Journal articles on the topic 'International economic relations Case studies'
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Brătucu, Gabriel. "BOOK REVIEW. INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS – THEORIES, STRATEGIES, POLICIES, TOOLS AND CASE STUDIES." SERIES V - ECONOMIC SCIENCES 14(63), no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31926/but.es.2021.14.63.1.11.
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This is a review for a collective book published both in Romanian (2017) and in English (2019) on the topic of international economic relations. The book has a comprehensive character and presents the issues related to international business and economics in a multi-facet manner. The book has a number of merits that are presented in the review.
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Katzenstein, Peter J. "Area Studies, Regional Studies, and International Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (February 2002): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000709.
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This paper discusses area, regional, and international relations studies as seen from the vantage point of the United States. Part I situates the issue of regionalism in the current debate about conceptualizing international relations since the end of the Cold War and at the dawn of a new millennium. Against the historical backdrop of a powerful case for area studies made soon after the end of World War II, Part II focuses attention on the crosscurrents that are affecting area studies from three different directions: (1) disciplinary-based, scientific critics who value nomothetic approaches more than contextualization; (2) cultural critiques developed from the perspective of the humanities and, at times, post-modernism; and (3) the growing emphasis on cross-regional studies that seek to blend and incorporate elements from both scientific and humanistic perspectives. Part III concludes with some brief reflections on the relations, in the classroom, between areas, regional and international studies.
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BELASCU, Lucian. "BOOK REVIEW - INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS: THEORIES, STRATEGIES, POLICIES, TOOLS AND CASE STUDIES, EDITORS: GHEORGHE HURDUZEU, LUMINIȚA NICOLESCU." Revista Economica 73, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 133–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.56043/reveco-2021-0021.
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Diebold, William. "Why Economic Policies Change Course: Eleven Case Studies." Foreign Affairs 67, no. 2 (1988): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043801.
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Newnham, Randall E. "Economic Linkage in German-Polish Relations, 1918-1939." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1802 (January 1, 2006): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2006.131.
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German-Polish relations in the interwar years (1918-1939) were of great importance, not only in shaping those countries’ future but the future of Europe, and indeed the world. Not surprisingly, then, the history of those troubled years has been studied by a number of scholars. Most of these studies, however, have focused on the “high politics” of the period, relegating economic ties to the margins of the story. This work uses a different approach. It focuses on Germany’s efforts to influence Poland through economic sanctions and incentives. It examines these efforts in light of political science theories of economic linkage, focusing on six separate cases. These case studies show that the “softer” tactic of economic incentives was in fact quite effective. For example, in contrast to the Weimar Republic, the Nazi regime employed economic incentives, and was surprisingly effective at building a positive relationship with Warsaw before 1939.This study aims to shed new light not only on interwar German-Polish ties, but on the role of economic linkage in international relations in general.
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Porket, J. L. "Comparative economic systems: pre-industrial and modern case studies." International Affairs 66, no. 2 (April 1990): 376. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621379.
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Kotsur, G. "Emotions and International Relations." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, no. 3 (2021): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.2.
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This article is the part of the recent emotional turn when the scholars of social science are paying more attention to the study of collective emotions in international affairs. The former dominance of the biological and essentialist paradigms in this field were replaced by a number of culture-centered approaches based on social constructivism, which were elaborated within two pioneering disciplines – anthropology of emotions and history of emotions. The influence of such a scientific revolution included the key axis of the common – unique with an emphasis on the latter. The IR has been also affected by an emotional turn when the field of constructivist emotional studies had been established in the early 2000s. The object of this work is the transnational structural common – collective emotional patterns that have recurrent nature and emerge beyond state borders. This part of reality has not been conceptualized by scholars. Therefore, the aim of the article is to fill an epistemological vacuum and outline the ways for conceptualization of transnational structural common. It is IR that seem to be the most suitable field to do this. The empirical case of the crisis response after terrorist attacks are analyzed as the example of the transnational structural common. This case is explored by the author through the framework of "emotion culture" by S. Koschut in combination with the concept of "emotives" by W. Reddy. Speeches by the leaders of Israel, the United States, Russia, India and France after six terrorist attacks from 1972 to 2015 allow to identify an integrated tripartite emotional structure, which is observed in each of the cases. This structure includes an emotive of pity; compensatory structure with the emotives of fighting fear through reciprocal determination; finally, an emotive of solidarity. This discursive structure functions in a stable way because the emotional code connects the type of event (terrorist attack) with the cultural script (tripartite structure). Finally, some approaches in sociological institutionalism would enrich future studies of emotion culture.
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Ružeková, Viera. "Prospects for the EU-US Trade Relations in the Light of the TTIP." Studia Commercialia Bratislavensia 9, no. 34 (December 1, 2016): 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stcb-2016-0020.
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Abstract To success on international markets, individual economies are trying to take measures to increase their efficiency, flexibility and competitiveness. There is a liberalization of tariff and non-tariff barriers mainly due to trade based on regional integration. Among such agreements belong also the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the EU and the USA, which represent the largest economies in the world. The paper analyses developed scientific studies that assess the economic impact, advantages and disadvantages of closer economic cooperation. However, it reflects not only the economic but also foreign policy importance of this partnership. In the case of signing the TTIP, it would become the most important bilateral trade agreement ever, both in terms of international trade as well as in terms of the impact on international trade as a whole.
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Wang, Chenxi. "Special Economic Zones: The Subnational- National-International Nexus in China’s Integration With the International Economic Order." Journal of World Trade 56, Issue 6 (December 1, 2022): 1013–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2022042.
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This article investigates China’s Special Economic Zones (SEZs) strategy in the context of China’s integration with the international economic order by concurrently examining China’s internal and external economic policy. It expounds the experimental development path of a massive unitary country which strives to balance between the international pressure against the background of economic globalization and the internal unevenness across different regions. Based on case study of SEZs in different historical times, this article explores a subnational-national-international nexus in China’s integration with the international economic order. This article highlights that, throughout the history, the Chinese central government persistently mobilizes certain regions and names them as SEZs to experiment innovative policies, so as to facilitate the enactment of foreign economic policies and the engagement in international trade and investment negotiations. This study opens the black box of the Chinese State and tells a complementary story regarding China’s interaction with international economic law from a structural perspective. It provides a springboard for future studies of China’s engagement with the rules-based global economy in a world where the international economic legal order recursively travels across international, national and local levels. China, Special Economic Zones, International Economic Order, Regional Trade Agreements, Bilateral Investment Treaties, Shenzhen SEZ, Shanghai FTZ, Hainan FTP, Subnational-national-international Nexus
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Ross, Robert S. "On the fungibility of economic power: China’s economic rise and the East Asian security order." European Journal of International Relations 25, no. 1 (March 16, 2018): 302–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066118757854.
