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1
Aroussi, Sahla. "Women, Peace, and Security and the DRC: Time to Rethink Wartime Sexual Violence as Gender-Based Violence?" Politics & Gender 13, no. 03 (July 21, 2016): 488–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000489.
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During armed conflicts, women experience extensive gender harm of a physical, sexual, legal, economic, social, cultural, and political nature. Recently, however, we have witnessed unprecedented attention in international law and policy-making arenas to the specific issue of sexual violence as a strategy of warfare. This has been particularly obvious in the agenda on women, peace, and security. Since 2008, the United Nations agenda has increasingly and repeatedly focused on sexual violence in armed conflicts in several Security Council resolutions, calling on and pressuring member states and international agencies to address this issue using militaristic and legalistic strategies. In this article, looking particularly at the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), I argue that the prioritization of sexual harm over other forms of gender harm has had a detrimental impact on women living in aid-dependent societies, and the international obsession with sexual harm has delivered neither justice nor security for victims in the DRC. The article concludes that in order to effectively address sexual violence, we have to rethink sexual harm as gender harm and start listening and responding to women's actual needs and priorities on the ground.
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Gurskiy, Viktor. "A FEMALE POLICE OFFICER IN UKRAINIAN SOCIETY." Law Journal of Donbass 74, no. 1 (2021): 169–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32366/2523-4269-2021-74-1-169-175.
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The article deals with the definition of a female police officer position in Ukrainian society. The position of women who serve in the bodies of the national police of Ukraine and the observance of female police officers’ rights have been investigated. It was clarified that equality is the foundation of a democratic society that strives for social justice and respect human rights. But, unfortunately, for some reasons, women are discriminated almost in all spheres of life. It was noted that our state, being at the stage of formation of a gender society and law in general, has the goal of the European choice, and many steps have already been done for achieving this goal. Ukraine has pledged to fulfill general international duties to ensure gender equality. Having chosen the European vector of development, our state has ratified a number of international documents, one of which was the order of the cabinet of ministers of Ukraine «on the approval of the national plan for the implementation of un security council resolution no. 1325 Women, Peace, Security for the period up to 2020». Аn resolution 1325 is dedicated to those states where armed conflicts take place, therefore this document is relevant for Ukraine. Thus, gender equality is one of the conditions for ensuring social development. For example, the United Nations provides gender-sensitive policing throughout the United Nations police work as an urgent need to address the differentiated security needs of women, men, girls and boys. A positive moment, testifying to the improvement in the field of gender equality, is the constant increase in the number of women in the ranks of the national police of Ukraine. We consider that this fact improves the image and the attitude of citizens towards the police, because women are more trusted than men in some issues. We state that achieving gender equality ensures preventing violence, protecting the rights of all people and the opportunity to make a meaningful contribution to public life. All mentioned above aspects are impossible without women. Therefore, in the future we plan to study this issue in more detail.
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Strebkova, Julia. "GARRANTEENG THE SAFETY OF WOMEN AND GIRLS UNDER CONDITIONS OF ARMED CONFLICT." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 25 (2019): 115–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.25.18.
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It has been shown that in recent years in Ukraine the pressure of religious organizations on the legislative and executive authorities has increased and information campaigns and projects of anti-gender and anti-Ukrainian trends have been implemented. The author analyzed how in the regions staying under Russian informational pressure the religious fundamentalism shows the potential of development develop into religious extremism. It has been demonstrated that in Ukraine the gender aspects of security are not well-developed and are heavily influenced by religion. It has been shown that the lack of high-quality gender analytics significantly complicates the forecasting of social processes. The article deals with the question how religious fundamentalism manipulates women's security issues in favor of religious interests. It is noted that the pressure of pro-religious anti-gender movements on the authorities in Ukraine can lead to negative consequences, and that the establishment of a state policy based on religious perceptions of the world can threaten the country's internal security. It was concluded that in times of conflict, religious extremism does not recognize the rule of human rights and proclaims the primacy of religious customs over women's human rights. It is proved that, considering direct conflict with Russia, the spread of religious fundamentalism in Ukraine and the spread of structural gender violence will be relevant and require the immediate development of gender and biopolitical aspects of security. It was concluded that for the progressive democratic development of Ukraine, as well as safe living conditions and the well-being of its citizens, the security services should turn to gender analytics. It has been proven that, in order to protect their interests, religious leaders can initiate a departure from state-guaranteed compliance with international agreements on gender equality in all spheres of life. In this regard, Ukraine's implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution No. 1325 on Women, Peace, Security and the similar resolutions as well as Recommendations of the UN Committee on the Status of Women for Countries that have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, other UN instruments is important for Ukraine. Also important are the country's European commitments in the field of gender equality. In particular, the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention) needs to be ratified.
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Ashok Ram. "Women and their Participation in Urban Local Governance." Revista Review Index Journal of Multidisciplinary 1, no. 1 (September 30, 2021): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm2021.v01.n01.003.
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The concept of justice in all spheres of life has become a reality. The people want justice." They will understand and try out what it is. At the stage of India's democracy, the new classes, it's worth it to find your own voice. They require their share on the basis of the immortals. The other backward castes, castes, fictitious, made the tribes and women, to be more turbulent, and international conferences, and is emancipated through the creation and revision of the provisions of the Constitution of India. The answer to the woman question. That is, a state in India, stating that its people have chosen women in positions such as President, Prime minister, and the dynamic, the Lok Sabha, and state ministers, one state to another. The women, as well as any kind of authority. The 17th Lok Sabha of 78 women leaders have gone out of the house. This is the highest number of seats in the house of commons, Lok Sabha made by women of 14.38% of the total 543 seats in the Parliament.In the end, it's a story about political freedom, an important asset, which is not visible to the groups. India's democratic system has solved this problem by decentralizing power, which is a giant step, and then the great idea to be a part of the power of the state. The text of the Constitution of India, of Amir and of itself, the dreams and ambitions of its stakeholders. As Granville Austin said, the criteria of the Constitution, if it is unable to do so, in order to provide a solid foundation of the government, in the face of major economic and social transformation. In keeping with the changing socio-economic circumstances and the wishes of the people of india, can be found, as well as a tribute to her that the promise of social, economic, and political justice, equality of status and of opportunity for all its citizens. The Constitution of india guarantees the right to elect the people's Representatives, and even give each and every citizen has the right to vote and to be elected. However, in this process, which is a part of citizens to have a more centralised powers, i.e. the members of the board, the members of the legislative assemblies and councils of the state.
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Dyhal, Yaroslav. "Institutional Mechanisms for Ensuring Gender Equality in the Political Sphere: the European Context." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 148–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.148-159.
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Gender equality is one of the elements of a democratic society, in the political sphere gender balance contributes to the effective realization of the rights of men and women. The purpose of the article is to study the institutional mechanisms for ensuring gender equality and their role among other methods. The relevance of the work is determined by the importance of institutional mechanisms in the context of achieving gender parity. Institutional mechanisms for ensuring gender equality include governmental, parliamentary, and other power structures, including the institution of ombudsman. Institutional mechanisms also include organizations of various forms of ownership, independent agencies and civil society institutions. The effectiveness of institutional mechanisms is determined by a number of factors, including the degree of participation of women's organizations in politics, the political orientation of the government, the current economic situation and others. Mechanisms for the protection of women's rights have become a tool for ensuring gender equality in the international arena and have become a guarantee of national gender transformations. In European countries, the functions of ensuring equality are performed by special bodies and ministries of the relevant profile. There are special bodies in each EU country, which are responsible for ensuring gender equality in all spheres of life. Most often, the role of a special body is performed by the ombudsman institution, or the Center for Equal Treatment, the National Anti-Discrimination Council, the Equality Commission, and so on. At the parliamentary level, the activities of institutional mechanisms are implemented in the form of parliamentary committees on gender equality or inter-party women's factions. The activities of national mechanisms for gender equality are aimed at protecting women's rights, which can be explained by the traditionally less active participation of women in socio-political life. National mechanisms are aimed at ensuring equality in all spheres, as equal rights and opportunities in the labor or social sphere indirectly affect the possibility of exercising rights in socio-political life.
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Pererva, Yulia. ""Learning and living democracy for all". Council of Europe Programme promoting Citizenship and Human Rights Education." CADMO, no. 1 (June 2009): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/cad2009-001007.
