Relevant bibliographies by topics / International Council on Human Rights Policy

Academic literature on the topic 'International Council on Human Rights Policy'

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Published: 25 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "International Council on Human Rights Policy"

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Shustenko, S. "MAIN CHALLENGES AND PRIORITIES OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE INFORMATION POLICY IN THE FIELD OF INFORMATION SECURITY AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. International relations, no. 2 (54) (2021): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2021/2-54/35-39.

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The article analyzes the challenges and priorities of the Council of Europe's information policy in the field of information security and freedom of expression. The analysis is based on the latest research of leading international researchers, specialized bodies of the Council of Europe and universities. The main challenges in the information policy of the Council of Europe are related to information security in the era of global information technology innovations. The basis of all activities of the Council of Europe is a human rights act – the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR), or in short – the European Convention on Human Rights. This regional instrument is a binding act for the regulation of information policy, as well as for the information security of the member states of the Council of Europe, which thereby undertook to protect the rights established therein, including the right to freedom of expression. It should be emphasized that the European Convention on Human Rights is a legally binding treaty, which in most countries of the continent has an almost constitutional status.
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Heinze, Eric A., and Douglas A. Borer. "The Chechen Exception: Rethinking Russia's Human Rights Policy." Politics 22, no. 2 (May 2002): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00163.

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Orthodox interpretations of human rights policies and practices in post-Soviet Russia are often construed by external critics through a historicist lens of tsarist and Soviet-era authoritarianism. Contemporary Russia's adherence to emerging international human rights norms is commonly judged in sole reference to its human rights disaster in Chechnya. In this article, we contest the notion that human rights abuses in Chechnya fully illustrate Russia's stance on international human rights. We suggest that Chechnya is the exception in the post-Soviet era, and that Russia has increasingly brought its human rights standards in line with the West. We use a historical comparative context as well as Russia's discursive response to NATO's intervention in Kosovo and its UN Security Council voting record as empirical evidence for our argument. 1
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Cała-Wacinkiewicz, Ewelina. "EU’s Human Rights Protection Policy." Reality of Politics 3, no. 1 (March 31, 2012): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201201.

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The overall objective of this paper is to outline the evolution of human rights policy in the European Union, with particular emphasis on the delimitation of time resulting from the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon signed on 13 December 2007, which revealed how strongly law is related to politics. Focusing on that issue is not accidental. This results from the fact that the European Union is an excellent example of an international organization whose priority aim at the moment of its creation was not the protection of human rights treated as an end in itself, and which in the course of its development has made the protection and promotion of human rights, “a silver thread running through all EU actions “. The specific objectives (though no less important from the point of view of the essence of human rights protection in the European Union) are: to show the systemic nature of the protection of those rights, the nature which is increasingly becoming part of the European Union, hitherto breaking somewhat the monopoly of the Council of Europe in this field; and to evaluate the European Union policy on the protection of human rights.
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Kontra, Miklós. "(Linguistic) Human Rights and/or Security Policy." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 2 (2021): 62–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.62-72.

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Current international Human Rights obligations and language rights declarations have not proved particularly effective. For a crime against humanity a person may be sentenced to life imprisonment (e.g., Ratko Mladić for the Srebrenica massacre), but other perpetrators often go unpunished: for instance, most of those States which assimilate their linguistic minorities through submersion education programs. In his call for this conference, Professor György Andrássy urged us to find new arguments that might help to raise international language rights standards, and clarify the role of arguments in general. In this context I will address a wider issue: Does security policy pose a threat to minority language rights? These challenges have been highlighted by conflicts in Ukraine over the past five years. If the Council of Europe, the European Union, and NATO become complicit in Ukraine’s erosion of regional and minority languages, a precedent may be set whereby a linguistic minority can be deprived of the rights they previously enjoyed in their State. The example of Ukraine may be followed by other States in building homogeneous nation-states and could well lead to new conflicts in Europe. In this paper I will show that what has created a serious international conflict and paralysis in NATO could be handled quite straightforwardly by linguists.
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Pillay, Judge Navi. "South Africa’s Engagement with International Human Rights Law." Stellenbosch Law Review 2021, no. 3 (2021): 356–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/slr/2021/i3a1.

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The commitment to human rights is the cornerstone of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. However, South Africa’s human rights record in the international community often stands in stark contrast to its constitutional commitment to human rights. In both international and regional contexts, South Africa has demonstrated an inconsistent approach to foreign policy that is often guided more by political considerations than by a principled commitment to advancing human rights. This lecture provides an overview of South Africa’s engagement with international human rights law in the constitutional era and evaluates its human rights record in the international arena in a diverse range of fields. These fields include South Africa’s record of human rights protection in peace and security operations on the African continent; its record as a member of the UN Security Council and Human Rights Council; the assessment of its performance by UN human rights treaty bodies; and its record in respect of the Covid-19 pandemic, international criminal justice, the death penalty, and the arms trade. The lecture draws on Judge Pillay’s extensive experience in international law, including as President of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Judge at the International Criminal Court in The Hague and former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.
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Harris, Grant T. "Human Rights, Israel, and the Political Realities of Occupation." Israel Law Review 41, no. 1-2 (2008): 87–174. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000200.