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China is now second only to the US as a world economic power. Its economic rise has challenged US ability to fundamentally shape the world trade order. However, the importance of the rise of the Chinese economy for international security affairs is less clear. The key analytical issue for international politics and for an understanding of the sources of power is whether economic power is fungible in international security affairs, whether it can independently determine the strategic alignments of small states. This is also the key question in assessing the implications of China’s economic rise for the East Asian security order. The political-economy literature argues that trade dependence can lead small states to realign within great power politics, regardless of the military balance. However, poor case selection challenges this prior literature. By using contemporary East Asia as a source of multiple bilateral case studies, I argue that the economic dependence of a small state on a great economic power is insufficient to influence independently small state strategic alignment preferences and that China’s rising economic power is not fungible in East Asian security affairs.
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Jones, David Martin, and Michael L. R. Smith. "Making Process, Not Progress: ASEAN and the Evolving East Asian Regional Order." International Security 32, no. 1 (July 2007): 148–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.1.148.
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Since the Asian financial crisis of 1998, regional scholars and diplomats have maintained that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) represents an evolving economic and security community. In addition, many contend that what is known as the ASEAN process not only has transformed Southeast Asia's international relations, but has started to build a shared East Asian regional identity. ASEAN's deeper integration into a security, economic, and political community, as well as its extension into the ASEAN Plus Three processes that were begun after the 1997 financial crisis, offers a test case of the dominant assumptions in both ASEAN scholarship and liberal and idealist accounts of international relations theory. Three case studies of ASEAN operating as an economic and security community demonstrate, however, that the norms and practices that ASEAN promotes, rather than creating an integrated community, can only sustain a pattern of limited intergovernmental and bureaucratically rigid interaction.
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Froio, Liliana Ramalho, and Marcelo de Almeida Medeiros. "Analysing the Asymmetry in Decentralised International Co-operation: The Case of Brazil/Europe Sub-national Relations." Contexto Internacional 42, no. 2 (August 2020): 303–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2019420200005.
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Abstract The article analyses the decentralised international co-operation between Brazil and Europe, focusing on two specific issues that are not the main objectives of the literature specialised in paradiplomacy studies: first, how international co-operation can be used as a tool for power projection and second, the effects that the economic, political and institutional asymmetry among the actors involved in co-operation arrangements produces on the co-operation outcomes. For that, a wide range of documents and data was used (interviews, official documents, minutes of meetings and data collected with a survey applied to public managers) related to the international co-operation developed between Brazil and European countries. The conclusions are that even in decentralised co-operation arrangements, power relations matter to the results of co-operation.
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Marhold, Anna-Alexandra. "Unpacking the Concept of ‘Energy Security’: Lessons from Recent WTO Case Law." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 48, Issue 2 (May 1, 2021): 147–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2021009.
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‘Energy security’ is a crucial concept in international relations, as well as in international (economic) law. Although no international legal definition of this multi-layered notion exists, and the concept has been recognized as ‘vague’ in international relations literature, it remains a term that is used time and again by states when referring to measures taken in connection with safeguarding their national energy supply. This contribution identifies the various dimensions of the concept of energy security, after which it studies its role in international (economic) law and zooms in on the World Trade Organization (WTO). It critically assesses how the panel and Appellate Body (AB) have dealt with WTO Members’ arguments connected to energy security in two recent WTO disputes, India – Solar Cells and EU – Energy Package. The article demonstrates that while energy security concerns may be a valid basis for defending a Member’s measure, they will not hold if that measure is applied in a discriminatory manner. This may be problematic, as energy security concerns are frequently geo-political in nature and may be inherently discriminatory. The contribution also explains why ‘long-term energy security’ defenses are more likely to meet the threshold of the Article XIV(a) General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) public policy exception, rather than the ‘products in local short supply’ exception of Article XX(j) GATT. Energy Security, ECT, IEA, OPEC, PTAs, WTO, dispute settlement, public policy exception, local short supply
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Tvaronavičienė, Manuela, and Arūnas Burinskas. "Review of studies on FDI: The case of Baltic States." JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 15, no. 2 (June 2022): 210–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2022/15-2/14.
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The authors reviewed the foreign direct investment in Baltic countries. The theoretical part of the paper systemizes essential driving forces (elements) of FDI studies and the methods most common in FDI studies; the hierarchy of qualitative methods and models is presented. Three-tier methodology is suggested. The first tier (or level) represents a mathematical approach towards interconnections between FDI variables. The second tier of methodology is dedicated to sector analysis and benchmarking. The third tier targets revising economic variables and their links with variables representing FDI. The suggested approach could be applied for similar analysis. The authors have constructed a correlation matrix. The results of the analyzed variables via the dynamic regression approach show that the strongest links among variables appeared in several-year periods. The obtained results may have significant policy implication.
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Liargovas, Panagiotis, and Spyridon Repousis. "International Development Assistance and Economic Growth: the Case of Four Southeast European Countries." Southeastern Europe 37, no. 3 (2013): 265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03703002.
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of international development assistance on economic growth in the case of four Southeast European countries, Albania, Bulgaria, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Serbia, during the period 1991-2010. Foreign aid as additive to domestic savings is expected to cause an increase in economic growth and domestic savings. Surprisingly, our empirical results do not support this hypothesis, since foreign aid is negatively related to domestic savings. These results are consistent with the notion that foreign aid transfers can distort individual incentives, and hence hurt savings and growth, by encouraging rent-seeking as opposed to productive activities.
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Shipilov, Alexander Yu. "Relations between the Non-Aligned Countries of Africa and the Second World (1960-1980s): The Case of Sierra Leone." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 700–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-4-700-713.
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The research covers Sierra Leone’s relations with the Second World through the prism of Sierra Leone’s foreign policy. Two periods of Sierra Leone’s foreign policy are considered: during the Westminster bipartisan model from 1961 to 1970, and when the authoritarian regime led by President Siaka Stevens was established from 1971 to 1985. The central issue of the research is analysis of Sierra Leone’s cooperation with the Soviet Union. The aim of the research is to identify the factors that guided the non-aligned countries within the bipolar confrontation of the second half of the 20th century in building their relations with the socialist bloc. The relevance of the topic is related to the fact that the logic and principles of building relations of small non-aligned countries with both limited power resources and little political and economic ambitions with key world powers are less reflected in studies. The research is based upon comparative and historical-genetic methods as well as case studies. The author makes use of materials from the Sierra Leone Public Archives. The author concludes that Sierra Leone’s relations with the Second World were based on economic pragmatism rather than ideological or political proximity. For Sierra Leone, relations with socialist countries served as a tool for diversifying its foreign policy. This set Sierra Leone apart from its neighboring West African states, which either maintained an orientation towards first-world countries, namely France and the US, or reoriented themselves towards the Soviet Union.