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- Since 1997, the Council of Europe has supported a Project on Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights (EDC/HRE) with the aim of complimenting its treaty related activities in the fields of Human and Social Rights. The article presents the programmes and the initiatives supported and developed by the Council of Europe both at an international and at the national levels as well as the most important adopted texts and publications. It outlines the principles on which partnership and networking are built by the Council of Europe in close cooperation with member states and other regional and international institutions.Keywords human rights education, education for democratic citizenship, international cooperation.
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Chicharro, Manuel Ramírez. "Radicalizing Feminism: The Mexican and Cuban Associations within the Women's International Democratic Federation in the Early Cold War." International Review of Social History 67, S30 (March 10, 2022): 75–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859022000025.
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AbstractThis article analyses the interactions between the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF) and its Mexican and Cuban national chapters and affiliated organizations. Focusing on the National Bloc of Revolutionary Women, the Democratic Union of Mexican Women, and the Democratic Federation of Cuban Women, this article studies the ideological foundations these organizations defended and the action programmes they used to materialize them. One of its main contributions is to argue that Mexican and Cuban socialist and communist women contributed to the struggle for women's emancipation within the Eastern Bloc through grass-roots contributions that did not simply emulate European communist organizations, but drew on, and were informed by, national contexts, material conditions, and historical backgrounds. The increasing number of requests, demands, and proposals emerging from Latin America, and more specifically from Mexico and Cuba, ultimately fostered a steady process of decentralization that broadened visions of women's progress within the global leftist feminist movement during the early Cold War.
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Kechyk, Olha, Vita Baidyk, and Olena Buriak. "Formation of Civic and Social Competences in School Education: Teacher’s Toolkit." Education and Pedagogical Sciences, no. 2 (180) (2022): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2747-2022-2(180)-27-36.
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The article defines the essence of civic and social competences in accordance with the main state and international regulatory and legislative documents. The article considers as well the conceptual foundations of civic education and the Council of Europe’s Reference Framework of Competences for Democratic Culture as a tool for democratization of the educational environment. A model of the Framework of Competences for Democratic Culture, which represents a systematic approach to the process of formation and assessment of competences for the culture of democracy, has been presented. The principles of Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights Education have been outlined. The main forms of education for practical implementation of the concept of Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights Education have been highlighted. A number of multidisciplinary exercises for the formation of social and civic competences in school education with a step-by-step description of their implementation and summary comments has been presented. The suggested exercises serve as a clear example of the successful implementation of the competence approach in school education. The main focus of the exercises is to prepare students for an independent responsible life, rational decision-making and constructive interaction in the community.
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Dujmović, Sonja M. "Social Democratic Reflections on Women’s Activism in the Labor Movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina During the First World War." Tokovi istorije 31, no. 3 (December 31, 2023): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2023.3.duj.63-84.
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This article seeks to provide an insight into the perception of female activism, the symbolic role of women and their future in the labor movement during the First World War, i.e. to show the imagined space that party and trade union bodies intended for women. The newspaper of the Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina (SDP BiH), Glas slobode (Voice of Freedom), will be used to analyze the category of gender and its representation in one of the sections of the international social democratic movement.
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SOLHJELL, Randi. "“There are no women here”. Gender Discourses in United Nations’ Peace Operations." Relaciones Internacionales, no. 27 (October 29, 2014): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2014.27.005.
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International Relations (IR) discipline is no longer only a man’s world. For decades, feminist IR scholars have managed to challenge the gender-blind and male-dominated discourses of security, power and conflict. However, and outside this academic bubble, in international politics more broadly, and with the United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security specifically, “gender” in relation to peace and security is often interpreted in narrow perspectives. The article discuss some of the feminist IR contribution to the Women, peace and security agenda and offers an empirical take on gender discourses that exists within a peace operation context based on multiple fieldwork studies on peacekeepers and national staff working for the UN operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo, MONUSCO. The author finds that gender is interpreted as a separate, women-only topic and outside the core mandated activity of state restoration and militarized protection and security. The interpretation of gender as women leads to the distorted assumption that it is irrelevant to men as “there are no women here”, as one peacekeeper put it. This gender essentialism is also reinforced by gender experts themselves in order to gain political leverage. I argue that framing women on the one hand in need for protection (victimhood) and as potential peacemakers is a sellable narrative to a masculinized Security Council as well as ‘robust’ UN peace operations.
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Johnson, Pauline. "Learning from the Budapest School women." Thesis Eleven 151, no. 1 (April 2019): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619839245.
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What can Western feminism hope to learn from women whose feminisms were originally shaped by experiences behind the ‘Iron Curtain’? In the first instance, an acute sensitivity to the importance of a politics that is responsive to needs. In its social democratic heyday, Western feminism had embraced a politics of contested need interpretation. Now, though, a neoliberal version has converted feminism into an attitudinal resource for the individual woman who is bent upon success. The takeover was made easy by the poor self-understanding of social democratic feminism. My paper will compare Agnes Heller’s theory of ‘radical needs’ and Maria Márkus’s account of the ‘politicization of needs’ and apply both to the normative clarification of endangered feminist agendas. We look to the Budapest School women for more than just a way of conceptualizing the political radicalism of modern feminism as a social movement. Women need heroes too and a reflection upon the dignified and admirable lives of Agnes Heller and Maria Márkus has much to contribute to an ongoing search for a feminist ethic of the self.
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Terna-Ayua, Lilian Elochukwu Illuminata. "International Dynamics of UNSCR 1325: A Feminist Critique of Women’s Inclusion in the Democratic Republic of Congo." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, no. IV (2024): 2797–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.804264.
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Women, when empowered can contribute to the peace, economy, and development of a nation, and since the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR 1325) was adopted, which aims to promote the gender perspective in conflict contexts and eliminate disparities connected to sexually gender-based violence, its practical impact has encountered a variety of difficulties. Thus, this study seeks to examine the international dynamics hindering women’s inclusion in peace processes in the DRC despite the institution of UNSCR 1325 and the deployment of UN peacekeepers in the country. The study adopts a qualitative analysis and quantitative data from the UN, and other sources to show evidence of women’s marginalization in the DRC. The rationale for using the DRC is due to the recurring instability in the region and to assess the effectiveness of the resolution. This study concludes that the complex construction of the resolution has been a hindering factor for a successful implementation, as well as the lack of women’s inclusion in peacekeeping and negotiation in the conflict process. This research recommends that the National Action Plans should be implemented with the full participation of the women at the grassroots level in the theatre of war, and the need for effective collaboration amongst stakeholders in ensuring peace and stability in the region. The applicability of the feminist theory illustrates how international dynamics coalesce to marginalize DRC women from peacekeeping and peace negotiations, which have affected the possibility of inclusive, effective, and sustainable peace in the DRC.
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Лещенков, Феликс, Feliks Leshchenkov, Саяна Бальхаева, Sayana Balkhaeva, Олеся Сакаева, and Olesya Sakaeva. "CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS OF THE XXI CENTURY: NEW HORIZONS." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 2, no. 1 (March 16, 2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/18202.
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On 1—2 of December 2015 the Institute of Legislation and Comparative Law jointly with the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission of Council of Europe) held V International Congress of Comparative Law “Constitutional reforms in the XXI century: new horizons”. The task of international congress was to summarize existing experience of constitutional changes in the modern world, to reveal basic trends of current constitutional reforms, and to develop ways of their further progress. The Congress featured plenary meeting as well as sections (“Main trends of constitutional development in the modern world: general and special; Constitutional reforms: vectors of democratic development”; “Constitutional reforms: changes in the private sphere”) and round tables (“The role of the Council of Europe in constitutional reforms”; “Constitutional reforms in Asian-Pacific region: comparative legal analysis”; “Constitutional models in Latin America”; “Social and labor rights of citizens as a factor of constitutional stability and economic growth”. The review of scientific work of the V International Congress of Comparative Law is followed by presentation of recommendations, adopted as a result of its work.
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Markovits, Elizabeth K., and Susan Bickford. "Constructing Freedom: Institutional Pathways to Changing the Gender Division of Labor." Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 1 (March 2014): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713003721.
