Relevant bibliographies by topics / International economic embargoes (IEEs)

Academic literature on the topic 'International economic embargoes (IEEs)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 19 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "International economic embargoes (IEEs)"

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Hultman, Lisa, and Dursun Peksen. "Successful or Counterproductive Coercion? The Effect of International Sanctions on Conflict Intensity." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 6 (September 7, 2015): 1315–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715603453.

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Despite the frequent use of economic and military-specific sanctions against countries affected by civil conflicts, little is known about the possible impact that these coercive tools have on conflict dynamics. This article examines how threats and imposition of international sanctions affect the intensity of civil conflict violence. We formulate and test two competing views on the possible effect of economic and military-specific sanctions on conflict dynamics by combining data on fatalities in battle-related violence in all internal armed conflicts in Africa from 1989 to 2005 with data on economic sanctions and arms embargoes. The results indicate that threats of economic sanction and arms embargo are likely to increase the intensity of conflict violence. Similarly, imposed economic sanctions are likely to contribute to the escalation of conflict violence. Imposed arms embargoes, on the other hand, are likely to reduce conflict violence. We conclude that international sanctions appear to be counterproductive policy tools in mitigating the human cost of civil conflicts unless they are in the form of imposed arms embargoes attempting to limit the military capacity of the warring parties.
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Leigh, Monroe. "The Political Consequences of Economic Embargoes." American Journal of International Law 89, no. 1 (January 1995): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203894.

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The failure of the U.S.-led embargo against Haiti had become notorious long before the time President Clinton decided to invade Haiti in order to restore President Aristide to office. The embargo had failed to unseat the junta and it had worked enormous hardship on the poor people of Haiti—so much so that thousands were willing to risk their lives on the high seas in makeshift vessels to seek asylum in the United States. This comment deals not with the legalities of the President’s action—which seem clear enough in view of the Security Council resolutions—but, rather, with the political consequences of the economic embargo in Haiti as well as elsewhere.
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Chand, Deepjyoti. "Trade Embargo as a Geopolitical Tool: A Case of Nepal-India Trade Relations." Polish Political Science Review 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0004.

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AbstractAs interdependence grows, economic issues are increasingly political in their nature and impact, and political issues are increasingly economic. The interdependence is acute in issues that relate to international trade, and especially in the case of landlocked countries. Nepal is one such land-locked country, being between India and China, whose economy depends on the trade relations with its neighbouring countries. Two-thirds of Nepalese trade depends on India. The article presents a summary of Nepal-India trade cooperation, primarily the Nepalese dependence in trade and transit route to India and its effects. It also presents an overview of the trade pattern between the two countries and focuses on the trade embargoes by India. The article analyses the reason behind the embargoes of 1969, 1989 and 2015 and how the situations have been resolved. The embargoes imposed by India on Nepal seem to be more political in nature and their impacts are both political and economic. The Indian embargoes in Nepal follow an objective of compliance, deterrence and subversion. By analysing India’s pursuance of trade embargoes against Nepal, the article reaffirms that landlocked nations such as Nepal are susceptible to manipulation by geopolitical threats since neighbouring countries adjust trade ties or use trade ties to fulfil their political, security and economic interests.
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Beretta, Laura Carola. "EU Economic Sanctions Law Against Russia After the ‘Rosneft’ Judgment by the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union: Get Me a Lawyer!" Global Trade and Customs Journal 12, Issue 6 (June 1, 2017): 240–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2017031.

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Selected features of the recent ‘Rosneft’ judgment by the Court of Justice of the European Union deal with the EU law of embargoes and economic sanctions. It has altered the judicial review mechanism in such matters because it allows foreign companies to seek ‘preventative’ preliminary rulings before the Court of Justice to challenge national implementing measures of EU embargoes even before the measures are operative. This adds to the already existing EU judicial review mechanism. At the same time, the decision in ‘Rosneft’ is also interesting because it elaborates on the EU law aspects of criminal sanctions applied by EU Member States for breaches of embargoes as well as on how to interpret certain technical concepts of the EU Russia embargo.
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Jazairy, Idriss. "Unilateral Economic Sanctions, International Law, and Human Rights." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 3 (2019): 291–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000339.

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AbstractAs part of the roundtable “Economic Sanctions and Their Consequences,” this essay examines unilateral coercive measures. These types of sanctions are applied outside the scope of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, and were developed and refined in the West in the context of the Cold War. Yet the eventual collapse of the Berlin Wall did not herald the demise of unilateral sanctions; much to the contrary. While there are no incontrovertible data on the extent of these measures, one can safely say that they target in some way a full quarter of humanity. In addition to being a major attack on the principle of self-determination, unilateral measures not only adversely affect the rights to international trade and to navigation but also the basic human rights of innocent civilians. The current deterioration of the situation, with the mutation of embargoes into blockades and impositions on third parties, is a threat to peace that needs to be upgraded in strategic concern.
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Schwartzman, Kathleen C. "Can International Boycotts Transform Political Systems? The Cases of Cuba and South Africa." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 2 (2001): 115–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00401.x.