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Diduck, Alison, and Frances Raday. "Introduction: family – an international affair." International Journal of Law in Context 8, no. 2 (April 30, 2012): 187–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552312000031.
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This collection of articles arises from a conference held in Tel Aviv in 2009 at the Concord Research Centre for the Integration of International Law in Israel, School of Law, College of Management Academic Studies. Delegates to the conference came from a variety of professions and areas of expertise and included academics and legal and welfare practitioners. What was common among us, however, was our interest in the international dimensions of both understandings of the family and of the normative systems that define and regulate it. We all believed that understandings of family are situated in and across cultural and economic manifestations of reproduction, dependency and care relations in a global context and that they are regulated in international and regional as much as in domestic law.
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Lee, Jong-Wha, and Warwick J. McKibbin. "Globalization and Disease: The Case of SARS." Asian Economic Papers 3, no. 1 (January 2004): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1535351041747932.
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The purpose of this paper is to provide an assessment of the global economic impacts of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) as well as to provide a more comprehensive approach to estimating the global consequences of major disease outbreaks. Our empirical estimates of the economic effects of the SARS epidemic are based on a global model called the G-Cubed (Asia Pacific) model. Most previous studies on the economic effects of epidemics focus on the disease-associated medical costs or forgone incomes resulting from disease-related morbidity and mortality, but the most significant real costs of SARS have been generated by changes in spending behavior by households and firms in affected countries. This study estimates the cost of the SARS outbreak by focusing on the impacts on consumption and investment behavior through changes in the cost and risk of doing business. Through increased economic interdependence, these changes in behavior have wide-ranging general equilibrium consequences for the world economy that can lead to economic losses well in excess of the traditional estimates of the cost of disease.
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Coyne, Christopher J. "Rebuilding War-Torn States: The Challenge of Post-Conflict Economic Reconstruction, by Graciana Del Castillo." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 1 (March 2010): 302–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759270999288x.
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In this book, Graciana Del Castillo draws on theory, her own experiences as senior economist in the Cabinet of the United Nations secretary-general and as an International Monetary Fund staffer, and qualitative case studies to critically reconsider the challenges of postconflict economic reconstruction. The core argument is as follows. Countries making the shift from war to peace face a multipronged transition in the economic, legal, political, social, and security sectors. Given this multifaceted transition, economic reconstruction is fundamentally different from the “development as usual” approach taken by the international community to address typical socioeconomic challenges faced by peaceful developing countries. Instead, economic reconstruction in postconflict countries is a “development plus” challenge, meaning that these countries face the same challenges as other developing countries plus the added challenge of achieving reconciliation and peace. Del Castillo concludes that many post–Cold War reconstruction efforts have failed because of the development as usual approach to reconstruction, a lack of comprehensive planning, insufficient aid and assistance, and the inadequacies of international organizations (e.g., the United Nations and international financial institutions) in dealing with the challenges of reconstruction.
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Hirst, Samuel J. "Anti-Westernism on the European Periphery: The Meaning of Soviet-Turkish Convergence in the 1930s." Slavic Review 72, no. 1 (2013): 32–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.72.1.0032.
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A number of recent comparative works have drawn attention to parallels and similarities between the Soviet Union and the early Turkish Republic. In this article, Samuel J. Hirst takes a firmly transnational approach to Soviet-Turkish interactions in the 1930s to demonstrate that the similarities were not merely circumstantial. The manifest ideological conflict between nationalist Turks and internationalist Bolsheviks has led many historians to dismiss Soviet- Turkish cooperation as a necessary response to geopolitics, a pragmatic alliance against the west. Hirst argues that opposition to the western-dictated international order was a coherent element in Soviet-Turkish exchanges that stretched beyond diplomacy into the economic and cultural spheres. The antiwestern elements of Soviet-Turkish relations suggest that convergence was more than a case of homologous responses to similar conditions; it was part of a broader narrative that, in the Soviet case at least, continued to shape international relations beyond World War II.
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Wang, Jianping. "Islam and State Policy in Contemporary China." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 45, no. 4 (October 13, 2016): 566–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429816667680.
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Since Deng Xiaoping adopted a pragmatic policy of opening up and reforming the country in the late 1970s, Islam has witnessed a revival in China. Just as the Chinese nation has experienced rapid economic, political and social development, so too has Islam grown and diversified. Since Muslims generally enjoy the freedom to practice their religion and the benefit of China’s Preferential Program (a policy giving special privileges to minority Muslims) – if they obey the state law and keep harmonious relations with other social groups – some Chinese Muslims regard today as a “golden age” for Islam in the People’s Republic. This paper offers an overview of the major developments in Chinese Communist policy on religion and discusses the internal and external influences of domestic and international relations on Communist Party policy towards Chinese Muslims. It argues that Chinese Communist Party policy since the 1970s protects religious freedom but does so while maintaining state control over religion. Further, in the case of Islam in the People’s Republic, state protection and control are defined according to the domestic and international concerns of the State.
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Young, Patricia T. "Captured by Business? Romanian Market Governance and the New Economic Elite." Business and Politics 12, no. 1 (April 2010): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1255.
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In the 1990s, there was a lot of concern in studies of post-communism about communist-era managers stalling institutional reforms due to their ability to gain long-term advantages through institutional capture. By influencing market governance rules (corporate governance, bankruptcy, competition laws), managers could protect and amplify initial economic gains from liberalization, entrenching economic inequality. Yet in the 2000s, even the laggards of transition have implemented significant market governance reforms and have enjoyed rapid economic growth. Moreover, business perceptions of state capture (from BEEPS) have dropped substantially. The paper examines this surprising turnaround with evidence from the Romanian case. I argue that contrary to expectations, business interests have failed to capture market governance institutions. In spite of benefiting from shady privatization deals and other advantages based on political connections, the new Romanian entrepreneurs were not threatened by sophisticated market governance laws. This argument based on the preferences of business actors is a necessary addition to explanations of institutional reforms that rely on international conditionality or on economic crisis.