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In recent years, there has been renewed public discussion regarding the relationship between women’s equality and their traditional responsibility for carework. In this essay, we analyze the structures of choice and constraint that continue to produce the gender division of family labor and thus women's unequal participation in the public sphere. We conceptualize this as a problem of democratic freedom, one that requires building institutional pathways to sustain women's participation. Drawing on Nancy Hirschmann's arguments about processes of social construction and their relation to freedom, we argue that gender inequality in the public sphere means that women are unfree, in the sense that they are not participating as peers in the material and discursive processes of social construction that then help to shape their own desires and decisions. We use that framework to analyze the current landscape in which different subgroups of women make decisions about paid labor and care work. Our goal is to bring into view the way the social construction of desire interacts with the material context to underwrite inequality between women and men and across different groups of women. Gender equality and the project of democracy require participatory parity between women and men in the public sphere. We therefore turn in our last section to an effort to imagine how public policies could construct pathways that can help interrupt and undo the gender division of labor, and thus better support democratic freedom.
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Kumar, Jatin. "Municipal Council Elections in Oman, 2016." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 4 (October 25, 2017): 385–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798917730933.
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The 2016 Omani Municipal Council election was held in the backdrop of the economic problems facing the Gulf States due to the decline in international oil prices. Hence, the cut in social security and continued concerns over economy were major issues. This was partly responsible for a low turnout, though a free and fair election was an important takeaway. In comparison to the previous municipal council election, more female candidates were elected and joined the council in 2016. Whereas various encouraging developments can be assuaged including the evolution of the electoral process, growing participation of women, and use of new state-of-the-art technology, the pace of democratization remains painfully slow.
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Honiukova, Liliia, Marina KANAVETS, and Viktoriia Sychova. "GENDER ORIENTATION OF PUBLIC GOVERNMENT IN UKRAINE IN POST-WAR RECONSTRUCTION." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Public Administration 18, no. 2 (2023): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2616-9193.2023/18-2/14.
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Background. The modern philosophy of social life, where equal rights and opportunities are guaranteed to all, is a trend of world development. Gender approaches are implemented in all areas of society. This is evidenced, in particular, by the Sustainable Development Goals (Goal 5), UN Security Council Resolution 1325 "Women. Peace. Security", the Gender Equality Strategy of the Council of Europe for 2018–2023, the European Charter for the Equality of Women and Men in the Life of Local Communities, the Biarritz Partnership etc. The implementation of gender approaches in various spheres of social life allows us to see existing problems for various social groups and individuals, to offer alternative ways of solving them, which allow us to meet the needs of specific women and specific men. The very understanding of "governance" is based on new views on the work of civil power, which reflect its turning towards citizens, democratization, and are especially important in the conditions of decentralization. The modern understanding of this term, as I. Degtyareva notes, was formed and began to be actively used in the 90s years of the 20th century to denote a modern way of managing a democratic state, when all interested parties are involved in decision-making, which significantly expands the boundaries of traditional management of government bodies. Therefore, we can talk about the transition to gender-oriented governance in modern democratic countries. The purpose of this article is to analyze the gender orientation of modern public administration of Ukraine in the conditions of post-war reconstruction. Object of study. Democratic governance in the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine. Methods. To obtain scientific results, the method of comparative analysis was used to identify similarities/differences in Ukraine's development trends, readiness for joining the EU. A comparison of the study of the projects "Strengthening the role of women in politics and decision-making at the local level" of UNDP and "Gender aspects, development of agriculture and rural areas – Ukraine" of FAO gave grounds to conclude that the processes in the regions of Ukraine are similar to the global trend: the less authority and resources are in power, the more chances women have to come to power. The method of content analysis was also used as a quantitative-qualitative method of studying the speeches of the Head of the National Agency of Ukraine on Civil Service Issues, the Vice-Prime Minister of Ukraine on European and Euro-Atlantic Integration of Ukraine, and people's deputies. Results. In Ukraine, government officials, together with citizens, developed, wrote and implemented the State program for ensuring equal rights and opportunities for women and men, the Government approved the National Action Plan for the Implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the National Action Plan for the Implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 "Women, peace, security". Departmental plans were developed and adopted for the implementation of this Plan. Amendments to normative legal acts that had discriminatory norms against women are planned and proposed for implementation. We can state that there is a real and rapid process of integration of gender approaches in all spheres of social life. The Government is also developing sectoral documents that will contribute to the development of gender-oriented public governance in the post-war period as well. At the same time, the problem remains the lack of experts on gender issues in public administration, as well as gender stereotypes that prevent effective change in society. Conclusions. Ukraine needs a systematic approach and consolidated actions of public authorities, civil society institutions, and business for a deeper understanding of gender approaches to the development of all spheres of our life. Post-war reconstruction will be a challenge for the implementation of a gender approach in all spheres of public life. At the same time, ensuring justice is the basic approach of public governance in European countries.
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Schneider, Helen M. "Mobilising Women: The Women’s Advisory Council, Resistance and Reconstruction during China’s War with Japan." European Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (2012): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-20121105.
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This article uses the Women’s Advisory Council of the New Life Movement to show how educated women developed their own concepts of wartime responsibilities as they conducted resistance and social construction programmes. It particularly examines their work with rural women and efforts to improve education, production, life habits and national consciousness. In transferring their vision of China’s development to uneducated compatriots in the interior, the Council cadres attempted to bolster their social authority and prove their leadership abilities. Their work explicates another dimension of the lasting consequences to wartime relief provision.
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Simović, Miodrag, Dragan Jovašević, and Marina Simović. "PREVENTION OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." Knowledge International Journal 26, no. 6 (March 18, 2019): 1777–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij26061777s.
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Domestic violence, not only in the Republic of Serbia but in other legal systems as well, is a dangerous criminal offence amongst crime violence which is going on between close relatives. Therefore, in addition to the system of criminal sanctions, various measures of preventive characters are applied more and more often against persons committing violence, in prevention of this dangerous social evil. Their goal is to prevent domestic violence in general or its recommission. Similar situation is in the Republic of Serbia where a special law has been applied since 2016.With the aim of taking organized and systematic activities of different social subjects, especially state organs to prevent and combat (repress) domestic violence or violence in relationships in the Republic of Serbia, the Government of the Republic of Serbia adopted in 2011 a “National strategy to prevent and combat violence over women in families and relationships”. This strategy is an expression of the RS Government’s resoluteness to protect women from domestic violence and relationships in advance, complying with international standards and acts on the protection of fundamental human rights - by providing support to all the subjects in their activities to prevent and combat these forms of violence. This way, the Strategy encourages application of international and domestic legal norms and standards protecting human rights, promoting gender equality and prohibiting any form of domestic or relationship violence against women, as form of violence which mostly affects women. This Strategy confirms inclusion of the Republic of Serbia into joint activities of the Council of Europe and the European Union, having the aim to raise social consciousness about the problem of domestic violence against women and forming of realistic assumptions for efficient prevention of these forms of violence. The essence of this Strategy are conclusions reached at the National Conference on combat against violence against women, held in 2007 as part of the Council of Europe’s campaign for the combating against all forms of violence against women, including domestic violence.The Strategy of the Republic of Serbia pays special attention to the group of women who are exposed (or potentially might be exposed) to multiple discrimination, as vulnerable groups of women, like women with disabilities, Roma women, mothers of disabled children, handicapped women or women with chronical diseases, women from the villages, older women, refugees or displaced women etc. This Strategy especially took into account a Recommendation of the Council of Europe 1905 (2010) on the necessity to protect children who witness domestic violence, adopted in March 2010, which leans on the Declaration of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 1714 (2010) on Children who witness domestic violence.
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Majola, Brian K. "Political Party and Municipal Councils’ Strategies in Empowering Women Ward Councillors in South Africa." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 11, no. 2 (March 5, 2022): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2022-0050.
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In South Africa, women and Black people became councillors after the first non-racial democratic local government elections between 1995 and 1996. One can be elected as councillor irrespective of race, gender or level of education. The country’s electoral system allows women’s presence in politics to largely depend on political parties. However, the number of women ward councillors has been unstable as some women leave the office after one term. It is political parties and municipal councils that can shape and ensure women’s stay in politics by empowering them. The paper aims to determine whether there are any strategies employed by selected municipal councils to empower women ward councillors. It explores whether there is any training provided by the municipal council to sensitise both council and community members on gender issues. The paper strives to explore whether political parties are grooming enough women to participate in politics and contest in elections. The study is exploratory and qualitative in nature. It focuses on Ward and PR councillors, from six local municipalities in the KwaZulu-Natal and Eastern Cape Provinces who were interviewed using an interview guide. The findings of the study were analyzed using content analysis and themes were induced from the interview data. The results indicated that there were no strategies adopted by the municipal councils to empower women councillors. There was no training to sensitise both council and community members about gender issues and women are not groomed by their political parties to be ready to contest the elections.