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AbstractThe economic embargo against Cuba has been widely promoted as a way to hasten the end of the Castro regime. Historically, however, the connection between embargoes and regime change is mediated by a complex of political, social, and economic conditions. Labormarket bottlenecks and domestic elite opposition, decisive factors in the South African case, are absent from that of Cuba. This study uses the factors derived from an analysis of South Africa to compare the Cuban case and concludes that the embargo against Cuba cannot have its intended results.
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Louka, Elli. "The New Trade Order: Conflicts, Internet Standards and Human Security." Journal of World Trade 55, Issue 6 (October 1, 2021): 921–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2021039.

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It is tempting to think of trade war as an innocuous conflict between the big economic interests of states with scant implications for the rest of the international system and citizens’ rights. This could not be further from reality. This study chronicles the collapse of the Appellate Body of the dispute settlement system of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the end point of a long process tarnished by deep ideological disputes ill-suited for adjudication. These disputes, frequently expressed through tit-for-tat litigation, have eroded the legitimacy of the WTO as a dispute settlement organization. The resulting vacuum has been exacerbated by the United States (US) – China trade war that has been conducted through imposition of tariffs, embargoes and unilateral sanctions. The trade war has spilled over to other areas and has created fierce antagonism over the establishment of international technology standards and the governance of the internet. Global institutions have been forced to take sides undermining their authority as neutral arbiters. Other spillovers have undermined the global economic welfare and have chipped away at citizens’ rights. China shock, economic war, internet governance, internet standards, market economy, sanctions, subsidies, trade conflicts, trade embargoes, world trade organization
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Günçavdi, Öner, and Suat Küçükç[idot]fç[idot]. "Economic Growth Under Embargoes in North Cyprus: An Input‐Output Analysis." Turkish Studies 10, no. 3 (September 2009): 365–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683840903141699.

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Erickson, Jennifer L. "Punishing the violators? Arms embargoes and economic sanctions as tools of norm enforcement." Review of International Studies 46, no. 1 (October 21, 2019): 96–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000329.

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AbstractThe persistence and strength of international norms are thought to depend partly on the willingness of actors to punish their violation, but norm enforcement is often inconsistent. This article investigates states’ use of economic sanctions in order to gain insight into the role of metanorms (norms about enforcing norms) in international politics and explain this inconsistency. The quantitative analyses examine patterns of economic sanctions and arms embargo practices across different security norms and reveal two central findings. First, international metanorms may accommodate important interstate relationships. Although severe human rights abuse, conflict, nuclear weapons development, and support for terrorist organisations tend to attract sanctions, they are infrequent in comparison with norm violations. Valued relationships between senders and targets seem to be an accepted limit to the pursuit of costly norm enforcement. Second, norm violations nevertheless remain rare, suggesting that factors other than the prospect of material punishment may encourage compliance. Indeed, by preserving interstate relationships, international metanorms may facilitate the engagement needed for socialisation and social pressures as alternative compliance mechanisms.
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Smith, Alan H. "Western economic statecraft in East-West relations: embargoes, sanctions, linkages, economic warfare, and detente." International Affairs 64, no. 3 (1988): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622855.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "International economic embargoes (IEEs)"

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(9775976), Wessam Abughalia. "The impacts of international economic embargoes on Libyan banks, financial institutions and its economy." Thesis, 2014. https://figshare.com/articles/thesis/The_impacts_of_international_economic_embargoes_on_Libyan_banks_financial_institutions_and_its_economy/21359448.

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International economic embargoes (IEEs) against nation states have become one of the most contested issues in the world because of the complex relationship between global politics and national economic systems. Such embargoes have been imposed six times on Iran, Iraq, North Korea and Cuba and eight times on Libya by the United States (US) from 1981 to 1991, and from the United Nations (UN) from 1992 to 2003. The aim of this research is to investigate the effects of the IEEs on the Libyan economy in general, with special reference to Libyan banks and financial institutions over the last three decades (1980 to 2010). This research answers two main questions. First, have the IEEs achieved their intended goals? Second, given Libya's position as a Third World nation that was under IEEs for 12 years, have such economic restrictions had any significant effects on the activities and performance of the Libyan banking sector and Libyan financial institutions, and if so, what strategies has Libya used to deal with such embargoes?