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Aggarwal, Vinod K., and Andrew W. Reddie. "Economic Statecraft in the 21st Century: Implications for the Future of the Global Trade Regime." World Trade Review 20, no. 2 (February 11, 2021): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474562000049x.
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AbstractThis article introduces a special issue that examines the effects of strategic competition on the future of the global trade regime. We argue that traditional work in economics and the current set-up of global economic regimes ignores economic statecraft as a key element in understanding trade conflict. Specifically, we outline three examples of contemporary economic statecraft – industrial policy, trade restrictions, and new investment rules – that have been used to block foreign direct investment on the basis of national security claims. Based on this analysis, we explore how the WTO and other economic regimes might address the global economic governance of economic statecraft. In concluding, we outline the theoretical and empirical work in the subsequent case studies that examine the use of economic statecraft in the United States, China, India, Japan, and South Korea.
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Łuczaj, Kamil, Iwona Leonowicz-Bukała, and Olga Kurek-Ochmańska. "CREATIVE CLASS IN THE BORDERLANDS? THE CASE OF COMMUTING SCHOLARS IN POLAND." Creativity Studies 15, no. 1 (March 17, 2022): 246–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cs.2022.12289.
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Richard Florida claims that members of the “creative class” move to cities, perceived as open and conducive to creative work – a phenomenon which Florida insists is a fundamental economic driver in the Western world. This includes academics and researchers and results in the transfer of knowledge and skills. As the concept of “creative class” was coined in the United States, we may pose the question if it is applicable in other social contexts. The geographical focus of the current paper is on the Polish borderlands. We investigate how international academic commuters, i.e. academics travelling to work in Poland from the neighbouring countries, contribute to the knowledge transfer, or more broadly, the “creative transfer”. This study, a part of a broader research project involving 100 foreign-born scholars working in Poland, uses a sub-sample of the 16 in-depth interviews with international commuting scholars (as opposed to those who presently live in Poland). The results show that most of the internationally commuting scholars come to Poland strictly to deliver teaching. Focused on this goal, they do not take part in social or cultural life in Poland. Although not earning enough money in their home countries, they do not want to move permanently to Poland. Instead, they use the opportunities given by living near the border. These practices make them more similar to regular economic migrants, rather than members of the “creative class”, although some traces of the “creative transfer” can be identified.
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Rrustemi, Arlinda. "Some Challenges of the State- and Peace-Building Governance Mechanisms." Security and Human Rights 27, no. 1-2 (July 13, 2016): 187–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02701014.
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It is imperative to understand global developments in statebuilding in order to more efficiently influence peace and conflict processes. This article discusses the evolution of global governance mechanisms on state- and peace-building that can assist researchers and practitioners in gaining an in depth understanding of different case studies. It uncovers some limitations and benefits of the global governance mechanisms assisting fragile zones. It concludes that institutions attempt to increase performance, as seen with the regular establishment of new deals and the deployment of new actors on the ground, however challenges remain, as illustrated in the case of Kosovo, in relation to lack of legitimacy, mismatch of national identity needs, economic inequality gap and fragile security and inter-ethnic relations. Instead, it argues to use the resources on the ground rather than devise new missions to deal with peacebuilding challenges.
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Allen, Susan Hannah, and David J. Lektzian. "Economic sanctions." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 1 (January 2013): 121–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312456224.
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Economic sanctions have been referred to as a blunt instrument that the international community has often wielded without full consideration of the impact that these measures will have on the population of the targeted countries, particularly the weakest elements of society. Case studies of sanctions against Cuba, Iraq, and Yugoslavia have demonstrated the impact that sanctions can have on the availability of food, clean water, and medicine, causing many to conclude that all sanctions have extensive public health consequences. In this article, we examine the generalizability of these conclusions in a quantitative cross-national study of sanctions and their public health effects. Additionally, we compare these effects to those associated with both civil and interstate conflicts as critics have recently suggested that sanctions are not a humane alternative to armed warfare. We find that when sanctions have a large economic effect on the target they can have severe public health consequences. These consequences are substantively similar to those associated with major military conflicts. However, when sanctions have little or no economic effect on the target, they also have no substantive effect on public health. Building on recent work to explore the human consequences of war, this work also helps to demonstrate the importance of smart sanctions and humanitarian exemptions in sanctions policy.
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Nesterova, O. A., and O. L. Solodkova. "Area Studies at the Modern University: Experience in Studying International Communication Strategies." Vysshee Obrazovanie v Rossii = Higher Education in Russia 28, no. 11 (December 3, 2019): 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31992/0869-3617-2019-28-144-154.
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In this paper, we show the importance of including the large corpus of scholarly, popular and media texts describing the experience of 20th-century Russian and Soviet Indologists in bachelor’s Asian studies programmes. We explain the significance of the practical work of Soviet Asian scholars on developing and implementing international communication strategies and practices and show that this work is topical and relevant for modern tertiary education. We emphasize the extensive experience accumulated by Russian Indologists in developing scenarios and models of interaction between Russia and Asian countries that take regional particularities into account. We examine the work of the Russian Indologist, scholar, journalist, publicist and professor Leonid Mitrokhin (1934-2002), winner of the Nehru Award (1985), who worked for over a decade in India and devoted his entire life to studying South and Central Asia. We analyse Leonid Mitrokhin’s key communicative practices, whose results are reflected in his monographs, popular books and articles. The results of our linguocultural study confirm the effectiveness of the implementation of friendly communication strategies in Indo-Soviet relations in the 1960s and 1970s. The case study of Leonid Mitrokhin’s work shows the broad range of professional competencies of Soviet Indologists, who had in-depth knowledge of the political and sociocultural makeup of South Asia, the systemic connections between individual social, economic and political groups and institutes, and the ethnopsychological, ethnocultural and religious particularities of interethnic communication. The knowledge and skills of Soviet Indologists allowed them to make accurate forecasts of the development of the political and economic situation in South Asia and neighbouring regions, promote communication, make expert assessments in key areas of interaction between the USSR and countries in the region, elaborate effective communication strategies, and shape a positive image of their country in the international arena. The study of the communication experience of Soviet Indologists shall help contemporary students to learn the methodology of area studies, develop their strategic thinking, expand their study and research interests, improve their knowledge of the region’s history and interregional relations, and learn the basics of foreign impact strategies and the practice of foreign propaganda in Asia.
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Reeves, Jeffrey. "Structural Power, the Copenhagen School and Threats to Chinese Security." China Quarterly 217 (January 2, 2014): 140–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741013001458.
