Journal articles: 'International economic embargoes (IEEs)'

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Hultman, Lisa, and Dursun Peksen. "Successful or Counterproductive Coercion? The Effect of International Sanctions on Conflict Intensity." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 6 (September 7, 2015): 1315–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715603453.

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Despite the frequent use of economic and military-specific sanctions against countries affected by civil conflicts, little is known about the possible impact that these coercive tools have on conflict dynamics. This article examines how threats and imposition of international sanctions affect the intensity of civil conflict violence. We formulate and test two competing views on the possible effect of economic and military-specific sanctions on conflict dynamics by combining data on fatalities in battle-related violence in all internal armed conflicts in Africa from 1989 to 2005 with data on economic sanctions and arms embargoes. The results indicate that threats of economic sanction and arms embargo are likely to increase the intensity of conflict violence. Similarly, imposed economic sanctions are likely to contribute to the escalation of conflict violence. Imposed arms embargoes, on the other hand, are likely to reduce conflict violence. We conclude that international sanctions appear to be counterproductive policy tools in mitigating the human cost of civil conflicts unless they are in the form of imposed arms embargoes attempting to limit the military capacity of the warring parties.

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Leigh, Monroe. "The Political Consequences of Economic Embargoes." American Journal of International Law 89, no. 1 (January 1995): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203894.

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The failure of the U.S.-led embargo against Haiti had become notorious long before the time President Clinton decided to invade Haiti in order to restore President Aristide to office. The embargo had failed to unseat the junta and it had worked enormous hardship on the poor people of Haiti—so much so that thousands were willing to risk their lives on the high seas in makeshift vessels to seek asylum in the United States. This comment deals not with the legalities of the President’s action—which seem clear enough in view of the Security Council resolutions—but, rather, with the political consequences of the economic embargo in Haiti as well as elsewhere.

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Chand, Deepjyoti. "Trade Embargo as a Geopolitical Tool: A Case of Nepal-India Trade Relations." Polish Political Science Review 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0004.

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AbstractAs interdependence grows, economic issues are increasingly political in their nature and impact, and political issues are increasingly economic. The interdependence is acute in issues that relate to international trade, and especially in the case of landlocked countries. Nepal is one such land-locked country, being between India and China, whose economy depends on the trade relations with its neighbouring countries. Two-thirds of Nepalese trade depends on India. The article presents a summary of Nepal-India trade cooperation, primarily the Nepalese dependence in trade and transit route to India and its effects. It also presents an overview of the trade pattern between the two countries and focuses on the trade embargoes by India. The article analyses the reason behind the embargoes of 1969, 1989 and 2015 and how the situations have been resolved. The embargoes imposed by India on Nepal seem to be more political in nature and their impacts are both political and economic. The Indian embargoes in Nepal follow an objective of compliance, deterrence and subversion. By analysing India’s pursuance of trade embargoes against Nepal, the article reaffirms that landlocked nations such as Nepal are susceptible to manipulation by geopolitical threats since neighbouring countries adjust trade ties or use trade ties to fulfil their political, security and economic interests.

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Beretta, Laura Carola. "EU Economic Sanctions Law Against Russia After the Rosneft Judgment by the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union: Get Me a Lawyer!" Global Trade and Customs Journal 12, Issue 6 (June 1, 2017): 240–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2017031.

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Selected features of the recent ‘Rosneft’ judgment by the Court of Justice of the European Union deal with the EU law of embargoes and economic sanctions. It has altered the judicial review mechanism in such matters because it allows foreign companies to seek ‘preventative’ preliminary rulings before the Court of Justice to challenge national implementing measures of EU embargoes even before the measures are operative. This adds to the already existing EU judicial review mechanism. At the same time, the decision in ‘Rosneft’ is also interesting because it elaborates on the EU law aspects of criminal sanctions applied by EU Member States for breaches of embargoes as well as on how to interpret certain technical concepts of the EU Russia embargo.

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Jazairy, Idriss. "Unilateral Economic Sanctions, International Law, and Human Rights." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 3 (2019): 291–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000339.