Received: 28 September 2021 / Accepted: 21 January 2022 / Published: 5 March 2022
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Pešikan, Ana, and Ivan Ivić. "The Impact of Specific Social Factors on Changes in Education in Serbia." Center for Educational Policy Studies Journal 11, no. 2 (June 23, 2021): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.26529/cepsj.1152.
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The political and economic changes that followed the adoption of the Strategy for the Development of Education in Serbia 2020 essentially betrayed the basic ideas and intentions of the strategy, creating a systematic threat to education and its role in the development of Serbia. This created an almost experimental situation for analysing the impact of political and social factors on changes in education. In the sphere of politics, new trends have emerged (centralisation of power; marginalisation of democratic institutions; encouraging foreign investment in companies with a low technological level, etc.) that strongly influenced changes (‘reforms’) in education (great centralisation in education, the strong influence of politics on education, imposing of some lower-level forms of education, reducing professional autonomy, etc.). The basic mechanism of transferring the general policy to education is changing the role of the most important national institutions in defining and implementing education policy: the National Education Council, the National Council for Vocational and Adult Education, the National Council for Higher Education, and the National Accreditation Body. The adoption of new education laws (2017) radically changed their status and competencies, resulting in a reduction of their independence and professionalism and strengthening the role of the ministry, through which the influence of the ruling political regime is transferred. Also, the role of the Chamber of Commerce in education has been strengthened. Such a system endangers the autonomy of educational institutions and teachers, as well as the quality of education. Consequently, these changes have a clear impact on the country’s development and its international position.
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Miodowski, Adam. "The monthly magazine «Praca Kobiet» about the activities of organizations related to the Women’s International Democratic Federation (March – December 1946)." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-2-71-83.
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The research on women’s history presented in this publication supplements the gap existing in polish historiography. The gap includes not only knowledge about the activities of women's organizations associated in the Women’s International Democratic Federation (including the polish Social-Civic League of Women). The same applies to the assessment of the role of women in political, social and cultural changes taking place in Poland (and in the world) in the first years after the end of World War II. The main purpose of this publication is to show the historical conditions of the activities of the Social-Civic League of Women, as well as similar organizations in other European, African and North American countries. The basic source used in the research process is the monthly «Praca Kobiet» (and additionally the periodical «Nasza Praca»). The work uses a methodology typical for studies based on press sources. Their list includes the following methods: analytical-empirical, deductive-nomological, deductive-hypothetical and classical method of content analysis. The effect of the undertaken research is to establish that the information articles on the activities of organizations associated in the Women’s International Democratic Federation published on the pages of the «Praca Kobiet» monthly were in fact agitation and propaganda. The polish feminist press manipulated facts and thus influenced the formation of pro-communist and anti-Western views of women. The topic is not exhausted and needs to be continued. Further research will require a wider use of press sources not only from Poland, but also from other countries.
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Schulz, Dorothea. "POLITICAL FACTIONS, IDEOLOGICAL FICTIONS: THE CONTROVERSY OVER FAMILY LAW REFORM IN DEMOCRATIC MALI." Islamic Law and Society 10, no. 1 (2003): 132–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685190360560933.
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AbstractThe article examines debates surrounding the current family law reform in Mali to account for the way in which broader processes of social change, an international and national context of women's rights activism, as well as various interest groups will shape the ultimate outcome of legislative reform. The article focuses on the five main components of the proposed reform and analyzes the positions of the most important groups participating in the debate: women's rights activists supported by the international women's movement and international donor organizations, protagonists of the two influential wings of the national Muslim organization, and representatives of the state administration. It is argued that although state officials and protagonists of an "Islamic" position hold divergent ideological and normative orientations, they form temporary and shifting alliances around certain issues, often on the basis of pragmatic considerations. Also, while women's rights activists and "Muslim women" claim to represent women tout court, the positions and arguments of the former can be seen as representing particularistic, class-specific interests.
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Hagen, Jamie J., and Catherine O’Rourke. "Forum-Shifting and Human Rights: Prospects for Queering the Women, Peace and Security Agenda." Human Rights Quarterly 45, no. 3 (August 2023): 406–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2023.a903334.
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ABSTRACT: The adoption of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda by the UN Security Council constituted a forum-shift by women’s rights advocates away from the human rights system. As queer critique of the WPS agenda gathers pace, this article reflects on the antecedents of the queer exclusions of the WPS agenda in international human rights law. The article thereby reveals the consequences in other international law regimes of human rights law’s queer exclusions. The article concludes with some tentative proposals to utilise the pluralism of international human rights law to expand queer possibilities for both human rights and WPS.
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Artz, Lee. "Political Power and Political Economy of Media: Nicaragua and Bolivia." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (January 14, 2016): 166–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341382.
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The apparent democratic shift unfolding in Latin America, from Venezuela and Bolivia to Ecuador and Nicaragua has been quite uneven. Public access to media provides one measurement of the extent to which social movements have been able to alter the relations of power. In nations where working classes, indigenous peoples, women, youth, and diverse ethnic groups have mobilized and organized constituent assemblies and other social and political organizations, political economies of radical democratic media have been introduced, communicating other progressive national policies for a new cultural hegemony of solidarity. Moments of rupture caused by social movements have introduced new social and political norms challenging capitalist cultural hegemony across the continent, with deep connections between media communication and social power revealed in every case. Public access to media production and distribution is a key indicator of democratic citizen participation and social transformation. Those societies that have advanced the farthest towards 21st century socialism and participatory democracy have also established the most extensive democratic and participatory media systems. These media reach far beyond community and alternative media forms to become central to an emerging hegemonic discourse advocating social transformation and working class power. Community media in Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Ecuador demonstrate how radical political power can encourage mass working class participation, including acquiring and using mass communication for social change and social justice.
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Lanfranco González, María Fernanda. "Between National and International: Women's Transnational Activism in Twentieth-Century Chile." International Review of Social History 67, S30 (March 10, 2022): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859021000687.
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AbstractThis article explores the transnational dimension of women's mobilization in twentieth-century Chile and the connections they established with women's international non-governmental organizations, particularly the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) and the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF). It sheds light on the political choices women made when forging transnational alliances to expand and make their activism more effective, together with the material and ideological dynamics that shaped their collaboration. The article analyses this topic by focusing on key but little-explored figures of women's activism in Chile – especially, but not solely, feminist academic Olga Poblete – and their personal communications with the leadership of women's organizations in the US and Europe. The article contends that, although both the WILPF and WIDF shared strengths and weaknesses in promoting their ideas and establishing links with activists in Chile, the alliances that Chilean women chose to pursue were mostly defined by their own political priorities and local contexts.
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Quie, Marissa Virginia. "Undermining Dichotomies: Women and the Peace Process in Afghanistan." Multidisciplinary Journal of Gender Studies 6, no. 1 (February 25, 2017): 1187. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/generos.2017.2254.
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This paper interrogates the equation of women and peace through the prism of the Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Program (APRP). The Programme was initiated in 2010 and is scheduled to continue through 2018. It is designed to create the conditions for inclusion of the insurgency within the democratic system and provide a roadmap for peace. The APRP builds on one of the central justifications of the war: the liberation of Afghan women. It requires gender mainstreaming in accordance with United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 and subsequent Resolutions, so as to include women in all stages of the process. The APRP underscores inevitable tensions between international and local standards that purport to ensure women’s interests are protected in peacebuilding. The effort to impose gender mainstreaming on the peace process is emblematic of this tension. I argue that this effort has yielded partial gains for women who have internalized international perspectives on women’s rights, but it signifies the exclusion of those who do not. UNSCRs 1325, 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, and 2122 assume symmetry in the positions of men and women: but fail to address the complex ways in which gender is perceived by power relations within particular societies. Considering men and women as though they confront similar obstacles reifies disparities between them. Formal numerical inclusion in the APRP, as in other political processes, has not and cannot ensure changed practices.
