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Jolly, Jennifer Elaine. "The evolution and development of international health collaboration." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26847.
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The goal of this thesis is to document and explain the evolution and development of international health collaboration. Utilizing international relations theory, the initial development of the health regulatory regime is traced through the early sanitary conferences. The establishment of international health organizations is then documented, along with the transformation this entailed in international health collaboration. The resulting effect the institutionalization of the international health regime had upon international health collaboration is finally presented.
It is determined that states initial interest in international health collaboration grew out of a concern for reducing the impediments to international trade and commerce that quarantine measures imposed. States were, at first, reluctant to collaborate, but as scientific knowledge increased, international cooperation in this area expanded. Realizing the benefits of joint technical cooperation, states formed international organizations. The special characteristics of international health under the guiding influence of medical specialists were to cause an evolution within this regime.
Collaboration in this area has greatly increased. The primary concern of the international health regime is no longer the containment of pestilent diseases without significant interference to international commerce. This regime is now concerned with improving the level of health care to all states, regardless of the effects this might have on the interests of the developed states. Technical cooperation and aid to developing countries is now the central focus of the World Health Organization. This evolution has not occurred without some degree of conflict, however, as it is the developing states and the medical elites of the organization have forced the evolution of the previous norms of this regime. The developing states have a clear interest in securing assistance in developing their health infrastructures, and the elites of the WHO are committed by nature of their scientific training to work towards this ideal. The developed states are not in favour of this change as it threatens their interests and power within this regime. Although it initially appeared that collaboration in this area would be relatively easy to secure as an improvement in health would be to every state's benefit, this has not always been the case. International relations theory is utilized in this thesis to explain the origins, the obstacles, and the evolution that has occurred within this regime.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Widmaier, Wesley William. "A constructivist theory of international monetary relations monetary understandings, state interests in cooperation, and the construction of crises (1929-2001) /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3036613.
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Carolyn, Cadena A. "The Politics of History Education: An Exploration of Revisionist History and Educating for the Enrichment of Democracy, Community, and International Cooperation." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1250681787.
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Cadena, Carolyn Ann. "The politics of history education an exploration of revisionist history and educating for the enrichment of democracy, community, and international cooperation /." Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc_num=ucin1250681787.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Cincinnati, 2009.Advisor: Laura Jenkins. Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed Nov. 10, 2009). Includes abstract. Keywords: history education; revisionist history; civic education. Includes bibliographical references.
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Bilko, James Jr. "A History of United States and North Korean Relations with Strategies for a new era of Bilateral Cooperation." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1754.
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This paper analyzes the the past and current security landscape in Northeast Asia with particular emphasis on the Korean Peninsula and the United States' involvement there. The paper assess policy successes and failures and presents several new policy options. The proposals include economic and diplomatic solutions to encourage the normalization of relations on the Korean Peninsula.
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Stöckmann, Jan. "The formation of International Relations : ideas, practices, institutions, 1914-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e028dab4-29e4-45af-91b0-e15fb7ef47b7.
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The study of International Relations (IR) emerged in the context of transnational networks of scholars, politicians, and philanthropists who sought to devise a peaceful world order in the face of international conflict. Prompted by the Great War, the pioneers of IR argued that international politics should be subject to public and academic investigation. In order to generate the required expertise, they established a range of university-based as well as policy-oriented institutions during the 1910s and 20s. Rather than studying political theory or advancing scientific methodology, however, early IR scholars focused on current affairs and became involved in foreign politics themselves. Throughout the formative period of IR, from 1914 to 1940, its protagonists oscillated between understanding and making international politics. This dissertation examines the formation of IR from about 1914 to the Second World War, with particular emphasis on the range of international actors and institutions that shaped the discipline. Based on multi-archival research in Austria, Britain, France, Germany, Switzerland, and the United States, it explores the key venues for the study of IR. In particular, the dissertation reflects how IR scholars used transnational forms of exchange, such as the organs of intellectual cooperation at the League of Nations. It also incorporates women and feminist approaches to IR. Contrary to conventional historiography, the dissertation argues that IR was neither founded in 1919, nor dominated by coherent schools of thought during the inter-war period. Instead, it demonstrates how the discipline was formed by an eclectic group of scholars and practitioners, men and women, English-speaking and international. By building on recent revisionist literature and by re- integrating neglected actors, the dissertation reveals the complex and sometimes inconsistent ways in which issues of international politics became the subject of academic study.