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AbstractThis article engages with current debates surrounding China's security by employing the concept of structural power and the Copenhagen School approach to security studies to measure threats to China's security. Building on existing Chinese and English language research on China's security drivers, the article develops a mechanism for determining how China's economic relations with small states in Asia negatively affect their domestic stability and how this instability then loops back to undermine China's strategic position. The article uses China's relations with Cambodia, Nepal and Mongolia as case studies.
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Demirbas, Dilek, Lauren Wilkinson, and David Bennett. "Supplier relations impact within the UK automotive industry." Benchmarking: An International Journal 25, no. 8 (November 29, 2018): 3143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/bij-07-2017-0172.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to understand the impact of the recent recession on both the automotive manufacturer as well as their suppliers. The research aims to identify if the impact has been the same at each of the organizations, or if there has been a difference. Design/methodology/approach This paper carries out a case study research, into the need for suppliers to increase their responsiveness following recession and the impact this has had on supplier relations. Face-to-face semi-structured interviews were carried out at the vehicle manufacturer with two members of production control staff from VMUK plus seven production control staff at seven tier 1 suppliers to VMUK. Findings Supply chains have been enhanced through an increased level of responsiveness, following the economic downturn and supplier relations have had a positive impact post-recession. Research limitations/implications Literature argues that competitive advantage can be achieved through responsiveness, and that responsiveness is critical during a period of volatility and market uncertainty. Furthermore, literature also argues that competitive advantage can be achieved through positive supplier relations. This study investigates both of these arguments. Originality/value This study concludes that the positive supplier relations offer a competitive advantage when there is no cost advantage to be found elsewhere. Furthermore, this study concludes that as a direct impact of the recession, supplier relations have improved within the case studies investigated.
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Schirm, Stefan A. "Globalisation, Divided Societies and Nation-Centred Economic Policies in America and Britain." European Review of International Studies 9, no. 2 (August 24, 2022): 240–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-09020008.
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Abstract A stronger emphasis on domestic politics and national sovereignty has recently shaped international economic relations, for instance, in the United Kingdom and the United States. This trend weakened the liberal international economic order (lio) with its promotion of globalisation and multilateralism. Why have the UK and the US, which formerly spearheaded the liberal order, embraced nation-centred foreign economic policies (ncp) under the Trump and Johnson governments? I argue that domestic forces predominantly drove this shift, since a political de facto alignment of value-based societal ideas and material interests increasingly favoured national self-determination and the privileging of domestic groups. The negative consequences of the lio such as rising income inequality, job losses and a perceived heteronomy had strengthened societal ideas and interests that converged in support of ncp. I examine these arguments by applying the societal approach to governmental preference formation in case studies on Johnson’s Brexit policy and Trump’s trade policy towards China.
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Rajan, S. Ravi, and Colin A. M. Duncan. "Ecologies of Hope: environment, technology and habitation - case studies from the intervenient middle." Journal of Political Ecology 20, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v20i1.21758.
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This paper is an introduction to a special issue of the Journal of Political Ecology on "Ecologies of Hope." The authors argue that discrete, specific, and often, local actions can create spaces that are bettering human lives and livelihoods. The five papers identify actions and movements that are situated in the "middle" between the individual and larger social and economic formations, and inbetween social and economic status- quo and revolution. They are everyday initiatives that do not make revolutionary claims, but which in small but significant ways, help transform the lives of people and communities. These "ecologies of hope" resonate with the work of Karl Polanyi, and his identification of the modern disembedding of the economy and the environment from its societal and cultural context. Polanyi argued that processes that result in a loss of cultural "habitation" engender movements by societies to protect their social solidarity, and distortions of their relationship with the natural environment. Creating and carving out "ecologies of hope" may not mitigate catastrophic global change or miraculously transform the unjust into the just, but does make life and livelihoods a bit more habitable. For people whose lives are affected, this matters. Political ecology should recognize the importance of creating spaces for "habitation" that are not necessarily structural and scalable.Key words: Karl Polanyi, ecologies of hope, habitation, self-organized communities.
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Kamil Idris, Dahd. "INTERNATIONAL HEALTH COOPERATION: THE GRAVE NEGLECT OF GLOBAL HEALTH COOPERATION & THE RISE SEVERE ACUTE RESPIRATORY SYNDROME - COVID19 PANDEMIC CASE STUDY." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 09 (September 30, 2021): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/13379.
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International relations is truly the manner in which inter-state interactions take place, the behaviour by which they concern each other with issues that touch economic performance, political alignments and social cultural relations. However, it is more than that. In order to clearly understand these inter-state relations, one must truly look at the state cooperation or lack thereof. This paper sets the scene for the concept of global health by identifying the link between the concept and international relations. The insight into the need of health impact assessment is reviewed in the international relations where the key assumption is that issues of global health are ignored in international relations. There is hence the review of impact that the incorporation of global health issues can have in international diplomacy. The aim of this study is to stress the great amount of negligence that exists within the world of International cooperation in the field of Global Health. Global health cooperation is more important than ever. The International response to Covid-19 pandemic, as well as the lack of transparency within Global Cooperation, and interstate relations were examined in this study. The clear observation of military expenditure rises, and the extreme lack of financial redirection against states during times COVID-19 is seen. The lack of compassion from governmental and medical institutions in vulnerable states is also demonstrated. This research was undertaken in a form of Case studies in order to demonstrate the real time results and impacts on often quickly dismissed states. 3 One conclusion is the unpreparedness in terms of response in many countries it suggested the need for improved International Health Regulations. Governmental efforts, alongside community based initiatives and contributions towards health care maintenance have been taken into consideration. The issue lies in the neglect of other aspects of Health especially in times of crises. In my view, the term “Global Health” is widely misunderstood and misrepresented. The context within Global Health may arise from different political backgrounds and focused on different disciplinary principles. It requires a certain capability to deal with heterogeneous ideas in macro, micro, and behavioral economics sociology, political science, international affairs, and public policy. Global health will necessitate moving beyond simple health advocacy in order to be fully comprehended. By contrasting different state responses to COVID-19 outbreaks, in hopes to prevent spreading, setting a precedent for populations, health managers, and leaders around the world on how to plan for, track, and respond to possible outbreaks. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) were used to compare outbreak preparedness and management strategies for this report.
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Burnham, Peter. "Globalisation: states, markets and class relations." Historical Materialism 1, no. 1 (1997): 150–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920697100414159.