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Various political realities influence the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and, more generally, the vitality of the international law of occupation. The law of occupation—though ill-suited to modern international relations and ill-equipped for prolonged occupation—has been almost universally invoked as applicable to the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). At the same time, international human rights law is increasingly viewed as applicable to occupation. This creates a dilemma for Israel because international humanitarian law and international human rights law contain conflicting prescriptions and policy goals with respect to the administration of occupied territory. In many instances, occupants seek United Nations Security Council action in order to reconcile this tension and to secure legal and political cover for their actions. By acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter; the Security Council can create a select legal patchwork applicable to a particular occupation. This use of Chapter VII resolutions by the Security Council to create international law by fiat is an important trend in modern occupation. Yet geopolitics determines access to—and the content of—such resolutions, and the sensitive political context of the OPT currently makes this avenue unavailable to Israel. For the same reason, opponents of the Israeli occupation are unable to secure Security Council action to clarify and enforce Israeli legal obligations in the OPT. This Article considers these issues from the perspectives of both Israel and Palestinians in order to examine why the relative gain and loss in each case is not immediately clear. This Article also discusses how the legality of Israeli conduct in the OPT may be gauged in light of the conflicting international legal obligations imposed by human rights law and the law of occupation. A broader exploration of the impact of these phenomena reveals that these political realities serve to increase the influence of the Security Council while further undercutting the utility and relevance of the international law of occupation.
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Tuominen, Hanna. "Finland’s Status-updating through the UN Human Rights Council Campaign." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 17, no. 2 (April 5, 2022): 306–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10103.

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Summary The Finnish Government practises a human rights-based foreign policy, and norm advocacy within international organisations is an integral part of this ambition. One priority was to apply for UN Human Rights Council (HRC) membership for the 2022-2024 term. This article studies the Finnish campaign from the theoretical perspective of a small state seeking to update its status through norm advocacy and UN campaigning. It claims that the HRC campaign is an important means of updating Finland’s status within its ambitious Nordic peer group. Updating a country’s status can be achieved by showing moral authority and good UN membership. It also demonstrates the challenges and opportunities set by the domestic and external situation, introducing the HRC campaign priorities, based on Finland’s country brand, and shows how these are refreshed. The article draws on foreign policy documentation, campaign materials and interviews with Finnish diplomats and public officials involved in the campaign.
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Richardson, Henry J. "Divestment of the Stock Portfolio of the Society." American Journal of International Law 81, no. 3 (July 1987): 744–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202030.

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On October 25, 1986, the Executive Council of the American Society of International Law decided to divest the Society’s investment portfolio of stocks in all corporations “with direct investments in South Africa.” This action, which was taken by the Council after considerable debate, superseded the Society’s former policy of investing only in corporations with a high ranking under the “Sullivan principles.” The Council’s action is worthy of note in light of recent divestment-related actions, but especially because the resolution of economic considerations was informed by wider issues of law, moral policy making and human rights.
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Cameron, Iain. "UN Targeted Sanctions, Legal Safeguards and the European Convention on Human Rights." Nordic Journal of International Law 72, no. 2 (2003): 159–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181003322560556.

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AbstractThe introduction of Security Council targeted financial and travel sanctions against individuals involves a qualitative change in Security Council sanctions policy, which has previously been directed against governmental entities. Targeted sanctions can be a useful weapon in the international community's attempts to pressurize repressive regimes into accepting change. However, there is a problem in using against individuals, a powerful international law mechanism designed for pressurizing states. Individuals' rights under domestic and international law can be severely affected by such sanctions. The blacklists created under Resolutions 1333 and 1390 cause particular problems, as these are quasi-criminal in nature and in practice entail an allegation that the targeted persons are terrorists or terrorist associates. However, there is no international legal mechanism for checking or reviewing the accuracy of the information forming the basis of a sanctions committee blacklisting or the necessity for, and proportionality of, measures adopted. The implementation against non-governmental or quasi-governmental entities of targeted Security Council sanctions in European states is almost certainly contrary to European human rights norms, in particular, the right of access to court under Article 6 ECHR. There is thus a conflict between obligations under the United Nations Charter (UNC) on the one hand and the ECHR (and for EU states, EC law) on the other. Mechanisms can, however, be created which provide a broadly similar level of protection to that provided by Article 6 ECHR while maintaining whatever effectiveness targeted sanctions possess, so there is no logical incompatibility between obligations under the ECHR and Security Council sanctions.
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Cofelice, Andrea. "Italy and the Universal Periodic Review of the United Nations Human Rights Council. Playing the two-level game." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 47, no. 2 (July 2017): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.6.