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Domente, Marin. "Freedom of speech as a fundamental right within the situational context of the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria." Supremacy of Law, no. 1 (September 2021): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/2345-1971.2021.1.02.
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The right to freedom of expression and information is guaranteed by Article 10 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR) in all member states of the Council of Europe. The case law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) applying Article 10 must be considered an international standard of authority on the protection of this human right, including the right to express, transmit and receive opinions and information without the interference of public authorities. Freedom of expression is one of the most cherished constitutional rights in democracies. Freedom of expression affects every aspect of our social and political system and receives explicit and implicit protection in every modern democratic constitution. Moreover, it is frequently mentioned in public discourse and has inspired an impressive volume of legal and philosophical literature. Since its inclusion in Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the right to freedom of opinion and expression has been protected in all relevant international human rights treaties. In international law, the freedom to express opinions and ideas is considered essential both at the individual level, insofar as it contributes to the full development of a person, and being a cornerstone of a democratic society.
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Baral, Balkrishna. "Gender development perspective: A contemporary review in global and Nepalese context." Geographical Journal of Nepal 10 (May 31, 2017): 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/gjn.v10i0.17395.
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For the empowerment of women several international meetings, conferences and seminars have been taking place globally. Consequently, women are becoming stronger in social, economic, and political sectors. The numbers of women state heads have revealed that internationally women are being empowered politically. Women’s struggle in Nepal has also brought a remarkable change in establishing women rights in social, economic, and political spheres. After democratic restoration, few efforts have been made for their empowerment. Still the Human Development index of women is not so encouraging. However, they have been involved in multi sectoral activities such as household economy, environmental conservation, social functions, and infrastructure development. After 1990, political parties have involved women in their political organizations and have provided opportunities to be elected and nominated in the national legislature, executive and judiciary. Few of them have already got chances to be Minister and Member of Parliament.Similarly, women have been working as District Development or Village Development Committee chairperson. In the inaccessible remote areas still they are not much empowered and their involvement is less. It is necessary to make them empowered.
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Waldron, Thea, and Erin Baines. "Gender and Embodied War Knowledge." Journal of Human Rights Practice 11, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 393–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huz021.
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Abstract UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (adopted in 2000) seeks to protect women’s bodily integrity in war and promote women’s rights to participate in decisions affecting them in the realm of peace and security. Its normative framework offers potential to transform how peace and security is framed in the UN Security Council. At the same time, critics charge that the Women, Peace and Security agenda reproduces problematic categories, including women as a static, homogeneous social group, binaries such as peace and war as clearly delineated events, and victims and perpetrators as gendered, oppositional groups. In this article, we strive to think critically about gender and human rights through the rubric of the Women, Peace and Security agenda and problematic categories that underpin its design. We do so by exploring gender and embodied knowledge in war.
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Sampe, John, Rosa Ristawati, and Be Hakyou. "The Guardian of Constitution: A Comparative Perspective of Indonesia and Cambodia." Hasanuddin Law Review 9, no. 2 (September 11, 2023): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/halrev.v9i2.4627.
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A democratic state may be indicated by the existence of a constitutional institution that has the competence to uphold constitutionalism and defend the constitution. As the guardian of the constitution, the Constitutional Council of the Kingdom of Cambodia (Constitutional Council) and the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia (Constitutional Court) have the same purpose, namely to uphold constitutionalism and protect the constitution. However, in terms of structure, procedures, and competencies, the Constitutional Council and the Constitutional Court have individual mechanisms. Institutionally, the two judicial bodies occupy different characteristics, but they share the common goal of safeguarding the constitution’s core values. This paper aims to analyze and scrutinize different features of the Constitutional Council and the Constitutional Court by showing the same purpose as the guardian of the constitution. Within this paper, the legal outcomes which is decisions are discussed, particularly the effect of the decisions. In addition, this paper looks into who can be the applicant or can file a complaint and clarifies the qualifications and resignations of judges. This paper concludes on whether the Constitutional Court and the Constitutional Council have different paths in upholding constitutionalism and protecting the constitution.
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Vícha, Ondřej. "The Concept of the Right to Cultural Heritage within the Faro Convention." International and Comparative Law Review 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iclr-2016-0049.
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Abstract The paper deals with the protection of cultural heritage and defines its value to society within the Faro Convention, which was adopted by the Council of Europe in 2005. Author is focuses on the innovative concept of the “common heritage of Europe“ and its relationship to human rights and fundamental freedoms. The paper addresses the right to cultural heritage which is within the Faro Convention expressed as a dimension of the right to participate in the cultural life of the community and the right to education. In this context, the paper refers to other international human rights documents, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights or the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The paper also presents other individual principles and provisions of the Faro Convention regarding organisation of public responsibilities for cultural heritage or access to cultural heritage and democratic participation.
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Ross, Liz. "Introduction: Themed Section on South Korea: Developing social policy and practice in a changing society." Social Policy and Society 5, no. 3 (June 26, 2006): 373–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746406003137.
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The past decade has seen significant change within social policy and society in the Republic of Korea (South Korea – we will usually refer to South Korea simply as Korea in the following papers unless there is a need to distinguish between the North and South Koreas). From an economically driven welfare policy and limited democracy, through the introduction of a democratic state and the economic crisis of 1997, Korea is currently experiencing significant reform within its social policy and within society. This reform has been variously described as ‘productive welfare’, ‘transformational’ and ‘developmental’ (Kwon, 2003). Societal changes, including the increased involvement of women in the labour market and increased participation through democratic processes, challenge the family and the organisational hierarchies of the traditional Confucian society and globalisation and rapid developments in information technology and communications have brought western influences and ideas.
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Dar, Showkat Ahmad, and Aadil Ahmad Shairgojri. "Role of Women in Good Governance." Journal of Sosial Science 3, no. 4 (July 11, 2022): 648–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/jss.v3i4.360.
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The purpose of this study is to describe and analyse the significance of gender mainstreaming in good governance for the overall growth of the nation, with a particular emphasis on how gender engagement in decision making through consensus building and representation directly leads to women's empowerment. Qualitative study employed descriptive and analytic methods to achieve a conclusion by extensively utilising a thematic analytical tool. The concept of "good" governance requires making normative decisions about what constitutes the legal appropriation and efficient exercise of authority. Some organizations that offer outside assistance and social activists view good governance as implying democratic governance, which implies a focus on participation, human rights, and social justice. Good governance is more about the state's effectiveness than the justice of the economic system or the legitimacy of the political system. Decision-makers ability to act to improve the suffering of disadvantaged women or address the problem of gender inequality depends on how policies are implemented in practice. The process has only just begun with the signing of international agreements and the enactment of laws addressing issues like women's rights, equal access to education, marital rape, and credit and property ownership. The concept of "governance" clarifies the link between political commitment and a programme's successful and efficient implementation. Reform efforts for governance systems have received much attention recently. They are still receiving attention now on a national and international level.
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Strating, Rebecca, and Beth Edmondson. "Beyond Democratic Tolerance: Witch Killings in Timor-Leste." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 3 (December 2015): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341503400302.
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Newly democratising states experience challenges in reconciling “traditional” or “customary” dispute resolution practices with newly established state-based legal systems based on the rule of law. For Timor-Leste, these tensions are pronounced in continuing debates concerning the killing or injuring of women accused of witchcraft. Defences of extrajudicial punishments tend to conflate democracy with local support and fail to deal with the key institutions of democratic systems, including the rule of law, political equality, and civil rights. In Timor-Leste's case, where equality and social rights were incorporated into the Constitution as fundamental governmental obligations, localised extrajudicial punishments threaten internal and external state legitimacy and highlight the difficulties of ensuring the primacy of state-based institutions. Extrajudicial punishments challenge Timor-Leste's capacity to consolidate new liberal democratic political institutions.
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Roberts, Adam. "Transformative Military Occupation: Applying the Laws of War and Human Rights." American Journal of International Law 100, no. 3 (July 2006): 580–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000031067.