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AbstractThe concept of ‘globalisation’ increasingly dominates economic and political debate in the 1990s. However, despite a profusion of commentaries and case studies on aspects of ‘globalisation’ such as ‘Japanisation', ‘Americanisation', ‘McDonaldisation’ and, of course, global information technologies, there are few radical interrogations of the notion of ‘globalisation/internationalisation’ and little discussion of the theoretical implications of recent changes in the global political economy (GPE). The central argument of this paper is that in order to make sense of these developments a broad focus is required which begins by conceptualising the changing nature of relations between national states in the global economy and concludes by understanding these relations in class terms. This is not simply to restate the importance of an international relations or international political economy ‘dimension', since these ‘disciplines’ fail absolutely to relate ‘interstate’ restructuring to the re-composition of class relations. Rather, the aim of the paper is to prompt a more general theoretical reorientation towards understanding the process of international restructuring as one undertaken by national states in an attempt to re-impose tighter labour discipline and recompose the labour/capital relationship. My starting point, therefore, is that global capitalism is still structured as an antagonistic state system, and that many of the changes which characterise the global political economy are introduced by states in an attempt to solve problems that have their roots in labour/capital conflict. In summary form, the paper concludes that the concept of ‘globalisation’ obscures more than it reveals and that Marx's understanding of the relationship between labour, capital and the state remains a more productive starting point for analysing contemporary global processes.
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Himmer, Michael. "Alpaslan Özerdem – Roger Mac Ginty (eds.)." Czech Journal of International Relations 57, no. 2 (October 5, 2022): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.7.
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This book offers a comparative survey of 18 contemporary peace processes conducted by leading international scholars.
There is no standard model of peace processes and all will vary according to the context, type of conflict, timing, national and global economic climate, and factors like natural disasters. Therefore, making comparisons between peace processes is difficult, but it is beneficial – indeed, imperative – and is the principal motivation behind this volume. What works in one context may not work in another, but it can be modified and adapted to fit another context.
The book is structured to maximise comparison between processes, and the case studies chosen are topical and span the major regions of the world. The concluding chapter systematically compares the case studies around 11 variables that cover the conflict context, peace process procedures, the responsiveness of the peace process to demands, and levels of participation and inclusion. Each peace process is then given a numeric score according to each of these variables, and the book thereby reaches judgements on whether each case can be termed a ‘success’ or a ‘failure’.
This book will be essential reading for students of peace studies, conflict resolution, war and conflict studies, security studies, and IR.
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Ayten Mekhraliyeva, Ayten Mekhraliyeva. "CHALLENGES FACING THE CURRENT STATE OF EXPORT POTENTIAL (IN THE CASE FOR AZERBAIJAN)." Caucasus-Economic and Social Analysis Journal of Southern Caucasus 43, no. 04 (July 10, 2021): 04–09. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/cescajsc4304202104.
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The purpose of the study is to identify the importance of increasing export activity in ensuring economic development and the main conditions for increasing the country's export potential, to stimulate exports based on an assessment of the current state of export operations. Moreover, the study determines the directions for increasing the country's export potential and improving the legal framework for its use, furthermore, compile the adequate suggestions and recommendations. The report identifies the importance of export activities in the modern system of economic relations; The main conditions for increasing the export potential in the Republic of Azerbaijan and the stimulated means of using the export potential have been studied; the need for legal regulation of state intervention to increase the export potential of Azerbaijan and promote its implementation was substantiated; the system of legislative acts regulating the implementation of export operations was analyzed; the mechanisms of realization of the existing state support in the field of export stimulation in our country have been studied; The directions of improving the legal framework to increase the export potential and stimulate exports have been identified in our country. Keywords: export, foreign relations, economic development, growth, international trade.
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Driouchi, Ahmed, Nada Zouag, and Cristina Boboc. "Interdependencies of Health, Education and Poverty: The Case of South Mediterranean Economies." Studies of Applied Economics 27, no. 2 (April 4, 2021): 523–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/eea.v27i2.4928.
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This study is devoted to assessing the interdependencies between health, education and wealth at the aggregate regional level of South Mediterranean Countries (SMC) for the purpose of strengthening transversal economic and social policies. It looks first, to the major contributions of the previous literature developed on this subject. Theoretical and empirical studies at micro and macroeconomic levels prove that there are causal relations between variables related to health, education and wealth. As long as only partial and limited evidence exists on these interdependencies for the SMC, the second part is an empirical analysis based on World Bank, United Nations and on composite international indices. The results show that large interdependencies appear to be consistently exhibited by the data. Also, in the Granger sense of causality, health and education have been revealed to have important effects in leading these economies. The results attained are likely contributions for the enhancement of the economic and social policies to strengthen human development in the region.
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Pera, Alessandra. "One House for €1: Case Studies on the Governance of Abandoned Properties in Small Villages." Global Jurist 21, no. 3 (October 1, 2021): 537–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gj-2021-0076.
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Abstract This proposal aims at analyzing the Italian initiative “Case a 1 €” launched in 2009 for the preservation of abandoned goods, in Gangi, a small village near Palermo. The Municipality has put for sale the ruined houses for the symbolic prize of 1 €. As this initiative has been imitated by other municipalities in Italy and thus become a model, my intention is to explore how it works based on two different levels of investigation, in terms of: 1) contractual schemes (parties and respective rights and obligations) and 2) policy choices, comparing proposed and achieved goals by the administrations and the parties. Some relevant issues arise after 12 years: is the initiative an appropriate answer for the management of abandoned properties, both private and public? Is it an effective instrument to undermine the idea that such properties are a burden? Can they become a resource for collective, social and economic development? Is it a model to regain cultural identity revitalizing the small, abandoned centers, promoting inclusion, participation and environmental sustainability? I will use both inductive and deductive methods, examining and comparing some case studies in Sicily, among those municipalities that adopted this policy (Cammarata, Sambuca, Gangi, Itala, Salemi, Regalbuto, Mussomeli and Saponara). In order to investigate level 1), I will identify the contractual frames and documents provided online by the Municipalities administrations. To find answers on level 2), I will analyze (when available) the number of goods transferred from private parties to Municipalities and of those finally assigned to the final buyer. I will interview the administration’s civil servants and the final buyers to understand if their expectations (private and collective) have been satisfied.
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Levy, Jack S. "Case Studies: Types, Designs, and Logics of Inference." Conflict Management and Peace Science 25, no. 1 (February 2008): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07388940701860318.