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The aim of this article is to assess Italy’s behaviour in the framework of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of the United Nations Human Rights Council, both as a recommending state and as a state under review. The UPR is a peer review mechanism launched in 2008, through which all UN member states can make recommendations to each other regarding human rights practices. Drawing on role theory, liberal and constructivist institutionalism, and the two-level game approach, the analysis reveals that Italian decision-makers played parallel games at the domestic and international tables of the UPR, and managed to adapt country’s human rights foreign policy goals according to the different social contexts where they operated. Indeed, while in the review phase in Geneva, Italy sought legitimacy for both its policies and its status as an international ‘human rights friendly’ actor, at domestic level a policy of inactivity was chosen, in order to minimize the impact of the most costly UPR recommendations, and protect the dynamics of domestic politics. The time-span of the analysis covers the first 19 UPR sessions (2008–14), broadly coinciding with Italy’s first two membership terms at the Human Rights Council.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "International Council on Human Rights Policy"

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Baldwin, Maria. "Amnesty International, human rights & U.S. policy." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1162681572.

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Baldwin, Maria T. "AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, HUMAN RIGHTS & U.S POLICY." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1162681572.

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Morwe, Clement Shane. "Minority language rights in Namibia: An international human rights perspective." University of Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7562.

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Magister Legum - LLM
Namibia is home to a number of linguistic minorities. According to the 2011 census, the Owambo constitute 49.35 per cent of the population, accounting for almost half of the country’s total population.1 The rest of the linguistic groups include the Bushman (San) (0.95 per cent), Caprivians (4.5 per cent), Herero (8.99 per cent), Kavango (10.42 per cent), Damara/Nama (11.32 per cent), Setswana (0.26 per cent), Afrikaans (8.72 per cent), German (0.54 per cent), English (2.43 per cent), other European languages (0.69 per cent), other African languages (1.74 per cent), Asian languages (0.08 per cent) and other unidentified languages (0.02 per cent).2 English is, however, the only official language in terms of the Constitution of the Republic of Namibia, 1990 (“Constitution”).3
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Hausséguy, Nicolas. "Re-Constructing Identity. Mexico's International Human Rights Policy, 1988-2005." Thesis, Université Laval, 2006. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2006/23748/23748.pdf.

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Hausséguy, Nicolas Paul. "Re-constructing identity : Mexico's International Human Rights Policy, 1988-2005." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/18260.

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Strick, Ross. "Canadian international human rights policy, the cases of Cuba and China." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ30989.pdf.

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Gravely, Janice Marie. "Counterterrorism and Human Rights Committees’ Influence on Terrorism and Human Rights Atrocities." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/7652.

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The United Nations Counterterrorism and Human Rights Committees’ current collaborative practices have failed to reduce global terrorists’ activities and human rights abuses associated with counterterrorism activities. The purpose of this qualitative case study was to explore and compare collaborative processes between the committees in combatting terrorism and human rights violations associated with counterterrorism. The researched was centered around two key questions: The similarities and differences with information sharing processes and the impacts of the committees’ collaborative processes on terrorists’ activities and human rights violations. For this study, the pragmatic paradigm theoretical framework was used, focusing on the descriptive exploratory design. Secondary data was used as a source. Additionally, face-to-face and telephonic interviews with subject matter experts were conducted. Eclectic coding was used as the primary coding methodology to integrate other coding methodologies in the analysis process. The research concluded that the current multidisciplinary collaborative process used by the United Nations Counterterrorism Committee and Human Rights Committee creates inefficiencies that enable terrorists’ activities to adapt while reinforcing their terrorist message. Strategically integrating the interdisciplinary process within both committees could expand each committee’s awareness and efficiency in specified areas while positively reducing terrorist activities and human rights violations. Developing an appreciation and understanding beyond one’s individual expertise while melding expert considerations is the basis of the interdisciplinary process that can positively effect social change for a more stable international forum.
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Fan, Rebecca C. "Governing indigenous knowledge? : a study of international law, policy, and human rights." Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/16538/.

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The story of indigenous peoples’ knowledge systems, also known as indigenous knowledge (hereafter IK), is a complex one tangled with different and sometimes conflicting interests, values, and interpretations from a variety of disciplines, or specialized fields. A number of international treaty and trade agreements that want to ‘harness’ IK also turned it into an object of global governance, as this PhD study argues. This study also argues that the well-being of IK has gradually emerged as a global agenda for sustainable development and intergenerational justice, which constitute the defining characteristics of contemporary discourse of heritage. Consequently, IK issues and debates have become more versatile and multifaceted with a widening scope and mounting stakes. This is a sociological and legal study of knowledge that analyses the epistemological struggle resulting from different understandings of the nature and purpose of IK, which has causal relationship with the inadequacies of the governing regimes documented in this study. This study argues that such struggle and inadequacy form the core problem for IK governance. Furthermore, this study takes a novel approach guided by indigenous peoples’ epistemology, which represents ties between ecology, landscape, and people in a web of connections, to argue that IK is a cross-cutting subject and a form of emplaced knowledge. Hence it is not simply a property issue or debate as most literature tends to focus on. This study further argues that what constitutes the cornerstone of IK claims by indigenous peoples is essentially biocultural diversity that nurtured and sustained IK as well as IK-holder communities as distinct peoples. Through an interdisciplinary approach of synergy and synthesis, this study developed a number of original ideas and frameworks to analyse this complex story of IK. By doing so, this study shows how IK is a challenging subject that is inevitably political; it is also tangled with inherently heterogenetic and incoherent regimes of governance, from intellectual property and trade to environmental governance and development to natural and cultural heritage and human rights. This study takes these regimes as sites of inquiry in the tradition of critical theory to further unpack and problematize the development imperative and the private-property-based system exercised by these regimes. Finally, this study concludes that IK governance can make or break vulnerable groups like indigenous peoples to a point of prosperity or deeper poverty and extinction. Therefore, it requires particular care with an integrated approach. This study aims to fill an important gap in the literature with recommendations for future policy and research.
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Fenz, Janne-Frederike. "Human Rights in Foreign Policy : The role of the Human Rights discourse throughout the Venezuelan Presidential Crisis." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-42499.

