Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'International insecurity'

This dissertation explores the European Union’s (EU) European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as a technology of insecurity governance in order to better understand insecurity management practices of the EU bureaucracies and policy elites. The central argument of the project is that security communities are insecurity communities. Rather than trying to maintain a state of non-war, insecurity communities establish and further develop a constant productive field of insecurity management that aims to identify and govern threats and unease. The projects core contributions rest with the security community theory and the literature on the EU’s external governance literatures. Empirically, the dissertation focuses on the human mobility and transportation insecurity management practices of the EU in relation to the uses of e-Passports and intermodal containers.

In recent years, American foreign policy has been much more attuned to the dangers of rogue states than rising peer-competitors. Perhaps what is more puzzling is why weak states would challenge not only their regional neighborhoods but also a disproportionately powerful United States. This project addresses and explores the phenomena of weak revisionists. The question under investigation here has received comparatively little attention in the scholarly literature: why do weak states adopt expansive foreign policy aims? Existing literature affirms the importance of relative power in determining state behavior and it implies that that only the great powers are afforded the luxury of pursuing other goals beyond their immediate, territorial security. For weak powers to even contemplate goals beyond survival would be a foolhardy endeavor. The underlying motivations behind the formation of foreign policy goals for smaller powers remain unclear and understudied. I present a neoclassical realist approach, which argues that the level of threat faced by a regime and domestic strategic culture determine a state's foreign policy goals. Specifically, I argue that high levels of threat, which heighten a sense of vulnerability, create domestic opportunities for hawkish strategic subcultures to promote a forceful response to those threats. In short, unfavorable geopolitical circumstances, legacies of external and internal challenges, and historical grievances have entrenched cultures of insecurity giving motivation to weak revisionists to pursue expansive goals. Towards this end, I will examine foreign policy-making in Iran, North Korea, and Libya.
Ces dernières années, les dangers potentiels présentés par les soi-disant « états voyous » ont inquiété davantage les Etats-Unis que leurs alliés et concurrents. Un des aspects paraissant inexplicable est le fait que ces prétendus états voyous, perçus comme étant plus faibles à tous les niveaux, osent confronter à la fois leurs voisins régionaux mais aussi les Etats-Unis qui apparaissent comme infiniment plus puissants. Ce projet étudie donc la question des « faibles états révisionnistes ». La question à laquelle nous tenterons de répondre est ainsi : pourquoi se fait-il que des états dits relativement « faibles » poursuivent des objectifs politiques internationaux perçus comme agressifs ? La littérature existante affirme que la notion de pouvoir relatif est essentielle pour déterminer le comportement international d'un état, suggérant ainsi que seules les grandes puissances peuvent se permettre d'aspirer à des objectifs internationaux qui vont au-delà de leur sécurité territoriale immédiate. L'idée que des états perçus comme relativement faibles puissent poursuivre des objectifs mettant en danger leur survie paraît inconcevable. Les raisons pour de tels comportements restent à ce jour elles aussi peu étudiées. À travers ce projet, je propose une approche réaliste néo-classique qui suggère que le niveau de menace auquel un état doit faire face ainsi que la culture stratégique de l'état en question déterminent la politique extérieure de cet état. Ainsi, il est démontré qu'un niveau élevé de menace sécuritaire mène à un sentiment de vulnérabilité chez un état, créant ainsi des opportunités pour des sous-cultures stratégiques belliqueuses de promouvoir une réponse agressive à ces menaces. Concrètement, l'association de circonstances géopolitiques défavorables à la présence d'une culture nationale pour la confrontation ainsi qu'à un passé national douloureux a engendré la création de cultures nationales d'insécurité menant des états relativement faibles et révisionnistes à poursuivre des objectifs internationaux agressifs. L'analyse proposée sera complétée par une étude de cas comparée des politiques extérieures de la Libye, de la Corée du Nord, et de l'Iran.

How does assistance for social, political and economic development interact with efforts to provide security in post-conflict societies? To study this interaction, this dissertation focuses on strategies for peace operations. Influenced by the human security agenda, peace operations have adopted a multi-sectoral approach, seeking to address the many sources of insecurity facing conflict-ridden societies. In fact, there is a growing awareness that to establish sustainable peace after an event of conflict or collapsed state, not only the domestic and/or international root causes of the conflict should be identified and addressed, but the elements fueling the vicious cycle of violence should also be tackled and eliminated. I found that several policy recommendations proposed to better integrate peace operations' activities reveal a strong disagreement about the relationship between development and security. From this debate, I derived three types of peacebuilding strategies; 1) the Security-only strategy proposes providing order and security first and leaving developmental assistance to specialized agencies, 2) the Sequential strategy promotes providing security and order first, and then assuming development-related tasks as a means to avoid contradictory effects, and 3) the Simultaneous strategy emphasizes the relationship between underdevelopment and conflict, thus urges the implementation of both security and development related tasks simultaneously. Using logitistic models corrected for temporally dependent data, I quantitatively test the effectiveness of these three strategies in establishing peace with a dataset I compile covering all civil wars from 1946 to 2006. This analysis shows that interventions designed with strategies prioritizing the establishment of security first (Security-Only and Sequential strategies) are more successful at terminating conflicts and achieving durable peace. The argument that multi-dimensionality increases the effectiveness of pe
Comment l'assistance apportée pour le développement social, politique et économique interagit avec les efforts pour rétablir et assurer la sécurité dans les sociétés sortant de guerre? Pour pouvoir étudier cette interaction, la thèse se concentre sur les stratégies des opérations de paix. Motivé par le souci de la sécurité humaine, les opérations de paix ont opté pour une approche multisectorielle, cherchant à identifier les diverses sources d'insécurité confrontées par les pays en question. En effet, on découvre de plus en plus que pour établir une paix durable dans un pays qui sort d'un conflit ou un pays effondré, il faut non seulement identifier et prendre en considération les causes originelles du conflit mais il faut aussi attaquer et éliminer les éléments qui causent le cercle vicieux de violence. J'ai noté que les recommandations de politiques proposées pour mieux intégrer les opérations de paix montrent des désaccords importants à propos des relations entre le développement et la sécurité. De ce débat, j'ai tiré trois types de stratégies de construction de paix: 1) la stratégie sécurité-seulement propose de fournir d'abord et avant tout l'ordre et la sécurité et de laisser l'assistance au développement aux services spécialisés, 2) la stratégie séquentielle promeut l'ordre et la sécurité avant le développement comme un moyen d'empêcher les effets contraires 3) la stratégie simultanée met l'accent sur la relation qui se trouve entre le sous-développement et le conflit, par conséquent propose l'implémentation des deux activités en même temps. En utilisant des model logistiques, j'ai testé quantitativement l'efficacité de ces trois stratégies pour rétablir la paix avec un dataset couvrant toutes les guerres civiles d'entre 1946 et 2006. Cette analyse montre que les interventions qui donnent la priorité à l'établissement de la sécurité avant tout ont obtenu un plus grand succès pour instau