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Abdel-Latif, Abla. "The Egyptian Experience with Countertrade: Case Studies." Journal of World Trade 24, Issue 5 (October 1, 1990): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1990030.
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Babovic, Marija. "Gender and economic inequalities: Trends in feminist economics and sociology at the centre and semi-periphery of the global knowledge production system." Sociologija 60, no. 1 (2018): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1801011b.
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Main objective of this article is to provide an overview of the state of art in the feminist perspectives in the study of gender economic inequalities. The feminist perspectives in sociology and then economics (late 1960s and 1970s), brought radical change in the study of intersection between economic and gender inequalities (in case of economy) and gender, economic inequalities and class (in case of sociology). During this stage instigated by the rise of Second Wave Feminism, fundamental critics of capitalist societies, that generate and reproduce gender inequalities through economic sphere was developed, with simultaneous critics of key social disciplines that were omitting to see the role of gender inequalities for the reproduction of the system and existing power relations. The aim of this article is to provide overview of contemporary state of art in the feminist economics and feminist sociology in regard to gender economic inequalities. The analysis is focused on thematic and geographical scope of articles published in two international journals with high impact: ?Feminist Economics? and ?Gender and Society?. The aim is to obtain insights in significance ascribed to economic inequalities within the broader studies of gender, economy and society. This is initial stage of broader research focused on differences in knowledge production on gender economic inequalities among the scholars from center, semi-periphery and periphery of the global system, which is more focused on substantive aspects - interpretation of causes, forms and consequences of gender economic inequalities in societies with different position in the world capitalist system and at the same time in the global system of knowledge production. The second line of the analysis includes insights in the state of art in Serbia, based on two leading sociological journals: ?Sociology? and ?Sociological Review?, and two leading economic journals: ?Economic Annals? and ?Economic Ideas and Practice?. The analysis is conducted on the journal volumes published during 2013-2017.
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McMenamin, Iain. "Polish Business Associations: Flattened Civil Society or Super Lobbies?" Business and Politics 4, no. 3 (November 2002): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1043.
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This article tests two hypotheses about post-communist business associations. The first predicts weak business associations which are presented with insurmountable collective action problems by the flattened civil society inherited from totalitarianism. According to this hypothesis, no business associations are inherited from the previous regime, and associations are confronted with difficult-to-organize latent groups of large numbers of new small enterprises. The second hypothesis, as proposed by Mancur Olson, predicts strong business associations benefiting from the collective action advantages of the communist economic structure which was composed of small numbers of large enterprises. The hypotheses are tested with case studies of Poland's five most influential business associations. The conclusion is that the flattened civil society hypothesis is best borne out by the evidence. This suggests that, in other countries, political factors, rather than the standard communist economic structure, are more likely to explain the persistence of industrial super lobbies.
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Stasiulis, Daiva, and Abigail B. Bakan. "Negotiating Citizenship: The Case of Foreign Domestic Workers in Canada." Feminist Review 57, no. 1 (September 1997): 112–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014177897339687.
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This paper argues that most conceptualizations of citizenship limit the purview of the discourse to static categories. ‘Citizenship’ is commonly seen as an ideal type, presuming a largely legal relationship between an inidividual and a single nation-state – more precisely only one type of nation-state, the advanced capitalist post-war model. Alternatively, we suggest a re-conceptualization of citizenship as a negotiated relationship, one which is subject therefore to change, and acted upon collectively within social, political and economic relations of conflict. This dynamic process of negotiation takes place within a context which is shaped by gendered, racial and class structures and ideologies; it also involves international hierarchies among states. Citizenship is therefore negotiated on global as well as national levels. This conceptualization is demonstrated by way of identifying one particular set of experiences of negotiated citizenship, involving foreign domestic workers in Canada. As non-citizens originating from Third World conditions, this is a case involving women of colour workers, highly prone to abusive conditions, and under the direction of employers who are more affluent First World citizens and predominantly white women. Original survey data based on interviews with Caribbean and Filipino domestic workers in Canada are used to demonstrate the varied, creative and effective strategies of two distinctive groups of non-citizens as they attempt to negotiate citizenship rights in restrictive national and international conditions.
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Bonifati, Giuliana. "PECREATIVITY | PEOPLE ECONOMY CITY: THE CASE OF LONDON AS A PROACTIVE INVESTIGATION TOOL." Creativity Studies 11, no. 1 (September 26, 2018): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cs.2018.5505.
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The current historical context is characterised by a significant change in the economic and social fields that have led to the development of the economy of creativity and knowledge. This condition has laid the basis for the rise of a new social class. This radical change in the productive paradigm has started a series of modifications to urban spaces, setting in place a rooted change in the fabric of the city.The objective of this paper is to understand and interpret the nature of the changes under way and to investigate how what occurred in economic and social fields influenced the processes of urban regeneration. Starting from a theoretical background it will examine the concept of creativity applied to economics and social sciences. Secondly, by identifying the urban environment of London as a case study, it will analyze single cases that will show the root of these practices within urban spaces. The purpose of it will be verified by the possibility of building urban transformation strategies that use creativity as the tool of change.
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Hafner-Burton, Emilie M., D. Alex Hughes, and David G. Victor. "The Cognitive Revolution and the Political Psychology of Elite Decision Making." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 368–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713001084.
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Experimental evidence in cognitive psychology and behavioral economics is transforming the way political science scholars think about how humans make decisions in areas of high complexity, uncertainty, and risk. Nearly all those studies utilize convenience samples of university students, but in the real world political elites actually make most pivotal political decisions such as threatening war or changing the course of economic policy. Highly experienced elites are more likely to exhibit the attributes of rational decision-making; and over the last fifteen years a wealth of studies suggest that such elites are likely to be more skilled in strategic bargaining than samples with less germane experience. However, elites are also more likely to suffer overconfidence, which degrades decision-making skills. We illustrate implications for political science with a case study of crisis bargaining between the US and North Korea. Variations in the experience of US elite decision-makers between 2002 and 2006 plausibly explain the large shift in US crisis signaling better than other rival hypotheses such as “Iraq fatigue.” Beyond crisis bargaining other major political science theories might benefit from attention to the attributes of individual decision-makers.
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Armingeon, Klaus, Caroline de la Porte, Elke Heins, and Stefano Sacchi. "Voices from the past: economic and political vulnerabilities in the making of next generation EU." Comparative European Politics 20, no. 2 (March 7, 2022): 144–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41295-022-00277-6.