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The conception of Human Rights is relatively new to international relations and their analysis and, accordingly, their location within this field, theoretically as well as practically, has not yet been ultimately identified. Their role varies among differing theoretical approaches. The aim of this work is to contribute to this discussion through working towards a theoretical framework which allows to place the normative conception of Human Rights in a rather realist analysis of foreign policy. Visualizing this attempt through reviewing the foreign policy measures initiated by the United States and the European Union towards the Maduro government throughout the Venezuelan presidential crisis, the potential impact of the Human Rights discourse for the means of legitimizing such measures becomes apparent. Eventually, the power potential the discourse holds when instrumentalized as a tool of foreign policy contributes to the understanding of its role in contemporary international relations.
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Connan, Katie. "Improving the international and regional, legal and policy framework in the prevention of sexual exploitation and abuse of women and children by international and regional peacekeepers." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20809.

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This dissertation will examine how an international and regional, legal and policy framework can be used to prevent continuing sexual exploitation and abuse by international and regional peacekeepers. It will examine what the different laws and policies contained within the framework currently articulate about sexual exploitation and abuse of women and children in peacekeeping settings, and evaluate their effectiveness at preventing this kind of misconduct. This dissertation will conclude by exploring how the effectiveness of the overall framework could be further improved.
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Books on the topic "International Council on Human Rights Policy"

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Gading, Heike. Der Schutz grundlegender Menschenrechte durch militärische Massnahmen des Sicherheitsrates, das Ende staatlicher Souveränität? Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1996.

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David, Dreier, Hamilton Lee, Feinstein Lee, Karatnycky Adrian, Council on Foreign Relations, and Freedom House (U.S.), eds. Enhancing U.S. leadership at the United Nations: Report of an independent task force cosponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations and Freedom House. New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 2002.

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Koh, Harold Hongju. International human rights: Law and policy. [Toronto]: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 2002.

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Newman, Frank C. International human rights: Law, policy, and process. 2nd ed. Cincinnati: Andersonc1996., 1996.

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Newman, Frank C. International human rights: Law, policy, and process. 2nd ed. Cincinnati, Ohio: Anderson Pub. Co., 1996.

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S, Weissbrodt David, and Newman Frank C, eds. International human rights: Law, policy, and process. Newark, NJ: LexisNexis, 2009.

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Newman, Frank C. International human rights: Law, policy, and process. Cincinnati: Anderson Pub. Co., 1990.

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1941-, Forsythe David P., ed. Human rights and comparative foreign policy. Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 2000.

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1943-, Vincent R. J., ed. Foreign policy and human rights: Issues and responses. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press, 1986.

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Kennedy, David. International public policy. [Toronto]: [Faculty of Law], University of Toronto, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "International Council on Human Rights Policy"

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Donnelly, Jack, and Daniel J. Whelan. "Human Rights and Foreign Policy." In International Human Rights, 145–65. Sixth edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429266072-7.

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Donnelly, Jack, and Daniel J. Whelan. "Human Rights in American Foreign Policy." In International Human Rights, 166–211. Sixth edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429266072-8.

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Abeyratne, Ruwantissa. "Public Policy and Human Rights." In Aviation and International Cooperation, 1–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-17022-0_1.

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Bailey, Sydney D. "International Humanitarian Law." In The UN Security Council and Human Rights, 59–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23701-2_3.

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Beoku-Betts, Josephine A. "UN Security Council Resolution 1325: The Example of Sierra Leone." In International Human Rights of Women, 461–76. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-8905-3_31.

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Beoku-Betts, Josephine A. "UN Security Council Resolution 1325: The Example of Sierra Leone." In International Human Rights of Women, 1–16. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4550-9_31-1.

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Weschler, Joanna, and Lindiwe Knutson. "The UN Security Council and Human Rights." In International Human Rights Institutions, Tribunals, and Courts, 199–226. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5206-4_9.

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Jiang, Na. "Forced Labour: China’s Policy and Practice." In China and International Human Rights, 215–48. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-44902-4_6.

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Jiang, Na. "The Death Penalty: China’s Practice and Policy." In China and International Human Rights, 119–85. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-44902-4_4.

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Boyashov, Anatoly. "Networks at international organizations." In Network Governance of the UN Human Rights Council, 13–42. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003200451-2.

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Conference papers on the topic "International Council on Human Rights Policy"

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Karaman, Ebru. "Government’s Responsibility to Prevent the Violence against Women in Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01228.