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AbstractAs part of the roundtable “Economic Sanctions and Their Consequences,” this essay examines unilateral coercive measures. These types of sanctions are applied outside the scope of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, and were developed and refined in the West in the context of the Cold War. Yet the eventual collapse of the Berlin Wall did not herald the demise of unilateral sanctions; much to the contrary. While there are no incontrovertible data on the extent of these measures, one can safely say that they target in some way a full quarter of humanity. In addition to being a major attack on the principle of self-determination, unilateral measures not only adversely affect the rights to international trade and to navigation but also the basic human rights of innocent civilians. The current deterioration of the situation, with the mutation of embargoes into blockades and impositions on third parties, is a threat to peace that needs to be upgraded in strategic concern.

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Schwartzman, Kathleen C. "Can International Boycotts Transform Political Systems? The Cases of Cuba and South Africa." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 2 (2001): 115–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00401.x.

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AbstractThe economic embargo against Cuba has been widely promoted as a way to hasten the end of the Castro regime. Historically, however, the connection between embargoes and regime change is mediated by a complex of political, social, and economic conditions. Labormarket bottlenecks and domestic elite opposition, decisive factors in the South African case, are absent from that of Cuba. This study uses the factors derived from an analysis of South Africa to compare the Cuban case and concludes that the embargo against Cuba cannot have its intended results.

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Louka, Elli. "The New Trade Order: Conflicts, Internet Standards and Human Security." Journal of World Trade 55, Issue 6 (October 1, 2021): 921–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2021039.

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It is tempting to think of trade war as an innocuous conflict between the big economic interests of states with scant implications for the rest of the international system and citizens’ rights. This could not be further from reality. This study chronicles the collapse of the Appellate Body of the dispute settlement system of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the end point of a long process tarnished by deep ideological disputes ill-suited for adjudication. These disputes, frequently expressed through tit-for-tat litigation, have eroded the legitimacy of the WTO as a dispute settlement organization. The resulting vacuum has been exacerbated by the United States (US) – China trade war that has been conducted through imposition of tariffs, embargoes and unilateral sanctions. The trade war has spilled over to other areas and has created fierce antagonism over the establishment of international technology standards and the governance of the internet. Global institutions have been forced to take sides undermining their authority as neutral arbiters. Other spillovers have undermined the global economic welfare and have chipped away at citizens’ rights. China shock, economic war, internet governance, internet standards, market economy, sanctions, subsidies, trade conflicts, trade embargoes, world trade organization

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Günçavdi, Öner, and Suat Küçükç[idot]fç[idot]. "Economic Growth Under Embargoes in North Cyprus: An Input‐Output Analysis." Turkish Studies 10, no. 3 (September 2009): 365–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683840903141699.

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Erickson, Jennifer L. "Punishing the violators? Arms embargoes and economic sanctions as tools of norm enforcement." Review of International Studies 46, no. 1 (October 21, 2019): 96–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000329.

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AbstractThe persistence and strength of international norms are thought to depend partly on the willingness of actors to punish their violation, but norm enforcement is often inconsistent. This article investigates states’ use of economic sanctions in order to gain insight into the role of metanorms (norms about enforcing norms) in international politics and explain this inconsistency. The quantitative analyses examine patterns of economic sanctions and arms embargo practices across different security norms and reveal two central findings. First, international metanorms may accommodate important interstate relationships. Although severe human rights abuse, conflict, nuclear weapons development, and support for terrorist organisations tend to attract sanctions, they are infrequent in comparison with norm violations. Valued relationships between senders and targets seem to be an accepted limit to the pursuit of costly norm enforcement. Second, norm violations nevertheless remain rare, suggesting that factors other than the prospect of material punishment may encourage compliance. Indeed, by preserving interstate relationships, international metanorms may facilitate the engagement needed for socialisation and social pressures as alternative compliance mechanisms.

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10

Smith, Alan H. "Western economic statecraft in East-West relations: embargoes, sanctions, linkages, economic warfare, and detente." International Affairs 64, no. 3 (1988): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622855.

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11

Irfan, Nimra, Madiha Nawaz, and Sobia Jamil. "US Economic Sanctions: A Controversial Foreign Policy Tool in International Politics." Global Economics Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 152–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/ger.2021(vi-i).12.