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AbstractIn this article, we show that Next Generation EU (NGEU) is mainly a response to the economic and political imbalances left over from the Eurozone crisis. It is a pre-emptive intervention, especially targeted at structurally weak economies with rising Euroscepticism, to avoid costly ex-post bailouts as in the Great Recession. We demonstrate, using quantitative analysis, that pre-existing vulnerabilities, rather than the impact of the pandemic, drove the allocation of NGEU resources: per capita grants largely correspond to past economic vulnerabilities, as well as to political ones. Countries most vulnerable to another adjustment by austerity after the COVID-19 economic crisis receive most resources. Also, countries with strong anti-EU sentiments are entitled to larger NGEU grants per capita. In contrast, grants are not correlated with the severity of the health crisis. Then, we show the domestic relevance of economic and political vulnerabilities through qualitative case studies of national political debates and domestic positions on NGEU in Italy, Germany and the Netherlands. Despite its innovative traits, NGEU is a politically constrained solution to address the mess from the previous decade, and as such, it is a Janus solution: promising a fresh start, but haunted by the past.
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Choukroune, Leïla, and James J. Nedumpara. "Blue Trade and Forced Labour: Breaking the Resounding Silence of International Economic Law." Journal of World Investment & Trade 23, no. 1 (February 15, 2022): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119000-12340240.
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Abstract On 5 December 2017, the United Nations declared a ‘Decade of Ocean Science for Sustainable Development’ to be observed from 2021 to 2030. Beyond the rhetoric of sustainability, the absence of a rights-based approach that places human beings at the core of ocean policy and governance is striking. The ocean indeed remains the scene of major human rights violations. From seafarers to ship breaking sites or fisheries, the ocean is not only the place where 90% of trade in goods happens, but also the territory where grave human rights violations, often related to the labour recruited for ocean trade and investments, occur. In this context and based on a series of case studies involving seafarers, ship breaking and fisheries, in various countries, this article interrogates the silence of international economic law instruments and dispute settlement mechanisms and suggests pathways for reform in better integrating the International Labour Organization approach.
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Wen, Wen, Lizhou Wang, and Yanan Cui. "International student education in China: An “Island” in Internationalization?" International Journal of Chinese Education 11, no. 3 (September 2022): 2212585X2211369. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2212585x221136900.
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While many studies have studied Chinese international student experiences, including their motivations, choices, and socio-cultural adaptations, few have systematically analyzed the connection of international student education (ISE) to society. This paper incorporates the “internationalization in higher education for society” framework and the “glonacal agency heuristic” to examine ISE in China in relation to the goals of social justice, economic development, and public goods. The findings reveal dilemmas in institutional practices and instances of disconnection from local society, while also pointing to potential contributions to global society. The causes include instrumentalist values, competing policy priorities, and constrained institutional agency. China’s case offers practical implications for reconceptualizing ISE for other emerging student-receiving nations. Furthermore, this case may also contribute to growing scholarly discussions on integrating the internationalization of higher education into universities’ third mission of service to society across different countries. We argue that ISE should be designed and implemented comprehensively with intention and purpose, and undergirded by strengthened institutional agency directed to serve society.
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Kondrat’ev, V. "Resource-Based Economic Growth." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 1 (2016): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-1-41-52.
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The development of a strong economic base in resource-based countries is not trivial. Relatively few such nations have succeeded in the transition to a “resource-based knowledge economy”. The national knowledge base should be exploited to improve productivity in old resource-based industries and to develop new industries. These knowledge-based (or so called enabling) sectors themselves developed in interaction with resource-based industries and were often driven by the demand from these industries. This dynamic interaction between natural resource industries and enabling sectors should be regarded as the core aspect of the successful economic development of resource-rich countries. Today, such a historical framework provides a reason to regard these countries as “resource based knowledge economies” that succeeded in establishing the institutional support for social interaction between resource-based firms and actors with “useful knowledge”. It is important that this type of linkages is created within a local or national economy. There are specific historical processes underlying the establishment of the “social technologies” of close interaction between resource-based industries and enabling sectors. The case studies indicate there are many forms of institutions that can foster collaboration between resource-based industries and knowledge organizations or enabling sectors. The article especially considers the role of social relations between actors in small local communities and national elites with a shared vision. The sustainable development was also defined by relationships in business chains and by larger companies’ ability to incorporate the enabling sectors. The role of knowledge generating and disseminating institutional structure was extremely important. The author addresses to knowledge generating “enabling sectors” and the ability of these sectors to link with resource industries to achieve innovation into new products and industries. The question is why it became possible to establish this type of interaction in some sectors and countries, but proved to be more difficult to achieve in others. This calls for a deeper analysis of the social, political and cultural basis for economic behavior.
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Mahdi, Ahmed. "Geoeconomic Leverage of Natural Gas Resources in the Mediterranean." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.12.4.141.
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This article examines the claim that Israel’s natural gas exports from its Mediterranean gas fields will give geopolitical leverage to Tel Aviv over the importing countries. Using the geoeconomic tradition of Klaus Knorr and others who wrote about applying leverage using economic resources to gain geopolitical advantage, it is argued that certain criteria have to be satisfied for economic influence attempts, and that Israel’s gas exports do not satisfy these criteria. They include the importer’s supply vulnerability, the supplier’s demand vulnerability, and the salience of energy as an issue between both countries. Israeli gas exports to Egypt are used as a case study.
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Kovačikova, Hana. "Western Balkans Regional Common Market: What lesson can be taught from EEA?: A case study of public procurement." Strani pravni zivot, no. 4 (2020): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spz64-29635.
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The European Union pursues on the international scene to safeguards its values, support the rule of law, foster the sustainable economic, social and environmental development and support the integration of all countries into the world economy including through the progressive abolition of barriers on international trade. Trade agreements are used as an effective tool to this end. Within its present external action, European Union tries to cover its trade relations regionally homogenously. Through regionally homogenous trade agreements, Union can export its values, principles, and rules easier, which is also a way of strengthening its position geopolitically. This paper analyses trade agreements concluded between the European Union and candidate countries from Western Balkans. All these agreements recognise the accession to the European Union as their final goal. To achieve it, candidate countries need to fulfil various conditions, including the approximation and harmonisation of their legal orders with the EU acquis. Just recently (in November 2020), Western Balkans countries' leaders announced the creation of Regional Common Market which shall serve as a tool for approximation with European Union's Internal Market Rules. To this regard, author analysed the European Economic Area, where the export of European Union's Internal Market Rules was successfully realised, and which might therefore serve as an example for pre-accession cooperation between Western Balkans countries and European Union. Author chose the area of public procurement as a model case study.