central to the protection of one's human dignity. It also forms the basis of any democratic society. Furthermore, it is linked to other basic rights, including the rights to freedom of expression and of association.1 The right to privacy is contained and recognised in almost every constitutional bill of rights and major international and regional conventions.2 It is also guaranteed expressly in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,3 the European Convention on Human Rights,4 the American Convention on Human Rights5 and a number of countries' constitutions.6 The Convention on the Right to the Child recognises the right to privacy of the child.7
42
McIntire, William David. "Information Communication Technologies and Identity in Post-Dayton Bosnia: Mendingor Deepening the Ethnic Divide." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401978761.
Full text
43
Odeh, Rana Kamal. "The Impact of Changing Narratives on American Public Opinion Toward the U.S.-Israel Relationship." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401818860.
Full text
44
Vucic, Stefan. "International Negotiations: Language in Crisis and Conflict Handling Negotiations, and vice versa : A conceptual study on international crisis/conflict negotiations considered in Wittgensteinian, Austinian and Derridean terms, with reflections on the cases of Oslo 1 Accords 1993 and Rambouillet Negotiations 1999." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-160505.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis presents a conceptual study engaging the theories emerged in the philosophy of language and the theories of international relations and negotiations into a single framework. The framework comprises the concepts developed by L. Wittgenstein, J. L. Austin, and J. Derrida whose relevance has been identified through searching for the zone of common grounds in which they could contribute to the theoretical knowledge on international negotiations in crisis and conflict handling contexts. It has accordingly been developed following the lines of the IR/negotiations theoretical set, but also adjusted by considering two relevant empirical cases. The said Wittgenstein-Austin-Derrida framework has been assigned the mission to study language as a tool in crisis/conflict negotiations, but likewise to consider crisis/conflict negotiations in the framework of language. This implies the post-structuralist approach to the international affairs, which enables the possibility of deconstructing the matter on its textual/discursive components. On such grounds, it perceives the ‘text’ as a source of political power, i.e. as a pattern which comprises the present institutions. By virtue of assigning new meanings to the ‘text’, it regards discourses as that what creates agencies in international relations.
45
Conrad, David B. "Lost in the Shadows of the Radio Tower: A Return to the Roots of Community Radio Ownership in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1307383699.
Full text
46
Zabrovskaya, Ekaterina S. "Media as a Battlefield: The Competition between Nabucco and the South Stream." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1344009510.
Full text
47
Miles, Peter Harry. "Philippine international tourism and the role of marketing communications." Thesis, University of Derby, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369901.
Full text
48
Tian, Xiao. "Content analysis of the Beijing Summer Olympic Games' effects in the New York Times." Scholarly Commons, 2012. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/838.
Full textAbstract:
Relying on framing theory, this study used The New York Times to explore how Chinese news was depicted before, during and after the Beijing Summer Olympics. The research regarding how the Chinese government tried to leverage the Olympics to enhance its image is often deliberated. However, there have only been a 3 few studies on the evaluation of the effects the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympic Games had on the image of China, as depicted by The New York Times. This study generated an understanding of the impact the presentations of The New York Times had on the soft power used by China through the Beijing Summer Olympic Games. The study examined how the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics were associated with the depiction of Chinese news in The New York Times during the pre-, mid-, and post-Olympics years. Specifically, world and business sections within The New York Times were mainly influenced by the effects of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics. In addition, there were no direct associations found between the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics and how China was depicted photographically in The New York Times. In terms of the above factors; this study showed that China's national image did not improve in the New York Times after the 2008 Bejing Summer Olympic Games.
49
Verhaegen, Benoît M. "Aspects légaux des communications aéronautiques mobiles par satellites." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26226.
Full textAbstract:
The new ICAO CNS/ATM (Communication, Navigation, Surveillance/Air Traffic Management) concept, based on satellite use, entails globalisation of these new air navigation systems.Concerning the communications, the concept's architecture includes those for security as well as administrative communications of airlines and public correspondence of passengers.
From this point of view, the requested globalisation will lead to regulatory and institutional changes, especially for non-security communications as they are regulated by each State overflown, according to Article 30 of the Chicago Convention.
Every legal solution, of course, must take into account the chosen technology. In this domain, the experience of INMARSAT, with the mobile maritime communications by satellites, will be of tremendous importance.
A period of transition, with regional initiatives, will be necessary too before the general implementation of the CNS/ATM concept.
50
Brookes, Andrew. "Arguing about the climate : towards communicative justice in international climate change politics /." Connect to thesis, 2009. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/7081.
Full text