This thesis examines the motivations, mechanisms and prospects of Turkish Kurdish international migration in relation to the Environment of Insecurity as a set of combined socio-economic and political factors triggered by an ethnic conflict. The analysis focuses on three different, but complementary, levels of analysis. The research comprises first, the analysis of the environment of insecurity in Turkey emphasising its broader socio-economic, legal-political, and demographic aspects; second, the patterns and processes of international migration involving Turkish Kurds investigating the motivations, the mechanisms, and the future migration potentials; third, the role of the expression of ethnicity and of ethnic conflict. A mixed method approach combining qualitative and quantitative methods to address different levels of analysis and different aspects of migration is adopted. The analysis of Turkish Demographic Health Survey data examines the extent to which an environment of insecurity exists for Turkish Kurds. The findings of the Turkish International Migration Survey data outline the patterns of individual migration motives, mechanisms and future intentions. Finally, semi-structured in-depth interviews examine the role of the ethnic conflict and the expression of ethnicity to clarify the relationship between Turkish Kurdish international migration and the ethnic environment of insecurity while also presenting a live account of migration motivations and mechanisms. The research shows that the environment of insecurity is an issue of ethnic conflict and it constitutes the major facilitating factor in Turkish Kurdish international migration resulting in large asylum migration flows. Due to the armed ethnic conflict between the PKK and the Turkish Army in Turkey during the last two decades of the last century, recent migration patterns of Turkish Kurds are dominated by clandestine migration. Along with legal migrations (e.g. economic, family, education), irregular migration appears as a strong trend involving asylum migration and illegal migration. Tightening immigration controls in Europe also prompts this. The conflict situation also serves as an opportunity framework for some who wanted to migrate. While migration is appearing as a liberating event for Turkish Kurdish ethnicity it is found that Kurdish immigrants have not fully exploited the opportunities for exercising their ethnicity. However, for many, migration from Turkey to Germany is an act of escape and so is an expression of ethnicity.

Includes abstract.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 70-76).
Contemporary food security concerns in sub-Saharan Africa centre on the pertinence of food versus fuel forms of production. As the global energy market enters into the postfossil-fuel epoch, the demand on land for commercial biofuel and feedstock production threatens the livelihood of sub-Saharan Africa's sizeable peasant community. This paper examines the theoretical and paradigmatic attributes of the human security and food security rubric, and its pertinence in accounting for the social threats which threaten individuals within an increasingly interconnected global economic system. While the emergence of these neologisms of the critical security studies school represent a marked divergence from that of the traditional approach of understanding security threats, they remained mired in contestation due to their lack of theoretical parsimony.

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Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

The concept of ontological security has grown extensively in the International Relationsliterature, owing to the new explanations it generates for states’ security- and identity-relatedbehavior. In the process, however, the concept has become sprawling, vague and incoherent,due to the multitude of different understandings of the concept. To improve the concept’sadequacy, counter the risk of conceptual stretching, and provide the foundation for a commonresearch agenda, this essay constructs a typology to divide and classify the ontological securityliterature in IR. The typology’s main contribution is the dimension of ontological insecuritymechanisms, understood as the different ways that the ontological security of an agent can bethreatened, and the different types of existential anxieties that follow. To test and illustrate thistypology, the essay conducts an empirical case study of Russia’s engagement in the conflict inSyria since 2015. The results strongly indicate the presence of all ontological insecuritymechanisms, thus clearly implying that Russian behavior in Syria is driven by ontologicalsecurity concerns. The findings also demonstrate the typology’s usefulness and fruitfulness inmore closely specifying the nature of the ontological insecurity in particular cases.

The security dilemma mechanism has been widely used to explain interstate conflict since its original conceptualisation in the 1950s, but it has been applied to the study of civil wars only since the early 1990s. Despite valiant attempts, major theoretical gaps remain unaddressed in the literature, the most important of which is the missing link between the security dilemma and the outbreak of armed violence. This thesis intends to fill this gap, employing process tracing methodology on the post- independence civil wars that erupted in Angola and Mozambique after the collapse of the Portuguese empire. The research engages alternative explanations for the causes of civil war, assesses the role of the security dilemma in this context, and demonstrates that mutual insecurity was instrumental to the outcome of violence in the studied cases. Hence, this research dispels concerns about the concept's fundamental incompatibility with civil wars and advances the literature discussing several issues related to the intrastate application of an originally interstate concept. The application of the model to two novel cases enhances the theoretical and empirical relevance of the concept for the study of civil wars and reinforces claims of its potential generalisability.