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Violence against women, which is accepted as a violation of human right in Turkey and in whole world for many years, causes physical and mental harms by practicing all kind of personal and collective behavior including force and pressure. Femicides have increased 1400% in the last seven years and one of every three women is subjected to violence. It is doubtful that in international law; Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and Council of Europe Convention and in additional to this in national law; The 1982 Constitution and The Law to Protect Family and Prevent Violence Against Women can provide effective guarantee to protect the place of woman in Turkish Society or not? Despite all of the legislative regulations, the violence against women in Turkey increasingly goes on. For this reason it is crucial to evaluate the articles no 5th, 10th, 17th, 41st and 90th of Constitution which compose the legal basis for preventing violence against women. Republic of Turkey’s founding philosophy bases on equality of women and men, which means equal rights for every single citizen. To end this violence against women; can be achieve only through provide this equality legally and defacto, and also, apply social state’s principles in real life. Because in social states, struggling against this violence should be accepted as government’s policy. The state should be in cooperation with all women's organizations and provide training for related trade bodies.
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Mazur-Kumrić, Nives, and Ivan Zeko-Pivač. "TRIGGERING EMERGENCY PROCEDURES: A CRITICAL OVERVIEW OF THE EU’S AND UN'S RESPONSE TO THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC AND BEYOND." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18300.

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The large-scale COVID-19 pandemic is a severe public health emergency which poses distressing social and economic challenges to the international community as a whole. In order to provide immediate and effective support to affected welfare and healthcare systems as well as to build their lasting, inclusive and sustainable recovery, both the European Union and the United Nations have introduced a number of urgent measures aiming to help and protect citizens and economies. This paper looks into the specificities of urgent procedures launched and carried out by the two most influential international organisations with a view to rapidly respond to the unprecedented COVID-19 crisis. More specifically, it focuses on the involved institutions and steps of urgent procedures as well as on their most remarkable outcomes. In the case of the European Union, the emphasis is put primarily on two Coronavirus Response Investment Initiatives (CRIIs), adopted during the Croatian Presidency of the Council in one of the fastest legal procedures in the history of the European Union, and the Recovery Assistance for Cohesion and the Territories of Europe (REACT-EU) as an extension of the CRIIs’ crisis repair measures. The overarching United Nations’ response is assessed through an analysis of its urgent policy agenda developed on the premise that the COVID-19 pandemic is not only a health and socio-economic emergency but also a global humanitarian, security and human rights crisis. This particularly includes procedures foreseen by the Global Humanitarian Response Plan (GHRP) and the Strategic Preparedness and Response Plan (SPRP). In addition, the aim of the paper is to provide a critical overview of the subject by highlighting three pivotal elements. First, the paper sheds light on the financial aspects of the urgent fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, necessary for turning words into action. Notably, this refers to funds secured by the Multiannual Financial Frameworks 2014-2020 and 2021-2027, and the Next Generation EU recovery instrument, on the one hand, and the UN COVID-19 Response and Recovery Fund, the UN Central Emergency Response Fund and the Solidarity Response Fund, on the other hand. Second, it offers a comparative evaluation of the end results of the European and global emergency procedures in mitigating the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. Finally, it summarises the underlying elements of measures governing the aftermath of the ongoing crisis, i.e. those promoting a human-centred, green, sustainable, inclusive and digital approach to future life.
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Paulo, Avner, Carlos Eduardo Oliveira De Souza, Bruna Guimarães Lima e Silva, Flávio Luiz Schiavoni, and Adilson Siqueira. "Black Lives Matter." In Simpósio Brasileiro de Computação Musical. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbcm.2019.10459.

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The Brazilian police killed 16 people per day in 2017 and 3/4 of the victims were black people. Recently, a Brazilian called Evaldo Rosa dos Santos, father, worker, musician, and black, was killed in Rio de Janeiro with 80 rifle bullets shot by the police. Everyday, the statistics and the news show that the police uses more force when dealing with black people and it seems obvious that, in Brazil, the state bullet uses to find a black skin to rest. Unfortunately, the brutal force and violence by the state and the police to black people is not a problem only in this country. It is a global reality that led to the creation of an international movement called Black Lives Matter (BLM), a movement against all types of racism towards the black people specially by the police and the state. The BLM movement also aims to connect black people of the entire world against the violence and for justice. In our work, we try to establish a link between the reality of black people in Brazil with the culture of black people around the world, connecting people and artists to perform a tribute to the black lives harved by the state force. For this, the piece uses web content, news, pictures, YouTube’s videos, and more, to create a collage of visual and musical environment merged with expressive movements of a dance, combining technology and gestures. Black culture beyond violence because we believe that black lives matter. such as the Ku Klux Klan, which bring the black population of the world into concern for possible setbacks in their rights. In Brazil, it is not different. Brazil is the non African country with the biggest afro descendant population in the world and one of the last country in the world to abolish slavery. Nowadays, a black person is 3 times more propense to be killed and most part of the murders in the country happened to afro Brazilians. Marielle Franco, a black city councillor from Rio, the only black female representative and one of seven women on the 51-seat council was killed in 2018. The killers were two former policeman. According to Human Rights Watch, the police force in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, killed more than 8,000 people between 2005 and 2015, 3/4 of them were black men. At the same time, the African culture strongly influenced the Brazilian culture and most part of the traditional Brazilian music and rhythms can be considered black music.
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Rudenko, Valentina. "Anti-Corruption Policy, the Constitution, and Human Rights in Poland." In The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-23.