In this study, empirical research was conducted to investigate the effects of IEEs on Libyan banks and the Libyan economy. In general, the IEEs had a negative effect on the exchange of modern technology and services in the Libyan economy. This implies that most of the transactions between the local banks were very slow due to weak infrastructure and inadequate communication systems during economic sanctions. Moreover, the sharp decline in oil prices during 1993 to 1998 had an overall negative effect on the Libyan economy during the IEEs. To cope with the crisis, many positive monetary and financial policies were implemented by the former Libyan government-including attempts to reform the banking sector, such as controlling the interest rate, encouraging privatisation and controlling the exchange rate.

More specifically, the key findings indicated that the effect of United Nations sanctions had direct negative effects on the Libyan banking sector, including the areas of the banking staff experts, technological equipment, and foreign business. In terms of the impact of IEEs on the Libyan economy, it had more adverse effects on other sectors of the economy, such as education, health, tourism, and agriculture.

With regard to coping strategies used by the Libyan government against the IEEs, these strategies reduced the harmful effects of embargoes on the Libyan banking sector and its economy. It can be said that during international embargoes, there were successful trading relations between Libya, the European Union (EU) and neighbouring countries.

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Books on the topic "International economic embargoes (IEEs)"

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Hanson, Philip. Western economic statecraft in East-West relations: Embargoes, sanctions, linkage, economic warfare, and detente. [London]: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1988.

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2

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade. U.S. agriculture exports and economic embargoes: Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundredth Congress, second session on H.R. 4692, June 8, 1988. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade. U.S. agriculture exports and economic embargoes: Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundredth Congress, second session on H.R. 4692, June 8, 1988. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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Trade, United States Congress House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and. U.S. agriculture exports and economic embargoes: Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundredth Congress, second session on H.R. 4692, June 8, 1988. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade. U.S. agriculture exports and economic embargoes: Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundredth Congress, second session on H.R. 4692, June 8, 1988. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade. U.S. agriculture exports and economic embargoes: Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundredth Congress, second session on H.R. 4692, June 8, 1988. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade. U.S. agriculture exports and economic embargoes: Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundredth Congress, second session on H.R. 4692, June 8, 1988. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade. U.S. agriculture exports and economic embargoes: Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundredth Congress, second session on H.R. 4692, June 8, 1988. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade. U.S. agriculture exports and economic embargoes: Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundredth Congress, second session on H.R. 4692, June 8, 1988. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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10

United States Economic Statecraft for Survival, 1933-1991: Of Sanctions and Strategic Embargoes (Routledge Advances in International Relations and Politics, 18). Routledge, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "International economic embargoes (IEEs)"

1

Hirschhorn, Eric L., Brian J. Egan, and Edward J. Krauland. "Economic Sanctions." In U.S. Export Controls and Economic Sanctions, 197–368. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197582411.003.0003.

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Chapter 3 covers U.S. government economic sanctions, which may be imposed upon entire countries (as embargoes), specified economic sectors, or individual state or nonstate actors. These comprise approximately thirty different programs that are governed principally by the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), various other sanctions legislation, and the regulations of the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC). The chapter explains: which types of transactions are subject to the OFAC regulations; the basis and criteria for those restrictions; how to determine whether your transaction is prohibited without a license and, if so, whether you are likely to get a license for it; how to seek a license if one is required; and the potential penalties for violating the rules. The chapter also explains how the OFAC regulations relate to the regulatory regimes covered in other parts of the book.
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Martin, Liebi, Markham Jerry W, Brown-Hruska Sharon, De Carvalho Robalo Pedro, Meakin Hannah, and Tan Peter. "7 Illicit Behaviour." In Regulation of Commodities Trading. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198799962.003.0007.

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This concluding chapter explores regulations on illicit behaviour, including violations of embargo sanctions, bribery of government officials, and money laundering. Embargoes and financial related sanctions against ‘rogue’ countries are economic in nature and are designed to coerce such countries into conformance to international norms. Sanctions may be applied to particular economic sectors, or a country's economy may be entirely embargoed, sometimes with humanitarian exceptions. Moreover, sanctions may be applied to import and exports of commodities, but are also often applied to prevent access to banking and other financial services. Meanwhile, the US prohibits the bribery of foreign government officials in order to obtain business through the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act of 1977. The US has also led the world in combatting money laundering, which typically involves the deposit of proceeds from illicit activities into what appear to be legitimate banking or brokerage accounts. The Securities and Exchange Commission and the Commodities and Futures Trading Commission impose anti-money laundering requirements on the broker-dealers and futures commission merchants they regulate. Those requirements include supervisory programmes designed to prevent and detect use of firm accounts for money laundering.
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Journal articles
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