In spite of decades-long development programs, Lesotho faces an ongoing problem of water insecurity with far- reaching individual and social impacts. The purpose of this research was to understand how women in Lesotho are impacted by the synergistic epidemics, or syndemics, of water insecurity and HIV/AIDS and how they respond to these forces. Little has been done to address how water insecurity, defined in terms of both sufficient amount and quality of water, catalyzes the syndemic impact on the people of Lesotho. Access to safe and reliable sources of water is crucial for all individuals, particularly those who have been affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. First, water is essential for adequate nutrition since it is required for the growing of agricultural products and for the preparation of adequate foods needed to maintain the nutritional health of those already infected with the virus. Second, food and water security is essential for the treatment of AIDS, as the complex drug regimes of anti-retroviral (ARV) medications require reliable and constant access to safe water and nutritious foods to facilitate compliance with medications. This research was also concerned with understanding the psycho-emotional experience of water insecurity. Water insecurity constrained people's ability to effectively care for their families and, as a result, created additional work and stress. Indeed, quantitative findings revealed that there was a significant relationship between water insecurity and psycho-emotional distress, and that water insecurity predicted higher scores on the Hopkins Symptoms Checklist (HSCL-25), holding constant socio-economic variables and food insecurity. Water security is dependent on many dimensions from adequate availability, secure access, and having enough water for one's daily needs. However, worry about water safety emerged as an important focus in both the qualitative and quantitative data. Water safety was a noted stress in people's daily lives, and significantly predicted increased scores on the HSCL-25. More broadly, this research theoretically informs critical medical anthropology and development anthropology. While this research was conducted in three villages in the Lesotho lowlands, this research must be contextualized within larger anthropological theory regarding international development and women in relation to it. This research combines several theories used in anthropology, international development, and social geography including political economy and structural violence, post-structuralism and governmentality, and theorizations about space and place to understand how women in Lesotho respond to globalization. Despite the proliferation of the terms participation and participatory development nearly 20 years ago, these constructs remain important in international development. While the ideology of participation originally stems from activist understandings of the role of communities in development, the use of participation has become depoliticized. As opposed to grassroots mobilization and the foregrounding of local realities, participation often means little more than a method for facilitating project implementation. Furthermore, respondents routinely discussed programs coming into communities and leaving without notice or explanation. It is imperative for donor organizations to consider the ethics of sustainability when planning and implementing new programs. In terms of community programs and grassroots organizing, findings from this research indicate that there are many material and social barriers to participation. Understanding not only women's other responsibilities but also the support they may receive from family and friends is important in any discussion of community participation. Many feminist critics of development argue that gender and class considerations have not been meaningfully addressed in policy and development programs. As global feminists argue that development aims should understand the heterogeneity of women worldwide, more research on women's perceptions of their vulnerability and their position in society is needed to inform development. Women in the global South are not passive victims and their views are important in delineating the goals and methods of development plans. Furthermore, it is important to recognize that participation may not always be in women's, or men's, best interest and that often activism and collective organizing may be more subtle than expected. In short, neither globalization nor resistance are complete power is contingent and negotiated, and thus this research reaffirms the importance of ethnography in uncovering the lived experience of globalization, or a critical ethnography of globalization.

This thesis' central aim is the application of a Wendtian-constructivist expansion of Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) on a specific case study: the South Caucasus. To that effect, three concepts of RSCT – amity/enmity, state incoherence, and great power penetration – are expanded and developed within the broader above-mentioned ontological-epistemological framework. Amity-enmity is elaborated into an integrated spectrum founded on varying ideational patterns of securitisation alongside objective characteristics, and encompassing conflict formations, security regimes and security communities. States are conceptualised as ideational-institutional-material "providers of security"; their incoherence is characterised over three tiers and two dimensions, leading to a distinction between vertical and horizontal inherent weakness, ostensible instability and failure. Great power penetration is dissected into its objective, subjective and intersubjective elements, resulting in a 1+3+1 typology of its recurring patterns: unipolar, multipolar-cooperative and multipolar-competitive, bounded by hegemony and disengagement. After the specification of a methodology incorporating both objective macro- and interpretive micro-perspectives, two working hypotheses are specified. Firstly, that state incoherence engenders high levels of regional enmity, and, secondly, that patterns of great power penetration primarily affect transitions of regional amity/enmity between conflict formations and security regimes. The framework is subsequently used to triangulate these hypotheses through an application of the theoretical framework on the post-Soviet Southern Caucasus. An initial macro-overview is subsequently provided of the Southern Caucasus as a regional security complex; the three expanded concepts are consequently investigated, in turn, from the discursive micro-perspective. The South Caucasus is categorised into a "revisionist conflict formation", the nature of its states' incoherence is characterised, and existing patterns of great power penetration are identified as competitive-multipolar. In the final chapter, the hypotheses are largely confirmed, and various scenarios as to the possible emergence of a regional security regime are investigated.

Doctor of Philosophy
Security Studies Interdepartmental Program
Emizet F. Kisangani
Attacks against nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in high-risk conflict zones have increased exponentially over the last two decades. However, the few existing empirical studies on NGO insecurity have tended to focus on external factors influencing attacks, with little attention paid to the actions of aid workers themselves. To fill this gap, this dissertation theorizes that aid workers may have contributed to their own insecurity by engaging in greater political action. Both quantitative and qualitative methods are used to assess the impact of political activity by NGOs on the insecurity of aid workers. The quantitative analyses test the theory at two levels. The first is a large-N country-level analysis of 117 nations from 1999 to 2015 using panel corrected standard errors. The second is a subnational-level statistical analysis of four case studies: Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, and Colombia from 2000 to 2014. Both the country- and provincial- level analyses show that the magnitude of aid tends to be a significant determinant of aid worker security. The qualitative methods of “structured-focused comparison” and “process tracing” are used to analyze the four cases. Results show that aid workers are most likely to be victims of politically-motivated attacks while in-transit. Consistent with the quantitative findings, it is speculated that if workers are engaged in a large-scale project over an extended period of time, attackers will be able to monitor their daily activities and routines closely, making it easier to orchestrate a successful ambush. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that political statements made by NGOs—regardless of their sectors of activity—have increased insecurity for the broader aid community. These results dispel the myth that humanitarian activity has historically been independent, impartial, and neutral. Several NGOs have relied on this false assumption for security, believing that adherence to core principles has contributed to “humanitarian space.” The results also dispel the popular NGO assumption that targeted attacks are not official tactics of organized militants, but rather the result of criminality or mistaken identity. In fact, the overwhelming majority of aid workers attacked in high-risk conflict zones have been targeted by political actors.