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Within the existing framework of international law, is it legitimate for an occupying power, in the name of creating the conditions for a more democratic and peaceful state, to introduce fundamental changes in the constitutional, social, economic, and legal order within an occupied territory? This is the central question addressed here. To put it in other ways, is the body of treaty-based international law relating to occupations, some of which is more than a century old, appropriate to conditions sometimes faced today? Is it still relevant to cases of transformative occupation—i.e., those whose stated purpose (whether or not actually achieved) is to change states that have failed, or have been under tyrannical rule? Is the newer body of human rights law applicable to occupations, and can it provide a basis for transformative acts by the occupant? Can the United Nations Security Council modify the application of the law in particular cases? Finally, has the body of treaty-based law been modified by custom?
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Barnes, Samuel H. "Christian Trade Unions and European Integration." Relations industrielles 17, no. 1 (January 29, 2014): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1021649ar.
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Summary Christian trade unions of the countries of « Little Europe » have established organizations to coordinate their European activities and to represent their interests before the agencies concerned with European economic integration. They have been forced to seek allies in order to increase their influence. In this search they have two major alternatives: they can work closely with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, or they can try to increase their influence within the Christian Democratic political milieu. This article describes the supranational structure of the International Federation of Christian Trade Unions and analyses the problems of orientation with which its supranational activities has confronted it. The present article was suggested by a broader study of Christian trade unionism in the world. A grant from the Social Science Research Council enabled the author to visit several European countries during the summer of 1959, and this assistance is gratefully acknowledged. Additional research was accomplished in Europe in the summer of 1961.
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TKAVC, SUZANA. "UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 AND THE ROLE OF GENDER PERSPECTIVE." WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY ON THE 15TH ANNIVERSARY OF UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325/ ŽENSKE, MIR IN VARNOST OB 15. OBLETNICI SPREJETJA RESOLUCIJE VARNOSTNEGA SVETA ORGANIZACIJE ZDRUŽENIH NARODOV 1325, VOLUME 2016/ ISSUE 18/3 (September 30, 2016): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.18.3.2.
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An increasingly intensive activity has been noticed recently at the international level with regard to the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and associated resolutions. More and more international events regarding women, peace and security are being organised every year, education and training programmes as well as a conceptual framework of the gender perspective are being developed, and system solutions in both international organisations and national structures are being put forward. One of such solutions is the appointment of ambassadors for women, peace and security, as well as of gender advisors on gender perspective. Last year, a full-time advisor position in this field was set up at the General Staff of the Slovenian Armed Forces. Being a subject matter expert for the area of gender perspective in the Slovenian Armed Forces, I am pleased that the importance of the agenda regarding women, peace and security has been recognised and that a publication has been issued at the academic level by involving experts and gaining support from the leadership. I am grateful to my international colleagues for their papers, for having kindly responded to the invitation to share their views, solutions and experiences with us. This is indeed the main value of this publication: sharing is caring. The set of topics demonstrates to what extent the Resolution and the gender perspective are implemented, ranging from the international level, through national solutions and to the realisation in international operations and missions. Although Resolution 1325 is extensively explained in individual papers, I would like to introduce several key factors linking the Resolution and the gender perspective, to proffer a better understanding of the topic and emphasise why the integration of the gender perspective is vital for both Slovenian and international landscape. The basis for this discussion are conceptual solutions of international organisations and my participation in the NATO Committee on Gender Perspectives. Actions like this are vital for they aim to develop the said area and encourage new ways of thinking,thereby highlighting compound gender-related topics and informing the practices of Slovenian Armed Forces. Resolution 1325 is a milestone for the role of women in conflict prevention and resolution, in peace processes, humanitarian response and in post conflict reconstruction. It underlines three interlinking factors, i.e. women, peace and security. There is no security without peace, and no peace without a safe and secure environment. Moreover, there is no peace and security without addressing the entire population. In the past, women were frequently excluded from peace processes. If solely one perspective is included, the expected result can be partial. In 15 years since the adoption of Resolution 1325, the increased asymmetric threats in a complex security environment have resulted in the need for more comprehensive approaches to ensure security and peace around the world. During this time, many facts which were ignored in the past have been seriously discussed at the international level with the aim of finding solutions. Armed conflicts and the post-conflict period affect women differently than men. Boys and girls too are affected differently, in relative terms. Importantly, acts of men and women in such circumstances can be either different or the same, but due to socially constructed perceptions they are accepted differently. More particularly, it should be stressed that socially constructed is their gender, which is a concept that this introduction defines as social and cultural characteristics associated with a given sex (whereas sex refers to biological differences between males, females, and intersex persons, and is assigned at birth). Gender as such materialises in our reality: for example, while during armed conflicts the majority of men are recruited for combat tasks, women stay at home with children or are forced to leave their homes. That is why they make up the majority of internally displaced persons and refugees both on refugee routes and in refugee camps. Their safety is compromised in such circumstances; they are often targeted by groups of combatants, kidnapped, enslaved or abused. It should also be noted that girls and boys are not exposed in the same way: girls can be subject to pre- mature and forced marriages, boys to early recruitment into combatant groups. As regards the general recognition of the role of men and women in armed conflicts and beyond, the most common perception is of women as victims and men as combatants. However, the truth is that women also are combatants and strong actors for peace, and men are victims of intentionally committed acts. Furthermore, a serious problem in contemporary conflicts is sexual and gender-based violence. This is an alarming issue. This form of violence is predominantly inflicted against women, although also girls, boys and men suffer from it, either in the form of torture or as a weapon of war. It could be said that the gender perspective in relation to international operations and missions has, on the one hand, developed for the purpose of implementing Resolution 1325 and, on the other hand, resulted from militaries’ experiences. Central to the gender perspective in international operations and missions is making women’s and men’s experiences and concerns integral to operation processes, whilst taking into account the different security-related situations these individuals face in line with their gender. As it has been argued, there is evidence that women and men, boys and girls, face different security risks - a process underpinned by the way their masculinities and femininities are perceived in a given culture and society, i.e. gender. Being able to recognise and understand the entire security situation as broadly as possible is crucial for operational effectiveness. Recognising the routes of women, which are usually different from routes used by men due to their individual gender roles, can affect the execution of an operation. Such information influences the provision of security, force protection and operational success. Therefore, the integration of the gender perspective into every process at all levels and in every stage of action is of extreme importance; comprehensive information on situation in the area of operation contribute to decisions of those in command. Experiences gained in international operations and missions have led to observations on certain limitations in the execution of tasks, particularly at the tactical level, for example as regards the exclusion of women from the local environment, particularly in those areas of operation where women are not allowed to communicate publicly with unknown men and where the structure and personnel are predominantly male. The inclusion of the gender perspective into task accomplishment has thus become a necessity to which international organisations, such as UN, NATO, the EU and other have drawn attention. In their structures, the contemporary armed forces need both female and male members at all levels and on different duties. This holds true for the fulfilment of tasks in international operations and missions and for the execution of tasks in domestic environment. International organisations tend to increasingly emphasize the importance of the inclusion of women into all structures; however, questions regarding women in armed forces keep appearing in the military, particularly as regards gender equality, physical performance of women and removal of restrictions in relation to the fulfilment of certain duties for women. There are growing tendencies to implement the gender equality principle, whereby a risk of equating equality with sameness may appear in the militaries. However, to perceive equality as sameness can lead to unilateral or too general solutions. Concerns, for example, that taking into account the biological differences between men and women in setting the standards could mean lower criteria and poorer performance actually lead to more important question: are standards really defined according to the requirements of individual duties or are they too general, and are they also established on the basis of the inclusion of gender perspective? It is crucial to understand that different tasks require different competences and preparedness of an individual. Indeed, the truth is that men and women will never be the same. There is variety between males and females which should be recognised as an advantage and not as a weakness. Failing to include the spectrum of gender, the wholeness cannot be reached; the inclusion of both male and female perspective on the same issue leads to integrity by bringing together the diversity. Due to changing security environment, we all are faced with new challenges, requiring even stronger networking of organisations both at the national and international levels in order to ensure comprehensive and effective solutions. Meteorological changes causing large-scale destruction call more often for the engagement of the armed forces in search and rescue tasks. Last year, mass migration from conflict zones, the Middle East and Africa to Europe required the involvement of the armed forces into tasks at home. Similarly as in fulfilling the tasks in international operations and missions, the armed forces and other government and non-government organisations dealing with refugees and migrants were faced with different cultures, where socially determined roles of men and women have great significance. Such circumstances promote further knowledge about the integration of gender perspective in new directions. The fundamental fact that the society is made up of women and men, girls and boys, remains, just as the diversity which, in its integrity, should bring us all towards ensuring security and peace. I wish you a pleasant reading of papers hoping they will help broaden new horizons and encourage new thoughts.