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Flygare, Sara. "The Cooperative Challenge : Farmer Cooperation and the Politics of Agricultural Modernisation in 21st Century Uganda." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Universitetsbiblioteket [distributör], 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7277.
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Bender, Michael Mclean. "History, Identity Politics and Securitization: Religion's Role in the Establishment of Indian-Israeli Diplomatic Relations and Future Prospects for Cooperation." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2484.
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This dissertation aims to provide an understanding of the historical and contemporary dynamics of India’s foreign policy towards Israel within the context of religious identity from 1947 to 2015. A historical analysis of the relationship between India and Israel exhibits the ways that religious identity has served as a primary factor impeding as well as facilitating relations between the two nations.
The analysis was done within the context of the historical Hindu-Muslim relationship in India and how the legacy of this relationship, in India’s effort to maintain positive relations with the Arab-Muslim world, worked to inhibit relations with Israel prior to normalization in 1992. However, the five years leading up to normalization, and thereafter, the dynamic is reversed with this legacy playing an increasingly progressive role in India-Israel relations via the social construction of shared meanings and identities between India’s Hindu majority with Israel’s Jewish majority. Social construction of shared meanings and identities are based, in part, within an historical/modern-day context of conflict with a minority, religious Other (Islam), and through bridges of connection based in other historical, cultural, social, and religious areas. Formal interviews, archival primary-source analysis of government documents, and secondary-source review were methods employed in the evaluation of the role of religion in India’s foreign policy towards Israel.
In conclusion, this dissertation demonstrates the normative and functional effects that religious identities have played, and continue to play, in determining India’s foreign policy towards Israel given the fundamental role religious identity has historically played in the structuring of social perceptions, interactions and worldviews within Indian society up and through the present-day.
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Skaarup, H. A. "An intelligence advantage, collective security benefits gained by Canada through the sharing of military intelligence with the United States of America." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22780.pdf.
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(IEASA), International Education Association of South Africa, and Nico Jooste. "10 Years of IEASA history." International Education Association of South Africa (IEASA), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65356.
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[Preface - Nico Jooste]: For more than ten years, we have been involved in implementing internationalisation of South African Higher Education. The we I am referring too, are those who are both visionaries and passionately dedicated to the process of internationalisation. A small group of South African Higher Education administrators, academics and senior managers involved themselves in the process of internationalisation of their institutions, and collectively the South African system. This process of internationalisation started as an uncoordinated response to the demands of a South African higher education system that was determined to break with the past, and re-connect with global higher education, it was left to a few dedicated visionaries to create the support structure that would not only assist the higher education institutions, but also the system. The other bodies that were supposed to pay attention to this very important aspect of Higher Education in the 21st century were too busy with other, equally important, matters. It became clear that the priorities of organisations like SAUVCA were not internationalisation, and IEASA was established as the vehicle to promote it. This story of IEASA needed to be told. This book is not aimed at IEASA members only, but also at the broader higher education public. This is the story of an organisation that touched all parts of South African Higher Education society as well as the broader society. It is partly the ‘corporate memory’ of Internationalisation, as well as a reflection on achievements. Ten years looked like a short period to reflect on an organisations history, I am however of the opinion that in a society that is changing so rapidly, we need to reflect more frequently on the past so that we can plan a better future. For any historian operating in the modem era of electronic communication, access to sources of information has become a major challenge. IEASA, Thilor Manikam in particular, needs to be commended for the accurate record keeping of events over the past ten years. Kirstin Nussgruber very diligently captured the efforts of the forces driving the establishment of IEASA for the first two years. This book was mainly based on evidence gathered from minutes, reports and letters that are in the possession of the IEASA Office. I also had the privilege, and advantage, to be a member of the Executive Committee for the past five years. This book cannot be the last word on IEASA, as it is only the view of a member. The bias is thus toward IEASA and focusses mainly on its achievements. Chapter 3 focusses mainly on the achievements of a voluntary organisation. The efforts over the ten years of three persons namely. Roshen Kishun as President, Derek Swemmer as Treasurer, and Thilor Manikam as the Administrator stood out, and was the stabilising factor during the foundation years. The role of Roshen Kishun in the publication of Study South African cannot be underestimated. Without his vision, drive and effort, this publication would not be preparing for the launch of the seventh edition. It is a unique source of information about South African Higher Education. Very few other systems, if any. produce such a publication. Although the author was requested by the IEASA Executive Committee to write this book, the views expressed in this publication is not the views of the Executive Committee, but that of the author.