Les activités économiques et le commerce sont profondément liés à la gestion de la violence, constituant un défi majeur dans le système mondial moderne. Cette violence, englobant l'expropriation, la destruction, la piraterie, le terrorisme, les conflits et les guerres, affecte tous les pays. Y être exposé entraîne des coûts économiques substantiels, entravant le commerce et le développement. En réponse, les États ont mis en place des politiques de sécurité et attendent en retour des bénéfices économiques. Cette thèse analyse la connexion entre l'insécurité internationale et les activités économiques. Le premier chapitre se concentre sur l'effet des alliances militaires sur le commerce - des traités spécifiquement conçus pour réduire l'insécurité internationale. Dans le deuxième chapitre, nous examinons la complexité des événements militaires et étudions leur impact micro-économique sur les entreprises formelles. Enfin, le chapitre trois analyse les conséquences de sensibilités bilatérales aux coûts d'échange, y compris l'insécurité, sur les revenus réels
Economic activities and trade are deeply intertwined with the management of violence, posing a significant challenge in the modern global system. This violence, spanning expropriation, destruction, piracy, terrorism, conflicts, and wars, affects all countries. The exposure to violence leads to substantial economic costs, hindering trade and development. In response, states have enforced security policies and expect economic benefits in return. The thesis analyses this connexion between international insecurity and economic activities. The first chapter focuses on the military alliances’ effect on trade – treaties specifically designed to reduce international insecurity. In the second chapter, we dig into the complexity of military events and investigate their micro-economic impact on formal firms. Finally, chapter three analyses the consequences of country-pair-specific sensitivity to exchange costs, including insecurity, on real revenues

Canada’s experience in the war against terrorism goes back to the seventies, and continues to develop nowadays, with the last direct terrorist activity in 2017. The Canadian Government reacted to these terrorist attacks by enacting a number of statutes that reflect a changing international paradigm in relation to the fight against terrorism. Fundamental rights and liberties such as the freedom of expression, the right to private life and to personal freedom have been curtailed by these legislative measures. The practical consequences of these measures are analyzed via a comparative examination of the Inter-American System of Human Rights. In general terms, the war against terrorism produces significant impacts over the human rights.
La experiencia de Canadá en la lucha contra el terrorismo se remonta a inicios de la década de los setenta y se desarrolla hasta la época actual (los acontecimientos más recientes han tenido lugar en el año 2017). Las medidas legislativas fueron la vía adoptada por parte de Canadá para contrarrestar los ataques y reflejar el cambio de paradigma político en la esfera internacional con relación al fenómeno del terrorismo. Derechos fundamentales como el derecho a la libre expresión, a la vida privada y a la libertad personal se encuentran particularmente afectados por estas medidas. Un análisis comparativo del sistema canadiense y el sistema interamericano permite identificar las consecuencias de estas medidas. En términos más amplios, la lucha contra el terrorismo genera impactos significativos sobre los derechos humanos en general.

Household-level characteristics have been shown to be associated with food insecurity but studies among vulnerable populations are sparse. A food security assessment was developed to determine food security and collect sociodemographic and household level data across San Luis Obispo County. The assessments were administered to vulnerable groups through interviews at multiple sites across the County. Three household characteristics (marital status, number of children in the household and number of workers in the household) were examined in this analysis. A total of 808 surveys were collected, 69% in English and 31% in Spanish. Through ethnicity-stratified sequentially adjusted logistic regression models, the association between food insecurity and household characteristics were tested, controlling for sociodemographic, economic and other potentially mediating variables. In the fully adjusted model for Hispanic/Latino households, associations were observed with number of children in the household and workers in the household, but confidence intervals were wide. In the fully adjusted model for White households, marital status was weakly associated with food insecurity. In both groups, per capita monthly income was strongly associated with food insecurity. Several interrelated household and individual level variables determined a households food security status. Because of this complexity, comprehensive social and economic changes are needed to improve food security in California and the rest of the United States. Also, different processes associated with race/ethnicity and coping strategies with regard to food insecurity should be considered when designing studies, planning policies, and conducting interventions.