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The aim of the article is to investigate the relationship between the anti-corruption policy and the implementation of human rights in Poland. The following basic legal and political science research methods were used: axiological- normative, systematic, historical, comparative, institutional, structural-functional, formal-juridical methods. The article analyses the socio-political environment in which an anti-corruption policy in Poland was formed and the strategies for its implementation. Significant institutional changes of the system of anti-corruption agencies and legal regulation of anti-corruption activities of governmental authorities were addressed. The role of social supervision in the field of corruption control in Poland was analysed. Polish anti-corruption policy peculiarities were highlighted, which increase the risk of violations and the disproportionate restriction of human rights. Particular attention was paid to the analysis of the scope of competencies and credentials of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau, and its place in the system of anti-corruption agencies. Based on the analysis of anti-corruption policy in Poland, it was concluded that human rights are one of the most important criteria for the success and effectiveness of anti-corruption policy implementation. The issue of balance between anti-corruption policy and human rights implementation in modern democratic states shall be solved via a system-based approach within the framework of constitutional principles of democratic states, namely: the rule of law, human dignity as a basic value of a democratic state, respect for human rights and the admissibility of their restriction only within the limits and forms permitted by the Constitution, the principle of separation and balance of powers, the supremacy of people.
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Samad, Irsyad Dhahri. "Social Discipline Concept of Restorative justice in Indonesian Human Rights Policy." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Social Sciences (ICSS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icss-18.2018.222.

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Suharto. "Criminal Sanction Policy to Stopping Investigation Suspect is Breach of Human Rights." In International Conference on Law, Economics and Health (ICLEH 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.200513.049.

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Riley, P. "Policy and Law Relating to Radioactive Waste: International Direction and Human Rights." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-4948.

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The anticipated doubling of world demand for electricity over the next fifty years requires that the gift of nuclear energy that has served developed nations over the past half century must not be abandoned. However, the absence of a clear and unequivocal policy regarding the storage and disposal of radioactive waste is seen by a significant section of the public as a threat to their rights and the non-existence of dedicated regulation of radioactive waste based on law has become an obstacle to the development of nuclear energy in Europe and the USA. A European survey of public opinion carried out at the request of the European Commission revealed that three-quarters of the respondents to sixteen thousand interviews believed that ‘all radioactive waste is very dangerous’. The public perception of threat has been fostered by the general lack of appreciation of the cautious system of radiation protection that has evolved from scientific observation and prediction of the risk of cancer from exposure to low level radiation. The concept of collective dose based on the system of radiation protection and applied to accident scenarios with remote possibilities, but in the absence of scientific assessment of the balance afforded by the pragmatism that man applies to everyday risks including the risk of cancer from the ever-present background of natural radiation, has added a measure of dread to the public sense of threat. That dread has been exacerbated by the emergence since September 2001 of the possibility of the use of radioactive waste as a terrorist weapon and for radioactive waste storage facilities to be seen as terrorist targets. International policy has moved from the comprehensive coverage of nuclear regulation with radioactive waste as an integral, but minor player, in the nuclear energy process to particular consideration with radioactive waste requiring specific regulation. This paper identifies the vectors that determine the direction of the policy governing radioactive waste, the moves toward consolidation of international policy separate from the body of existing nuclear law and future direction that will clear the way for a sustained, appropriate use of nuclear energy.
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Sitabuana, Tundjung Herning, Ade Adhari, Luisa Srihandayani, Imelda Martinelli, and Ida Kurnia. "The Internet Blockage Policy in Indonesia: A Legal and Human Rights Perspective." In International Conference on Economics, Business, Social, and Humanities (ICEBSH 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210805.016.

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Sujatmiko, Sujatmiko, Willy Wibowo, and Taruli Sihombing. "Policy on Child Protection During the Covid-19 Pandemic." In 1st International Conference on Law and Human Rights 2020 (ICLHR 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210506.015.

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Ariani, N. Farida, and B. Lora Chrisyanti. "Law and Human Rights Approach of Limited Double Citizenship Policy in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Globalization of Law and Local Wisdom (ICGLOW 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icglow-19.2019.43.

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Reports on the topic "International Council on Human Rights Policy"

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Terzyan, Aram. Russia Amidst the War: Implications for Human Rights and Political Freedoms. Eurasia Institutes, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/earp-1-2022.

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This paper explores the state of human rights and political freedoms in Russia amid the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war has devastatingly affected the state of human rights and political freedoms across Russia. The vague and ill-defined laws introduced in Russia amid the war severely restrict the citizens’ fundamental rights and freedoms, leading to a massive crackdown on government critics. This has significantly undermined Russia’s international standing, while leading to the Kremlin’s further rejection of democratic norms. More worryingly, Russia’s restrictive policy has been further combined with its decision to withdraw from the Council of Europe which raises a series unanswered question regarding the future of its human rights commitments. This paper concludes that Russia is isolating itself from the greater international community and resembling a North Korean-style form a tyranny.
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Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh, and Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint: A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.