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In this current century, the use of economic sanctions by the superpowers, particularly the US, has become regular and aggressive. The US imposes sanctions and economic embargoes on states and groups who do not follow US-designed standards regarding manufacturing weapons, nuclear technology and resolving international disputes. However, it has failed most of the time to alter behaviour of the sanctioned countries. Sanctions programs of Syria, Pakistan, Iran and North Korea are a few of the many examples which prove the failure of American sanctions. This qualitative research article examines the politics of the US behind its sanctions policy along with negative impacts on targeted countries. It also analyses Donald Trump's aggressive sanctions policy, which is said as record-breaking in American history of economic sanctions. The whole analysis explains targeted sanctions policy is controversial and ineffective. These sanctions kill civilians and restrict them from basic necessities like food, medicines, and employment. Additionally, in a globalized world, states do not get much affected by sanctions. If one market closes its door on a state, it starts looking for other trade partners.

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12

Berlack, Evan R. "Comments on the U.S.-Cuban Embargo." Global Trade and Customs Journal 6, Issue 2 (February 1, 2011): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2011016.

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The U.S.-Cuban economic embargo has been maintained for more than 50 years, having been imposed in 1951 in the aftermath of the Bay of Pigs. It is, and has been during this period, the most comprehensive and stringent of all U.S. embargoes. Yet, Cuba has never posed a military let alone economic threat to the U.S. This paper will analyze the reasons why I believe the Cuban embargo is wholly anomalous and deserves to be terminated or at least substantially modified by this administration. I will first review the existing components of the embargo including those that the Obama Administration has slightly liberalized. I will then compare our embargo policy against that of Cuba with the absence of such a policy directed at Vietnam, a country that bears many characteristics similar to those we see in Cuba. Finally, I will draw some conclusions and make suggestions for the future course of U.S.-Cuban relations

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13

Moerenhout, Tom. "The Obligation to Withhold from Trading in Order Not to Recognize and Assist Settlements and their Economic Activity in Occupied Territories." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 3, no. 2 (2012): 344–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-00302004.

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This article argues that trade embargoes toward illegal settlements in occupied territories are an obligation under general public international law, when such trade primarily benefits the occupant. In this case, the self-executing duty of non-recognition applies. There is no need for an explicit trade embargo imposed by the United Nations Security Council. For, transferring parts of an occupant’s civilian population to occupied territories, and gaining economic benefits from occupation, both violate peremptory norms of public international law. Equally, withholding trade is also permitted under the law of the World Trade Organization (WTO). This article shows that according to Article XXVI.5.(a) of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the GATT does not apply to illegal settlements. A WTO panel could reach this conclusion, either by denying jurisdiction through finding that the occupying State has no legal standing or by scrutinizing Article XXVI.5.(a) on its merits. However, if a panel would, erroneously, decide the GATT does apply to settlements; trade sanctions could still be allowed in a dispute settlement. This can be done by either accepting the relevant rules of public international law as an independent defense, or by using it in the interpretation of public moral and security exceptions under GATT Article XX and XXI.

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Elpy siti Nurhalimah, Supriyadi Supriyadi, Rani Siti Fitriani, and Raden Willa Permatasari. "ANALYSIS OF CONSUMER BEHAVIOR OF FOREIGN MARKET BUSINESS FOR COMMODITY OF CASHEWS at PT GDK JAWABARAT." Proceeding of The International Conference on Economics and Business 1, no. 2 (October 18, 2022): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.55606/iceb.v1i2.117.

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The purpose of this research is to examine 1. What factors attract foreign buyers to import cashew nuts from Indonesia?.2. What are the obstacles faced by foreign buyers in the process of importing cashew nuts from Indonesia?.3. What are the stages of the process carried out by buyers to import cashews from Indonesia?.4. What is the solution to these obstacles? This research was made using a qualitative descriptive analysis type of research regarding the marketing process of the cashew nut export sales business. (2) Currency differences. (3) Obstacles in the Form of Regulations. (4) International trade barriers are seen from economic institutions, namely: The influence of economic organizations, Anti-dumping regulations that increase import duty rates, Embargoes related to the prohibition of trade between countries. What is the solution to these obstacles? (1). Solution for difficult payments, by L/C. (2) The solution when the currency, using the USA currency or by agreement, is exchanged to the value of the destination country. (3) The solution to obstacles in the form of regulation, is to instinctively follow market trends. (4) Solutions to barriers to economic institutions, exporters take advantage of facilities from countries that are members of economic organizations, export at competitive prices, and resolve trade embargo issues between countries.