Intimement lié au(x) régime(s) juridique(s) applicable(s), le constat est tranchant : les règles opérationnelles qui jalonnent la mission militaire n'offrent plus la sécurité juridique escomptée. Ce constat porte en lui-même les germes des nombreuses interrogations qui conditionnent cette étude. La première relève de la logique juridique au sens strict : quelle est la norme applicable ? La réponse n’est pas aussi nette au regard de l’importance du sujet. Finalement, le Droit de la défense dont il est question ici n’est qu’une construction artificielle, renvoyant vers un conglomérat de règles hétéroclites dans le fond, la forme et l’applicabilité. Nécessitant l’élaboration de critères de référence, la mise en lumière de cette constellation constituée tout autant de normes issues du droit interne que du droit international, éclaire la seconde interrogation : l’outil juridique mis à disposition des forces armées est-il efficace et protecteur dans un contexte de judiciarisation ? En France, la réponse est clairement négative : avec l’abandon juridique total de la notion de guerre, seul le droit commun interne, notamment pénal, ou le Droit international humanitaire, pour partie, trouvent à s’appliquer. En représentant finalement l’alpha et l’oméga du cadre juridique visé dans ces lignes, le principe de la légitime défense détermine tant la source que la solution des problématiques qu’il soulève. Riposte privilégiée des avocats en défense, la flexibilité de ce principe lui offre une applicabilité accrue autant qu’il prête le flanc à la faiblesse de l’encadrement juridique de tout déploiement armé
Intimately linked to the applicable legal regime (s), the observation is sharp: the rules operational that mark out the military mission no longer offer the expected legal security. This observation carries in itself the germs of the many questions that condition this study. The first relates to legal logic in the strict sense: what is the applicable standard? The answer is not as clear in view of the importance of the subject. Finally, the right of defense in question here is only an artificial construction, referring to a conglomerate of heterogeneous rules in substance, form and applicability. Requiring the development of criteria benchmark, the highlighting of this constellation made up of as many standards from domestic law that international law clarifies the second question: the legal tool made available to the armed forces is it effective and protective in the context of legal proceedings? In France, the answer is clearly negative: with the total legal abandonment of the concept of war, only the internal common law, in particular criminal, or the Law international humanitarian, in part, find to apply. By ultimately representing the alpha and omega of the legal framework referred to in these lines, the principle of self-defense determines both the source and the solution of the issues it raises. The privileged response of defense lawyers, the flexibility of this principle offers it increased applicability as much as it lends the flank to the weakness of the legal framework of any armed deployment

L'objet de mon travail de thèse est l'analyse des processus qui tendent à maintenir les femmes malgaches dans la subordination et dans la dépendance à l'égard des hommes lorsqu'elles migrent en vue d'améliorer leur sort et celui de leur famille. Mon intention est de rendre compte des expériences rencontrées dans le cadre de leur migration afin de saisir ce qui entrave leur quête de sécurisation et les maintient dans une précarité matérielle et positionnelle vis-à-vis des hommes. Au-delà des différences de positions socioéconomiques d'origine et du type de migration effectué par ces femmes, les oppressions qu'elles subissent restent analogues. Les circonstances pour s'en extraire dépendent des possibilités de sécurisation qu'offre le lieu de migration. La première partie concerne l'exode rural qui a emmené des femmes, à s'installer dans les quartiers pauvres d'Antananarivo (la capitale de Madagascar). Cette migration interne, qu'elle soit amorcée par une stratégie familiale de survie ou par un choix individuel émanant des femmes elles-mêmes, n'aboutit pas à la sécurisation de leur condition de vie. Les épreuves familiales et personnelles démontrent la vulnérabilité des parcours de vie dès lors où les femmes sont détachées du système d'entraide familial. L'impossible retour au village, combiné avec les difficultés de trouver des ressources définissent leur situation limitrophe entre une paysannerie qui les a rejetées et un monde urbain difficile à incorporer. M'interrogeant sur ce processus de précarisation matérielle et positionnelle des femmes migrant seules, la deuxième partie étudie le parcours des femmes originaires d'Antananarivo migrant dans le cadre d'un mariage par correspondance en France. Mon objectif est de vérifier si, tout comme l'exode vers le monde urbain, leur migration vers les pays occidentaux concourt aussi à les maintenir dans des positions oppressives vis-à-vis des rapports conjugaux et économiques. L'observation de la migration internationale des femmes malgaches se fait au travers d'un processus temporel régi en faits circonstanciés menant à la décision de départ. En France deux figures processuelles opposées différencient leur positionnement face à la domination masculine. D'un côté, des femmes ont mis un terme à leur mariage transnational et se sont engagées dans un parcours migratoire solitaire. Séparées, sans ressources ni soutien familial, elles sont prises dans des processus de précarisation jusqu'alors méconnus. Leur itinéraire migratoire est fortement imprégné de multiples vulnérabilités liées à leurs conditions d'installation. D'un autre côté, des femmes se sont maintenues en couple en tentant de conserver le statut d'épouse. Leur parcours en France s'inscrit dans le cadre conjugal parsemé de multiples épreuves. A Antananarivo comme en France, les deux types de migration féminine malgache illustrent l'ensemble de difficultés auxquelles les femmes doivent faire face pour échapper aux rapports oppressives de genre et de classe. Si la migration est conçue dans le but de trouver des ressources économiques et affectives, on s'aperçoit que c'est la dépossession des avoirs de départ qui dissout rapidement les tentatives de sécurisation. Dans un premier temps, leur parcours consiste à lutter pour la survie. Le cadre étant difficilement réalisable, celui des migrantes venues à Antananarivo se resserre autour de cette survie. Pour les femmes migrant en France, lorsque la subsistance est préservée, elles doivent lutter contre les tensions générées par les contraintes de leur position déclassée à travers de multiples stratégies de négociations et de bricolages. Dans chacune des migrations féminines, la quête affective passe par une anticipation idéalisée des relations conjugales, mais qui est très vite contrecarrée par la mise à l'épreuve des violences masculines instituées par ce cadre
The subject of my thesis is the analysis of the processes that tend to keep Malagasy women in subordination and dependence on men when they migrate in order to improve their lot and that of their family. My intention is to report on the experiences encountered during their migration in order to understand what hinders their quest for security and keeps them in material and positional precariousness compared of men. Beyond the differences in socio-economic positions of origin and the type of migration carried out by these women, the oppressions they suffer remain similar. The circumstances for escaping depend on the security possibilities offered by the place of migration.The first part concerns the rural exodus which led women to settle in the poor neighborhoods of Antananarivo (the capital of Madagascar). The exodus whether initiated by a family survival strategy or by an individual choice made by themselves, does not result in securing their living conditions. Family and personal hardships demonstrate the vulnerability of life courses when women are detached from the family support system. The impossibility of returning to the village, combined with the difficulties of finding resources define their borderline situation between a peasantry that has rejected them and an urban world that is difficult to incorporate. Questioning myself on this process of material and positional precariousness of women migrating alone, the second part studies the path of women from Antananarivo migrating within the framework of a mail-order marriage in France. My objective is to verify whether, like the exodus to the urban world, their migration to Western countries also contributes to keeping them in oppressive positions vis-à-vis marital and economic relations. The observation of the international migration of Malagasy women is done through a temporal process governed by detailed facts leading to the decision to leave.In France, two opposing procedural figures differentiate their positioning in the face of male domination. On the one hand, women have ended their transnational marriage and embarked on a solitary migration journey. Separated, without resources or family support in France, they are caught up in processes of precariousness hitherto unknown. Their migratory route is strongly impregnated with multiple vulnerabilities linked to their conditions of installation. On the other hand, women have maintained themselves as a couple by trying to maintain the status of wife. Their journey in France is part of the marital framework strewn with multiple ordeals. In Antananarivo as in France, the two types of Malagasy female migration illustrate the set of difficulties that women must face in order to escape oppressive gender and class relations. If migration is designed with the aim of finding economic and affective resources, we see that it is the dispossession of initial assets that quickly dissolves attempts to secure it. At first, their journey is to fight for survival. The framework being difficult to achieve, that of the migrant women who have come to Antananarivo is tightened around this survival. For women migrating to France, when subsistence is preserved, they must fight against the tensions generated by the constraints of their downgraded position through multiple strategies of negotiation and DIY. In each of the female migrations, the affective quest passes through an idealized anticipation of conjugal relations, but which is very quickly thwarted by the testing of male violence instituted by this framework