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Alshareef, Shaker Ahmed. "General Introduction of the Shura Council in Saudi Arabia and Parliamentary Diplomacy." International Journal of Law and Public Administration 4, no. 1 (April 8, 2021): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijlpa.v4i1.5208.
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Aim: The thesis aims to evaluate the role of the Shura Council in Saudi Arabia's transition and identify if Shura Council can be a catalyst for change in the nation's foreign policy. Saudi's economy is over-relying on oil production, which increases the Kingdom's vulnerability due to uncertainties in the oil markets and other risks. Saudi's vision 2030 aims to decrease Saudi Arabia's dependence on oil and expand the Kingdom's economic resources. The vision 2030 is anchored on three pillars: solidifying the Kingdom's locus in the heart of the Arab and Islamic nations; the quest to become an international investment powerhouse; the Kingdom's strategic site with the capacity to be a hub that connects three continents Africa, Asia, and Europe.Method: The thesis adopts literature review as the main method to establish the composition and effectiveness of the Shura council its design functions.Findings: As currently constituted, the Shura council cannot freely champion effective foreign policies and regulations that support the Kingdom's goals. Shura council is fully under the kings' absolute power, denying them the opportunity to meet their democratic mandate.Concision: The Shura studies and interpret the laws, development plans, and the annual reports of Ministries and Government Sectors. Hence, the council also proposes and amend laws. As long as the Shura Council Members are still King's appointees, the political, social, and economic reforms that Saudi Arabians are eagerly waiting for will take decades to come by. Human rights violations are still evident.Recommendations: The study recommends constitutional monarchy adoption, need for human rights, and fundamental freedom laws to be upheld and allow public participation in legislative process. Strengthening the parliament's oversight roles require the Kingdom to grand Shura Council's independence granting power to partake a vote of no confidence, hearing, interpellation and make committees of inquiry where need be to help Saudi to attain vision 2030 goals.
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Roy, Animesh. "Discord in Matrilineality: Insight into the Khasi Society in Meghalaya." Society and Culture in South Asia 4, no. 2 (May 11, 2018): 278–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2393861718767238.
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The matrilineal society of the Khasi tribe in Meghalaya is now undergoing a transitional phase, whereby, on the one hand, the government is attempting to destine its traditional political institutions into more efficient instruments of democratic decentralisation, resulting into contradictions over the ‘manoeuver of village-level governance’ between the government and the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC), and, on the other hand, a section of Khasi men presuming themselves to be deprived of the property rights wanting to be recognised at par with the Khasi women. Given such a situation, this piece of work attempts to analyse the status of both Khasi males and females in terms of their involvement in social, economic and political affairs under matrilineality. It also critically evaluates the fecundity of the Village Administration Bill (VAB) of 2014 keeping a gender perspective in focus. The article, however, argues that despite having claimed to have placed women in higher position than men in the society, the Khasi matrilineality vitriolically relegates the role of women in politics and governance, thus portraying a contradiction. This contradiction even vividly exists in the recent VAB passed by the KHADC. Our primary survey also reflects that the female workforce has mostly established a foothold in the low-profile economic activities while dominance of the male workforce is found in those economic activities that are associated with a higher social status.
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Lóránd, Zsófia. "International Solidarity as the Cornerstone of the Hungarian Post-War Socialist Women's Rights Agenda in the Magazine Asszonyok." International Review of Social History 67, S30 (March 10, 2022): 103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859022000049.
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AbstractThis article analyses five years of the magazine Asszonyok (Women) the main forum for discussing women's rights between 1945 and 1949 in Hungary. The magazine was published by the Magyar Nők Demokratikus Szövetsége (the Hungarian Women's Democratic Federation), an umbrella organization created mostly by women from the communist movement. This analysis is centred around the idea of internationalism and how it became a means for socialist women's emancipation, proof of the political power of the new women's organization, and a platform of political education. It also symbolized the new era of peace after the war, peace becoming one of the slogans of the socialist women's movement globally. The broadening international platform of transfers became a terrain where political languages about race, class, and gender were slowly but steadily taking shape. Solidarity with women across the globe became one of the main tenets of communist women in Hungary. However, solidarity had its limits. As is shown here, identification with the right political agenda was even more important than aspects of race and class. This was one of the most important ways in which socialist women's rights and feminism were diverging from each other, despite the broad spectrum of shared elements on their agenda.
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Syroyid, Tetyana. "Women’s right to health – modern challenges: international legal aspect." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 4 (December 29, 2020): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-4-74-81.
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The article contains a detailed analysis of international legal acts regulating women's right to health; the focus is on problematic aspects that need to be addressed, including: violence, HIV / AIDS, protection during a pandemic of COVID-19. The article highlights the provisions of the following universal and regional acts of a general nature: the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979), the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (1993), Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (2011), Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (2003). The article also covers proceedings of international intergovernmental forums, strategic documents, reports of the UN Secretary-General focusing on the general protection of women's rights and, in particular, the right to health, including the Vienna Declaration and Program of Action (1993), the Beijing Declaration (1995), Global Strategy for Women's and Children's Health (2010), Global Strategy for Women's, Children's and Adolescent's Health (2016-2030), Strategic Preparedness and Response Plan (2020), Report of the Secretary-General UN "Shared Responsibility, Global Solidarity: Responding to the Socio-Economic Impacts of COVID-19" (2020) etc. The emphasis is placed on the importance of general and special recommendations developed by international treaty monitoring bodies - the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women in the field of women's health, which oblige states to comply with, protect and enforce rights in this area. In order to improve the situation in the field of protection of women's rights, the appropriate conclusions and recommendations on the im-plementation of the provisions of these acts into national state legislation have been made.
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Widner, Jennifer. "Courts and Democracy in Postconflict Transitions: A Social Scientist’s Perspective on the African Case." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 1 (January 2001): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2642037.
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A “second liberation” swept the African continent beginning in 1989. In many places, multiparty elections and a measured optimism gained ground. Yet during the 1990s, the spirit of moderation and tolerance typical of the early independence movements began to fray. The recent armed conflicts of Central and West Africa and the columns of refugees crossing borders have served as a blunt reminder of the fragility of many of the continent’s democratic experiments.In this new era, law plays a central, visible, yet delicate role in many peace settlements and democratic transitions, from South Africa to Ghana. Africa’s courts have been challenged to provide the kinds of basic dispute resolution that lie at the core of what it means to be a “government.” At the same time, Africanjudges are mindful of Learned Hand’s caution in The Spirit of Liberty, taped above a secretary’s desk in Uganda. “Liberty lies in the hearts of men and women,” Hand wrote. “[W]hen it dies there, no constitution, no law, no court can save it; no constitution, no law, no court can even do much to help it.” The success of a postconflict transition will depend, in part, on the role of courts in sustaining a spirit of liberty and tolerance in their societies.
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Yatsenko, Liana, and Olena Lytvyshko. "NORMATIVE AND LEGAL REGULATION OF SOCIAL POLICY IN MODERN UKRAINE." Scientific Bulletin of Uzhhorod University. Series: «Pedagogy. Social Work», no. 1(52) (June 1, 2023): 252–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2524-0609.2023.52.252-256.
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The article is devoted to the topical issue of normative field formation of social policy in modern Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to define the concept and peculiarities of formation and implementation of social policy in modern Ukraine in the legal field. Methods of research applied: the specific search method (theoretical analysis, synthesis, systematization of existing legal documents) and the method of theoretical and structural clarification of the conceptual apparatus. It is established that «social policy» is a multifaceted concept: it is considered by scholars from different perspectives ‒ legal, economic, sociological, and pedagogical. Thus, each of the definitions presents a certain aspect of social policy in two ways: 1) as a set of measures of society and the State aimed at achieving social goals; 2) as the State policy whose main task is to ensure the State-building capabilities of society members. The authors substantiate the legal basis for the formation of social policy in Ukraine, based on the norms of international legal acts ratified by Ukraine (acts of the UN, ILO, Council of Europe, etc.) aimed at creating and ensuring the implementation of universally recognized humanistic and democratic world standards for solving social problems (the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the European Social Charter, the European Social Security Code, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, etc.). The analysis of the legal framework for social policy in Ukraine demonstrates the need for a thorough analysis and examination of social legislation with a view to determining its compliance with international standards; development of a model of the social state based on the rule of law, taking into account the objective conditions of society's life; formation of a new concept of interaction between the State and a person, etc.