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Kudinov, Vladimir Vladimirovich, and Elena Gennadievna Mukhina. "Some features of the legal regulation of ensuring economic security in the United States." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 12 (December 1, 2020): 42–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2012-05.

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The article examines the features of the legal regulation of ensuring economic security in the United States, shows the infl uence of threats in the fi eld of economic security on the social development of social relations, living conditions of people, the activities of state executive authorities. Highlighted the main powers of the US executive authorities to ensure economic stability within the state. The main areas of activity of the executive authorities in the fi eld of ensuring economic security was the promotion of American interests in the international arena. At the same time, to protect its geopolitical interests on the economic security of other states, the United States uses such forms of infl uence as tariffi ng, fi nancial restrictions on exports and imports, organized boycotts, asset freezes, economic sanctions, bans on trade, technology transfer and border crossing, embargoes, no-fl y zones and blockades, provoking and inciting armed confl icts. The conclusion is substantiated that economic security is the basis for the stability of any state and serves as the foundation for national institutions and state authorities that ensure it. At the same time, in order to ensure the economic security of the country, the Russian Federation must not only take into account the aggressive US policy in this area, but also actively build and strengthen relations within the framework of economic associations of partner states (for example, ASEAN, EAEU, CIS, BRICS, SCO) and China with the purpose of protecting state interests in the fi eld of ensuring economic security, as well as with the countries of the European Union, and primarily with Germany.

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Doxey, Margaret. "Richard J. Ellings, Embargoes and World Power: Lessons from American Foreign Policy (Boulder, CO, and London: Westview Press, 1985, 76pp., £22.50). David Leyton-Brown (ed.), The Utility of International Economic Sanctions (London and Sydney: Croom Helm, 1987, 320pp., £25.00). Richard Moorsom, The Scope for Sanction's: Economic Measures against South Africa (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986, 102pp., £3.95 pbk.)." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 16, no. 2 (June 1987): 362–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298870160022101.

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17

Gordon, Joy. "United States Economic Statecraft for Survival, 1933–1991: Of Sanctions and Strategic Embargoes, Alan P. Dobson (New York: Routledge, 2002), 384 pp., $95 cloth. - Sanctions and the Search for Security: Challenges to UN Action, David Cortright and George A. Lopez, with Linda Gerber (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2002), 249 pp., $49.95 cloth, $18.95 paper. - Smart Sanctions: Targeting Economic Statecraft, David Cortright and George A. Lopez, eds. (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002), 276 pp., $72 cloth, $27.95 paper. - United States Economic Sanctions: Theory and Practice, Michael P. Malloy (New York: Kluwer Law International, 2001), 738 pp., $212 cloth. - Economic Warfare: Sanctions, Embargo Busting, and Their Human Cost, R. T. Naylor, (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2001), 480 pp., $55 cloth, $24.95 paper. - Sanctions Beyond Borders: Multinational Corporations and U.S. Economic Statecraft, Kenneth A. Rodman (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 272 pp., $75 cloth, $26.95 paper." Ethics & International Affairs 16, no. 2 (September 2002): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679400008352.

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18

Meissner, Katharina. "How to sanction international wrongdoing? The design of EU restrictive measures." Review of International Organizations, February 24, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-022-09458-0.

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AbstractSanctions are among the most widely used foreign policy tools of governments and international organizations in response to national or international wrongdoings. Beyond the dichotomous question of whether to adopt or not to adopt sanctions against a target, decision-makers develop different designs when they impose restrictions: targeted sanctions like asset freezes and travel bans, arms embargoes, or economic sanctions such as financial restrictions and commodity bans. What accounts for this variation in the design of sanctions regimes? This article investigates this question by developing a configurational explanation that combines domestic- and international-level factors for the choice of an economic versus a targeted sanctions design. I test these factors on original data mapping European Union (EU) autonomous sanctions against third countries in force in 2019 through set-theoretic methods. The analysis shows that a militarily strong target’s serious misbehavior through grave human rights violations triggers EU action in the form of economic sanctions, however, only in combination with two conditions: first, the EU reacts to a misbehavior through the adoption of an economic design when the United States imposes economic sanctions, too (path 1); second, the salience of a target’s conflict triggers an economic design of sanctions in case of grave human rights violations (path 2).

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19

Kustra, Tyler. "Economic sanctions as deterrents and constraints." Journal of Peace Research, October 25, 2022, 002234332210883. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00223433221088323.