The seriousness of food insecurity in many developing economies has prompted this research into its key potential drivers. The thesis assesses primary data on Cambodia as a case study to examine potential impacts of (i) agricultural land property rights on household food insecurity of rice farmers in rural Cambodia, (ii) of excessive flooding and irrigation on rice productivity and rice revenue, and (iii) of rice productivity and rice revenue on household food insecurity. The primary data are taken from a household survey conducted between March and May 2014, administered to 256 households in 32 rural villages in rural Cambodia. The second part of the thesis examines (iv) the international experience of private property rights impacts on food insecurity, using data from 57 developing economies over 1990 to 2011. This cross-country examination is motivated by the Cambodian evidence to investigate whether the international evidence on the linkage exists. The plot-level evidence from Cambodia indicates that a one-unit increase in security in agricultural land property rights could reduce household food insecurity by about 1 day per annum on average. Security in agricultural land property rights could improve credit access, collateralisation, and farmers’ revenue-cost ratios. For rural rice farmers in Cambodia, simply holding ‘land documents’ of any type does not appear to have a strong impact on their food insecurity. The international evidence provides similar results to the Cambodian evidence: countries with greater private property rights experienced less food insecurity. A one-percent increase in property rights security potentially reduces prevalence of undernourishment and prevalence of food inadequacy by 0.85 percent and 0.64 percent on average, respectively. The plot-level evidence from Cambodia shows that providing irrigation for the currently unirrigated plots could raise per-harvest rice yield by about 0.7 tonnes and per-harvest rice revenue by about USD150 on average. Expanding access to formal irrigation, i.e., from reservoirs, dykes, or canals, could raise rice yield and rice revenue by about USD200 per harvest, relative to other irrigation types, such as river or groundwater irrigation. The household-level evidence from Cambodia shows that rice productivity and rice revenue are significantly, negatively associated with household food insecurity. Plots affected by excessive flooding had lower rice yield by about 0.7 tonnes per hectare, lower per-harvest rice revenue by about USD150, or lower per-hectare rice revenue by about USD140 on average, relative to those plots unaffected by excessive flooding. The thesis has identified four policy options for tackling food insecurity in Cambodia and developing economies. First, strengthening security in private agricultural property rights is an option for reducing household food insecurity in rural Cambodia. Relatedly, greater security in agricultural land property rights would improve credit access and land-based collateral use. Second, enhancing security in private property rights in developing economies would be key for lowering their national food insecurity. Third, expanding formal irrigation access and is another option for improving rice production and rice revenue. Fourth, strengthening mechanisms to cope with excessive flooding in rice-producing areas in rural Cambodia is key for improving rice production and rice revenue.

ABSTRACT FOOD INSECURITY AND CULTURE- A STUDY OF CAMBODIAN AND BRAZILIAN IMMIGRANTS SEPTEMBER 2013 SARVNAZ MODARRESI GHAVAMI, B.S., IRAN UNIVERSITY OF MEDICAL SCIENCES M.S., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS AMHERST Directed by: Jerusha Nelson Peterman Vulnerable immigrant populations such as refugees and undocumented immigrants are at higher risk for food insecurity and its health consequences than other low- income populations. Acculturation and adaptation of certain coping strategies, as well as certain characteristics, make these populations vulnerable to food insecurity. This thesis focuses on two of the understudied immigrant populations in Lowell, Massachusetts: Brazilian immigrants and Cambodian refugees and immigrants. To better understand food insecurity, acculturation, and coping strategies of these immigrant populations, we conducted a mixed-methods study with two Brazilian focus groups (n=16) and three Cambodian focus groups (n=21). We assessed 1) food security experiences, 2) the role of acculturation in the aspects of food security status, and 3) the role of coping strategies in the food insecurity and acculturation of these populations. Participants were similar with respect to age, income, length of stay in the U.S. across both Brazilian and Cambodian groups. Native language was the preferred language spoken at home. In quantitative survey analyses, Cambodians participants experienced higher rates of food insecurity compared to Brazilians (91% vs. 25%, p<0.001). Cambodians experienced greater food hardship in their home countries compared to the Brazilian immigrants (66.6% vs. 43.7%). Throughout the focus groups, Cambodians talked about a difficult food environment in which desired foods were not available or accessible to them. In contrast, the Brazilians seemed to enjoy a suitable food environment. Dietary acculturation was also evident in both groups. However, Cambodians expressed more indications of adapting to what they considered an American diet. Also, Cambodians seemed to engage in more risky strategies that could potentially exacerbate their food security status and health than Brazilians. These results suggest that some of the possible contributing factors to the higher rates of food insecurity in the Cambodian groups are their employment of risky coping strategies, as well as the difficult food environment. The difficult food environment along with their past food experience might have played a role in the greater dietary acculturation in the Cambodian groups.