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Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.
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Cvijić, Srdjan, Nikola Dimitrov, Leposava Ognjanoska Stavrovska, and Ivana Ranković. Bilateral Disputes and EU enlargement: A Consensual Divorce. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, May 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/xubk6023.

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Bilateral disputes between European Union member states and candidate countries are one of the key obstacles to EU enlargement. They have been plaguing the EU accession process ever since the breakup of Yugoslavia and the subsequent border dispute between EU member Slovenia and candidate country Croatia which then ensued. More recently we have the case of North Macedonia. It became a candidate country in 2005 but ever since, its accession negotiations have been bogged down by endless bilateral disputes. While the case of North Macedonia and its decades long conflicts with Greece and Bulgaria are the most well-known of such cases, they are not the only ones. In a seminal 2018 publication the Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group (BIEPAG) outlined the most prominent “open” or “latent” disputes between EU member states and candidate countries in the Western Balkans. Ranging from border to territorial disputes, or ones concerning the status of national minorities, four out of five candidate countries in the region – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia or Serbia, has a bilateral dispute with one or more EU member states. If you look at new candidates Ukraine and Moldova and potential candidate Georgia however, the list of active or potential bilateral disputes is even longer. Even when a candidate country meets the criteria to progress in EU accession talks, bilateral disputes can delay it for years or even decades as in the case of North Macedonia. In this way such disputes present a serious challenge to the credibility of the EU enlargement process. In the context of the war in Ukraine, as we have seen with regard to the policies of Viktor Orbán’s Hungary towards Ukraine, invoking bilateral disputes can seriously challenge the geopolitical orientation and the security of the entire Union. On the legal side, since most of these issues fall outside the scope of the EU law and are not covered by the accession criteria, there is a need to think of an institutional mechanism to deal with bilateral disputes. Enlargement policy does not offer an appropriate platform for settlement of bilateral disputes, especially for those that fall outside the EU law. Hence, these issues should be addressed via the international legal dispute resolution toolbox and thus be subjects of separate processes. The EU’s role however cannot be passive. It should invest efforts in these processes in order for them to be mutually reinforcing and so that the accession process has a mollifying rather than tension amplifying effect on the issue. In its policy brief, published at the end of 2023, the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) proposed updating the Copenhagen criteria such that they should include a stipulation to resolve bilateral issues between member states and candidate countries through external dispute resolution mechanisms: Territorial disputes should be referred to arbitration or the International Court of Justice, while those on minority rights should be dealt with by the European Court of Human Rights and other appropriate dispute settlement mechanisms. In this policy brief we suggest ways how to operationalise this proposal. First, we describe different types of vertical bilateral disputes (the ones that include asymmetrical relations) between EU members and Western Balkan candidate countries, then we outline international mechanisms to resolve them, and finally we propose an institutional architecture to remove bilateral disputes that fall outside of the scope of the Copenhagen criteria and the EU acquis from the purview of EU accession talks.
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Gibbons, Steve, Marcella Klinker, and Estefania Murray. Managing Human Rights Risks in IDB Projects: Requirements of the IDB's Environmental and Social Policy Framework. Inter-American Development Bank, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004270.

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In November 2021, the Inter-American Development Banks (IDB) new Environmental and Social Policy Framework (ESPF) became effective. The IDB recognizes that human rights are central to its mission of improving lives and bringing sustainable development to the Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) region. As such, the ESPF makes an explicit commitment to respecting internationally recognized human rights standards, including the International Bill of Rights, the International Labor Organizations Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, and other universal and regional instruments relating to human rights. Crucially, this means that under the new Framework, IDB-financed projects are expected to respect the rights enshrined in these instruments. The ESPF provides the IDB with the tools to assess human rights risks in the context of all IDB projects. Where such risks are identified, the IDB is committed to supporting Borrowers in carrying out their due diligence to protect project beneficiaries, communities, and workers from abuse, enable the fulfilment of their rights, and remedy harm caused. This Technical Note on Human Rights aims to provide support to IDB Borrowers in identifying and addressing human rights risks and impacts on IDB-financed projects under the new ESPF. The information contained in this note may also be relevant to a wider audience, including IDB staff and external stakeholders.
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Burniske, Jessica, Naz Modirzadeh, and Dustin Lewis. Armed Non-State Actors and International Human Rights Law: An Analysis of the Practice of the U.N. Security Council and U.N. General Assembly. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, June 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/gtze6629.

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Terzyan, Aram. The State of Minority Rights in Uzbekistan: A Comparative Analysis of Tajiks, Russians, and Koreans. Eurasia Institutes, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/erd-1-2023.

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This paper examines the state of minority rights in Uzbekistan, focusing on three significant ethnic groups: Tajiks, Russians, and Koreans. It explores the historical context of these minorities, the cultural and linguistic challenges they face, socioeconomic issues, and their political representation. Under the authoritarian rule of Islam Karimov, Uzbekistan emphasized a unified Uzbek identity, often marginalizing minority cultures and languages. Despite President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s reforms aimed at improving human rights, including the establishment of a Human Rights Ombudsman and the Development Strategy for 2017-2021, significant challenges remain. Legislative initiatives such as the draft Law on the Protection of the Rights and Interests of National Minorities and efforts to enhance cultural policies have had mixed success. This analysis highlights the need for comprehensive measures to ensure robust legal protections, equitable resource allocation, and genuine political inclusion for all ethnic minorities in Uzbekistan. The international community’s role in advocating for these rights is also discussed, emphasizing the gap between policy and practice in protecting minority rights in Uzbekistan.
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Mehra, Tanya, and Julie Coleman. The Role of the UN Security Council in Countering Terrorism & Violent Extremism: The Limits of Criminalization? RESOLVE Network, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/sfi2022.4.