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Voitsikhovskyi, Andrii, Oleksandr Bakumov, Olena Ustymenko, and Mykola Marchuk. "The Legal Mechanisms of Ensuring Regional Cooperation in Combatting Crime Within the Framework of the Council of Europe: Experience of Ukraine." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 13, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 138–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130101.
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Implementation of legal reform in Ukraine, the content of which can be defined as a gradual movement towards a democratic and rule of law state, makes the problem of counteraction to crime especially relevant. Nowadays it is the object of broad regulatory measures, in particular, international and legal regulation of cooperation between states in combatting crime. The multifaceted nature of modern international relations in one way or another causes expansion of the spheres of cooperation between states in counteracting crime, which requires universal and regional international cooperation. It is quite clear that universal international cooperation cannot cover all aspects of the cooperation of states. Regional international cooperation helps to get more effective cooperation between states located in the same geographic region. Cooperation of the states at the regional level in combatting crime is mainly carried out in the framework established by regional international organizations of both general and special competence. The regional level of international cooperation allows the states to react promptly to any manifestations in the criminal sphere that pose a threat of the international nature. In this case, the mechanism of such a cooperation and elements of control, as a rule, have a great degree of specificity and details. Regional international organizations in Europe have a great deal of experience in intergovernmental cooperation in the field of combatting crime, which is explained by the historically established process of economic and political integration. The problem of counteracting crime is given considerable attention within the Council of Europe, which is the most representative European intergovernmental organization established on May 5, 1949, aimed at achieving greater unity between its members in order to preserve and realize the ideals and principles that are their common good, as well as to promote their economic and social progress. The Council of Europe is a purely European organization, with 47 Member States.
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Nemtoi, Gabriela. "Tools for Regulating Women’s Rights." European Journal of Law and Public Administration 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/eljpa/8.1/144.
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Acts that that guarantee the specific rights of women are various national regulations on conventions and instruments of international and European law. Several international legislative instruments - conventions involving obligations for acceding states, as well as political declarations of universal value - prohibit the gender-based exclusion from the exercise of all rights of any individual but especially of women. One such instrument is the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as the United Nations International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and other conventions of this organization, in particular the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. However, there are several Conventions of the International Labour Organization in this area, or Action Plans approved at the last major UN conferences, especially those dedicated especially to the situation of women that took place in Beijing in September 1995. The current situation has shown that women are a product that imposes protection against discrimination of any kind. The status of women through the new regulations now opens a new perspective. There are currently regional instruments, in particular those of the Council of Europe - the European Convention on Human Rights - that prohibit discrimination based on sex.
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Hristozova, Mariya. "Human rights in the fight against terrorism: Sanctions regimes of the United Nations Security Council." Law Journal of New Bulgarian University 15, no. 1-3 (April 10, 2020): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/ljnbu.19.1-3.2.
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In the last decade, the growing number of acts of terrorism that threaten world peace and security, as well as the fundamental values in every democratic society, in particular respect for fundamental human rights, have called for more active action by the international community in the struggle with terrorism. In this regard, the United Nations Security Council adopted a number of resolutions establishing sanctions regimes against the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (IDES), Al-Qaida and the Taliban, and other individuals, groups, and related entities and suspected terrorist suspects. Despite the social purpose of these regimes, they created serious preconditions for violations of the human rights of the affected subjects, in particular the right to a fair trial, the right to an effective remedy, the right to property, the right of the persons concerned to be informed of the charges against them, the right to be heard and other procedural rights. This circumstance calls for reforms to be made to the arrangements in place to ensure fundamental human rights in the fight against terrorism.
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Darrow, Mac, and Louise Arbour. "The Pillar of Glass: Human Rights in the Development Operations of the United Nations." American Journal of International Law 103, no. 3 (July 2009): 446–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000293000001993x.
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In September 2007, Buddhist monks, students, democracy campaigners, and ordinary men, women, and children took their lives into their hands in the streets of Yangon, Myanmar, to protest against the ruling military regime. The protests had begun a month earlier with peaceful calls by the monks for the ruling authorities to reinstate subsidies on fuel and oil and alleviate crippling commodity prices, but quickly snowballed into mass demonstrations for democratic and social reforms and the release of all political prisoners.
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Golovinov, A. V., and Yu V. Golovinova. "INTERNATIONAL LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR ENSURING GENDER EQUALITY AND ANTI–DISCRIMINATION REGULATIONS: GENERAL ISSUES." Russian-Asian Legal Journal, no. 3 (October 18, 2022): 54–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ralj(2022)3.9.
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The purpose of the article is to show and analyze the vector of the latest approach to the internationallegal regulation of the institution of women’s rights. The authors note constructive attempts to strengthenthe legal status of women in modern society at the level of UN conventions and declarations. The authors come to the conclusion that in modern international human rights law, as well as in thelaw-making and human rights activities of the UN, there is a tendency towards a more detailed regulationof certain social, economic, cultural, political and other rights of women on a democratic basis, whichcontributes to combating discrimination in regarding women.The article shows that the negative external factors caused by pandemics and cataclysms weaken thespeed of decision-making in the development of the legal policy of gender equality. Today we have to observea situation that is characterized by an abundance of international standards in the field of gender equality,but at the same time the achievement of gender equality remains a very slow process.
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Tjønndal, Anne. "‘I don’t think they realise how good we are’: Innovation, inclusion and exclusion in women’s Olympic boxing." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 54, no. 2 (June 22, 2017): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690217715642.
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Marginalisation and exclusion of women in elite boxing has emerged as a substantial international problem, threatening women’s democratic right to equal participation in sport. Since the London 2012 Olympic Games women’s boxing has been an Olympic event. However, only 3 of the 10 weight categories were included in the Olympic programme for women. Today, male boxers compete in 10 out of 10 possible weight categories. While female boxers have gained accessed to a previously closed realm, discrimination, exclusion and unequal treatment of female athletes remains a widespread problem in international elite boxing. This article explores how the introduction of women’s boxing into the Olympic Games involves practices of inclusion and exclusion in elite boxing. In particular, this analysis focuses on the following two research questions: (a) how practices of social exclusion and inclusion affect the involvement and engagement of women in boxing; and (b) how, and in what ways, female boxers have experienced recognition and acceptance in elite boxing after the introduction of women’s boxing into the Olympic Games. Using a qualitative approach including document analysis of official press releases from the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and the International Boxing Association (AIBA), as well as interviews with athletes and coaches, this study reveals that although women’s boxing has gained access to the Olympics, the structural and cultural changes that comprise the social inclusion of women in boxing are yet to be implemented.
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Shpiliarevych, Viktoriia. "Some aspects of the study of international standards in the field of combating domestic violence and its impact on the criminal law policy of Ukraine." Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no. 1(34) (July 5, 2021): 140–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2021-1(34)-12.
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The article states that domestic violence, existing in all spheres of public life, as a result leads into the destruction of family values, violation of human and civil rights and freedoms, makes an irreparable impact on mental and physical health of victims. Therefore, since ancient times it has been a problem of human existence, and, unfortunately, it is to remain relevant nowadays. In modern social developments, counteraction of domestic violence is one of the priorities not only of internal policy of any state, but also an issue of international criminal law policy. In particular, the study of about its extension in different countries proves the international nature of this negative social phenomenon. The fact that counteraction of domestic violence has become a part of Ukraine's domestic policy to create a society free of gender-based violence, was finally affirmed on November 7, 2011, when the Ukrainian state joined the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence adopted by the Council of Europe of May 11, 2011. The most important event in the history of criminal law policy in the field of domestic violence was the adoption on December 6, 2017, of the bills «On Amendments to the Criminal and Criminal Procedure Codes of Ukraine to implement the Council of Europe' Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence». As a result, on January 11, 2019, the General and Special parts of the Criminal Code of Ukraine were supplemented with a number of norms related to the scope of counteraction of this negative social phenomenon.