This paper seeks to examine the underlying factors that will influence international security in the coming decades. In contrast to the Cold War era, it will be argued that two fundamental issues will largely determine the evolution of conflict - the widening socio-economic polarisation and problems of environmental constraints. Taken together with the proliferation of military technologies, the paper argues that attempts to maintain the present world order in the interests of a minority elite are unlikely to succeed and will, instead, enhance the risks of conflict. A radical re-thinking of western perceptions of security is necessary that will embrace a willingness to address the core causes of insecurity at their roots.

Anti-trafficking discourses in Canada feature prominently in policy discussions of prostitution and sex work as well as national security and border integrity, including discussions of migration, migrant smuggling, refuge, and asylum. Yet, representations of trafficked persons have gone largely unquestioned in the country and anti-trafficking policies have garnered broad acceptance without detailed consideration of how such representations affect the rights and experiences of trafficked persons. In this context, anti-trafficking discourses are relied upon to justify a variety of conflicting political agendas. By placing existing discourses of human trafficking under scrutiny, including representations of trafficked persons from the perspective of frontline workers, government officials, law enforcement, and trafficked persons themselves in Western Canada, this study examines the politicized construction of trafficking discourses and thereby identifies how some anti-trafficking measures claiming to liberate “victims of trafficking” contribute to the insecurities faced by trafficked persons. Further, by examining recent immigration policy amendments alongside anti-trafficking discourses, this study considers the role of anti-trafficking discourses in shaping contemporary boundaries of inclusion and exclusion. In particular, the study highlights the insecurity trafficked persons experience as a result of measures emphasizing criminalization and deportation as well as the effect of criminalization for temporary migrant workers, particularly migrant workers experiencing exploitation in a context of socio-economic constraint.

碩士
國立交通大學
經營管理研究所
87
This thesis research the reaction of government employee during the government enterprise is going to privatization. This research paper examines the relationship of role conflict, role ambiguity, job insecurity , job satisfaction, organizational commitment and employee turnover . It was hypothesized in this study that: (1) The greater the perceived role ambiguity, the greater the perceived job insecurity. (2) The greater the perceived role conflict, the greater the perceived job insecurity. (3) The greater the perceived job insecurity, the greater the intention to quit. (4) The greater the perceived job insecurity, the lower the organizational commitment. (5) The greater the perceived job insecurity, the lower the job satisfaction. Two hundreds and four government employees from International Business Group of Chunghwa Telecom participated in the study by filling out questionnaires. The results of this study support the second, fourth and fifth hypothesis. Reject to the first and third hypothesis. Female Job insecurity and intention to quit was higher than male. Female job satisfaction was lower than male.

碩士
國立暨南國際大學
管理學院經營管理碩士學位學程碩士在職專班
103
This study investigates the effects of hotel employees’ leader-member exchange on their job insecurity and knowledge sharing, and the effect of job insecurity on knowledge sharing. This research subjects were selected from employees of six international tourist hotels in Taiwan, 300 valid questionnaires were collected, and of which 218 are effective questionnaires, returns-ratio is 72.67%. The results are: (1) the stronger the employees’ leader-member exchange are, the lower their job insecurity will be; (2) the stronger the employees’ leader-member exchange are, the more their knowledge sharing will be; (3) employees’ job insecurity fail to predict their knowledge sharing.