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After the 9/11 attacks, a united global community entered an era which saw the proliferation of United Nations entities and organs focused on responding to terrorism. These bodies were created, at least in part, in response to the recognized need for a comprehensive multilateral counter-terrorism architecture to ensure international peace and security in the face of the growing specter of violent extremism. This response has notably also included an array of UN Security Council resolutions (UNSCRs) adopted to counter the threat of terrorism. A little over 20 years after the adoption of Resolution 1373 (2001), 52 terrorism related resolutions now exist, creating an elaborate set of measures for Member States to implement. Despite this, however, terrorism was arguably more prevalent in 2021 than in 2001. A myriad of factors have led to the continued spread of terrorism, including the increasingly transnational nature of terrorists and terrorist networks, as well as the failure to adequately address the structural factors and underlying conditions that are conducive to the spread of violent extremism. In order to explain its persistence, one must not only examine the continued appeal of terrorist groups and violent extremist ideology and propaganda, but also reflect upon where, how, and why counter-terrorism responses have often failed to reduce the threat or, in some cases, even exacerbated the factors which give rise to terrorism in the first place. This includes the response of the Security Council, whose resolutions have created the obligation or expectation for Member States to continuously expand the criminalization of terrorism, without evidence that such an approach will lead to less terrorism. This brief focuses on how some UNSCRs include measures that require Member States to criminalize conduct that has historically fallen within the pre-crime space and lacks a clear link to terrorist activities, and examines the subsequent impact this has on human rights and the effectiveness of the criminal justice system. At the same time, it explores the role that States themselves have played in the exceptionalization of terrorism in terms of criminal justice responses. Finally, it offers recommendations for both the UNSC and Members States on how to ensure that counter-terrorism architecture can both be human-rights based and simultaneously conducive to promoting peace and security.
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Siampakou, Niki. Victims of Terrorism and Reparation: Applying the 2005 UN Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation. ICCT, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19165/2023.2.09.

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While victims of terrorism undergo significant harm, there is currently no specific legal framework addressing their right to reparation. Certain regional provisions focus on establishing compensation funds under national law but do not explicitly acknowledge an existing right to reparation which includes restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction, and guarantees of non repetition. To fill this gap, this Policy Brief argues that the UN Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law (UN Basic Principles and Guidelines) should be applicable to terrorism victims. The brief initially explores the absence of an internationally proclaimed right to reparation for this category of victims. Subsequently, it illustrates that considering the shared characteristics between victims of terrorism and those of international crimes, gross violations of International Human Rights Law, or serious violations of International Humanitarian Law as well as the common elements between terrorism and international crimes, gross violations of human rights and humanitarian law, the UN Basic Principles and Guidelines should extend to victims of terrorism. This application is seen as a recognition of their right to reparation, fulfilling states’ responsibility to provide a comprehensive framework for the harm suffered by victims and consequently enhancing the international protection of terrorism victims.
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Research Team, Karamoja–Turkana Community. Community Solutions to Insecurity Along the Uganda–Kenya Border. Institute of Development Studies, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2023.057.

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In the Karamoja and Turkana border regions of Uganda and Kenya, there is widespread violence including armed robbery, rape, and human rights abuses, yet community complaints about failures of governance remain largely unaddressed. This Policy Briefing highlights how different insecurities reinforce one another in ways exacerbated by the international border. It stresses the need for fulfilment of the two governments’ commitments to cross-border solutions, and suggests that international policy actors can help communities gain leverage with governments towards building trustworthy and effective peace and security institutions.
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Huntington, Dale. Anti-trafficking programs in South Asia: Appropriate activities, indicators and evaluation methodologies. Population Council, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh2002.1019.

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Throughout South Asia, men, women, boys, and girls are trafficked within their own countries and across international borders against their wills in what is essentially a clandestine slave trade. The Congressional Research Service and the U.S. State Department estimate that between 1 to 2 million people are trafficked each year worldwide with the majority originating in Asia. Root causes include extreme disparities of wealth, increased awareness of job opportunities far from home, pervasive inequality due to caste, class, and gender bias, lack of transparency in regulations governing labor migration, poor enforcement of internationally agreed-upon human rights standards, and the enormous profitability for traffickers. The Population Council, UNIFEM, and PATH led a participatory approach to explore activities that address the problem of human trafficking in South Asia. A meeting was held in Kathmandu, Nepal, September 11– 13, 2001 to discuss these issues. Approximately 50 representatives from South Asian institutions, United Nations agencies, and international and local NGOs attended. This report summarizes the principal points from each paper presented and captures important discussion points that emerged from each panel presentation.
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