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This article analyses economic sanctions starting from the perspective of a target that has to allocate its income between spending on resources to pursue a contentious policy and consumption goods. By studying the target’s consumption problem, it demonstrates how sanctions could backfire causing the target to shift its spending to resources to pursue the contentious policy, thereby increasing the severity of the policy. Whether this will come to pass depends on the elasticities of substitution, which are determined by the target’s utility function. Therefore, even sanctions that seem like they could do no harm, such as embargoes on luxury goods consumed by only the target’s dictator, could aggravate the level of the policy given the right utility function. Considering the target’s consumption problem also illustrates how sanctions could (depending on the form of the target’s utility function) reduce the resources it could allocate to pursuing the contentious policy, thereby moderating it. If the benefits of this constraint outweigh the costs of sanctions to the sender, it could be in the sender’s best interest to impose sanctions. In these cases articulating a demand and waiting for the target to consider it would simply provide the target with additional time to continue the contentious policy, so the sender would impose constraining sanctions without warning. Constraining sanctions, therefore, provide an explanation for sanctions imposed without a threat stage. Constraining sanctions can occur even with complete and perfect information and may persist indefinitely, explaining the existence of long-term costly sanctions as well as sanctions that occur in cases of full information.

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20

Hauser, Christian. "Trade-Control Compliance in SMEs: Do Decision-Makers and Supply Chain Position Make a Difference?" Journal of Business Ethics, May 17, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10551-021-04825-0.

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AbstractIn recent years, trade-control laws and regulations such as embargoes and sanctions have gained importance. However, there is limited empirical research on the ways in which small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) respond to such coercive economic measures. Building on the literature on organizational responses to external demands and behavioral ethics, this study addresses this issue to better understand how external pressures and managerial decision-making are associated with the scope of trade-control compliance programs. Based on a sample of 289 SMEs, the findings show that the organizational responses of SMEs reflect proportionate adjustments to regulatory pressures but only if decision-makers are well informed and aware of the prevailing rules and regulations. Conversely, uninformed decision-making leads to a disproportionate response resulting in an inadequately reduced scope of the compliance program. In addition, the results indicate that SMEs that are highly integrated into supply chains are susceptible to passing-the-buck behavior.

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21

Cozzi, Fabio. "Will Blockchain Technologies Strengthen or Undermine the Effectiveness of Global Trade Control Regulations and Financial Sanctions?" Global Jurist 20, no. 2 (July 6, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gj-2019-0047.

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AbstractFinancial sanctions and trade control regulations are becoming increasingly relevant in the current global situation, characterized by multiple ongoing conflicts, sophisticated terrorist organizations, and serious tensions between international economic actors. The United Nations, under Article 41 of the UN Charter, the United States and Europe, in particular, regularly introduce and enforce a number of tools (e. g., financial restrictions, trade restrictions, arms embargoes, travel bans). Such tools can range from comprehensive, “territory-wide” sanctions against States to targeted sanctions on entities, including individuals, to obtain a change in policy or activity by the target country, part of the country, governments, entities, and individuals, with the ultimate aim of pursuing peace, human rights, democracy, and respect for the rule of law. Recent history proves that companies and financial institutions have adopted complex solutions to conceal transactions with sanctioned countries and entities.Blockchain technology, through the use of distributed digitalized ledgers, grants a high level of transparency, for instance providing real-time updates on the development of an export transaction, and the use of smart contracts can automatize payments, or the triggering of guarantees, etc. While blockchain technology continues to be an area of enormous promise, it is also one of risk, if not managed properly, especially in a transnational, multi-jurisdictional context. Not only might the use of blockchain-based solutions prove challenging for the enforcement of current international sanctions programs by competent authorities, but blockchain technologies developers will also need to set up solutions suitable to comply with the requirements imposed by the various sanctions in place. At the same time, businesses will need to determine which measures and due diligence practices are needed to protect against the risks of a sanctions violation, which can result in significant fines and even criminal penalties. This paper explores how blockchain solutions that may be implemented in the context of international financial and commercial transactions can interrelate (or interfere) with sanctions enforcement and sanctions compliance, highlighting the multiple legal issues that may arise in connection thereto.

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Journal articles on the topic 'International economic embargoes (IEEs)'

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