Recent research into job insecurity (JI) features a greater tendency to undertake target group-specific investigations into the construct, in view of the growing diversity in the world of work. The present doctoral thesis focuses on a group that previous research into JI has so far failed to investigate fully, namely apprentices. The past disregard of this group is surprising, considering that young adults are at greater risk of unemployment than the average gainfully employed person (cf. de Witte, 2007). To meet the research objective of the present study, a JI tool validated by Staufenbiel et al. (2009), used to distinguish between four JI components within a 2*2 design, was modified for the target group of apprentices. In line with Borg and Elizur (1992), a differentiation was made between a cognitive and an affective JI component; furthermore, in line with Hellgren et al. (1999), quantitative JI involving the complete loss of employment was separated from qualitative JI, involving the aversive change of valued job features. In the first study, a survey was conducted amongst apprentices (a total of n = 392, from vocations requiring training in the areas of trade, crafts, industry and health care) at various vocational schools in the City of Osnabrück. Within the longitudinal design, potential antecedents and consequences of JI were gathered from these apprentices on two survey dates (T1: one year before completing the apprenticeship; T2: three to four months before completing the apprenticeship). Confirmatory analysis revealed the best fit for a two-factor model that differentiated between a cognitive and an affective JI component. Since qualitative items failed to be established on separate subcomponents within the structural analyses, as conceptually planned, these items were neglected, and further work was conducted using quantitative items only. The two-factorial structure of JI (cognitive versus affective) determined in the first study was replicated in the other two studies undertaken within the doctoral thesis. The longitudinal analyses conducted by structural equation modelling demonstrated that occupational self-efficacy and employability are the best predictors of cognitive and affective JI components, respectively. In the second study, an exhaustive survey was conducted amongst the apprentices of a large industrial group operating in the metal-working industry. These apprentices were practising various craft occupations that require training. In contrast to the preliminary study, the apprentices were at different stages of their apprenticeship at the time of the survey, enabling potential differences in levels of JI in the course of training to be determined. Furthermore, the second study focused solely on JI consequences. In addition to data provided by the apprentices, behavioural data such as absence data and the apprentices’ performance appraisals by their respective company trainer were also drawn on. The trajectory of JI in the course of the apprenticeship showed that JI was felt the least in the first year of training and the most in the penultimate year. In the third study, the focus on JI amongst apprentices was extended to the international context. To this end, around 100 wholesale trade apprentices were surveyed in each of three European countries that feature very different training systems, namely, Germany, the Netherlands and Spain. While vocational training in Germany is traditionally offered as a dual system in which apprentices attend vocational school and work at the company in roughly equal parts, practical elements are less predominant in the Netherlands and are substituted fully by full-time school education in Spain. In addition to demonstrating the psychometric adequacy of the JI tool, its metric measurement invariance for samples taken amongst apprentices from the three countries was also shown in the international comparative analyses. Furthermore, employability was established as the most significant predictor of both JI components in all three countries. All in all, the results of the doctoral thesis confirm that JI is a considerable stressor for apprentices in the national and international context. The doctoral thesis concludes with a summary of the topic’s relevance in international education policy in view of the prevailing sustained high youth unemployment. With regard to methodology, diary studies are recommended for future study designs to enable the better estimation of JI covariations over time.

In this thesis I explore issues of food security and food-identity relationships among international students at the University of Guelph and the University of Windsor. I argue students who attempt to maintain traditional diets are more likely to experience food insecurity than students who explore diverse foods because they are more likely to be negatively affected by food availability, food access and structural barriers. What students eat can also have implications for identity maintenance and identity creation. Thus in this thesis I also explore the relationship between food and identity by considering how identity and food-security can be closely related to preferred food availability and accessibility. I argue that students consume certain foods as a means to maintain and create identities, and as such I suggest that familiar food eaters may experience a sense of losing their identities as their food insecurity increases.

yes
Over the last quarter century post-conflict and post-authoritarian transitions in Latin America have been accompanied by a surge in social violence, acquisitive crime, and insecurity. These phenomena have been driven by an expanding international narcotics trade, by the long-term effects of civil war and counter-insurgency (resulting in, inter alia, an increased availability of small arms and a pervasive grammar of violence), and by structural stresses on society (unemployment, hyper-inflation, widening income inequality). Local police forces proved to be generally ineffective in preventing, resolving, or detecting such crime and forms of “new violence”3 due to corruption, frequent complicity in criminal networks, poor training and low pay, and the routine use of excessive force without due sanction. Why, then, have governments been slow to prioritize police reform and why have reform efforts borne largely “limited or nonexistent” long-term results? This chapter highlights a number of lessons suggested by various efforts to reform the police in Latin America over the period 1995-2010 . It focuses on two clusters of countries in Latin America. One is Brazil and the Southern Cone countries (Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay), which made the transition to democracy from prolonged military authoritarian rule in the mid- to late 1980s. The other is Central America and the Andean region (principally El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Peru, and Colombia), which emerged/have been emerging from armed conflict since the mid- 1990s. The chapter examines first the long history of international involvement in police and security sector reform in order to identify long-run tropes and path dependencies. It then focuses on a number of recurring themes: cycles of de- and re-militarization of the policing function; the “security gap” and “democratization dilemmas” involved in structural reforms; the opportunities offered by decentralization for more community-oriented police; and police capacity to resist reform and undermine accountability mechanisms.

The conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been characterized by armed violence carried out against civilian populations. Despite a formal end to hostilities with outside states, numerous cease fire agreements and an internationally sanctioned disarmament program, Congolese civilians continue to be targeted in attacks. Research suggests that addressing the demand for Small Arms and Light Weapons as part of the broader disarmament process may decrease the proliferation of weapons and reduce armed violence. The research undertaken as part of this thesis attempted broadly to identify some of the factors contributing to the demand for small arms and light weapons in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It suggests that insecurity, weak governance and regional politics, historical and cultural factors and socio economic factors significantly contribute to the demand for small arms and must be addressed in order to reduce armed violence. ?

'Losing Control combines a glimpse behind the security screens with sharp analysis of the real global insecurities - growing inequality and unsustainability.' The New Internationalist The attacks in New York and Washington on 11th September 2001 took most of the world by surprise. It showed that, for those living in the West, the threat of terrorist attack is now very real. Maintaining control of global security has become a matter of paramount importance to all Western governments. As the war against 'terrorism' widens into a war against particular states who may have played little part in the disaster, the idea that we can maintain global security by desperately clinging to our current security paradigm becomes increasingly improbable. In Losing Control, Paul Rogers calls for a radical re-thinking of western perceptions of security that embraces a willingness to address the core issues of global insecurity. This acclaimed book has already become an essential guide for anyone who wishes to understand the current crisis, and this updated edition contains a new preface and a new chapter which address the specific problems that have arisen since the attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. Drawing on examples from around the world, Rogers analyses the legacy of the Cold War's proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; the impact of human activity on the global ecosystem; the growth of hypercapitalism and resulting poverty and insecurity; the competition for energy resources and strategic minerals; biological warfare programmes; and paramilitary actions against centres of power. The new edition brings the whole analysis right up to date, arguing persuasively that the world's elite cannot maintain control and that a far more emancipatory and sustainable approach to global security has to be developed.
Also published in Japanese