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Kolpakova, Vera. "The political implications of regional cooperation in Northeast Asia: Russia's changing role in the region, and the potentials of the Tumen River Project." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278350.
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This paper discusses the political implications of creating a Northeast Asian system of regional cooperation, as the current global political changes now make it possible, and the security and economic measures that have to be taken to implement these new developmental projects. The Tumen River Project is one of the developmental projects designed to bring together former political and ideological adversaries, such as China, Japan, Mongolia, North Korea, Russia and South Korea. Due to the economic regionalism in the world, and to the subsequent need to create some sort of regional structure in the Asia-Pacific, these countries are striving to promote regional cooperation and overcome such serious problems as the reunification of the two Koreas, the security issues on the Korean Peninsula, the Russo-Japanese territorial dispute, and others.
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Hebel, Kai. "Britain's contribution to détente : the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 1972-1975." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aa245538-86bd-4942-a842-4eaeaae93a5f.
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This thesis examines Britain’s role in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Based on multi-archival research and interviews with key diplomats, it presents the first in-depth study of Britain’s involvement in the negotiations leading up to the Helsinki Final Act of 1 August 1975. It draws on Marc Trachtenberg’s notion of the ‘constructed peace’, and Alexander Wendt’s concept of ‘cultures of anarchy’ to elucidate how the rapprochement process at once stabilised and transformed the East-West conflict. This forms the theoretical framework of the thesis. The thesis revises the interpretation of détente as a status quo project driven by the imperatives of ‘Realpolitik’. Rather, different conceptions of stability and change challenged each other during the Helsinki talks. British diplomacy and the Final Act to which it contributed in fact linked the consolidation of the status quo to an ultimately transformative agenda that was infused with liberal ideas such as human rights. Realpolitik blended with Moralpolitik. To develop this argument, the thesis’ narrative first assesses Britain’s role in the early days of détente politics in the 1950s and 1960s. It then traces Britain’s role in the three main phases of the Helsinki process: the transition from bilateral to multilateral détente (1970-1972); preliminary talks (1972-1973); official negotiations (1973-1975). The British were defensive détente sceptics at the beginning of this process, but became ambitious and positive contributors over the course of the talks. The thesis thus argues that London played a significant part in the CSCE. British foreign policymakers were initially architects of the Cold War, but then early and active proponents of détente until the mid-1960s, when their continental partners adopted a more proactive approach. London was to return to the forefront of détente diplomacy when the CSCE process got under way. Its involvement in the CSCE also marked an important step in Britain’s own transformation into a European middle power. The multilateralisation of détente coincided with Britain’s integration into the European Community, providing a propitious environment in which London’s negotiators acted with determination and skill, thus reasserting their country’s influence despite its continuing relative decline.
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Thusi, Thokozani. "Mission impossible? Linking humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa: The case of Mozambique between 1975-1995." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2001. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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The aim of this research is to highlight both the conceptual and practical factors that constrain attempts to link humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa by using the case study of Mozambique in the period between 1975-1995. Extensive use and reference to Norwegian relief and development aid during the above-mentioned period is made. Although cross-reference is made to other donor countries such as the Like-minded Group (comprising of Canada, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland) and UN agencies that supported Mozambique's transition from war to peace, the major focus is on Norway as she has traditionally been the sixth largest bilateral donor by the early 1990's and incorporated long-term development priorities in her programs.
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Straczek, Jozef Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The origins and development of Royal Australian Naval signals intelligence in an era of imperial defence 1914-1945." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/39737.
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This thesis examines the origins and development of signals intelligence in the Royal Australian Navy, during the period 1914 to 1945, within the context of an Australian contribution to Imperial defence. In doing so it demonstrates how the development of this capability was shaped by national, Imperial and international forces and events. The thesis thus fills a gap in the historiography of imperial defence and of early twentieth century signals intelligence. It also constitutes a case study of the development of a niche military capability by a small to medium power in the context of great power alliances and major historical events. The thesis is based principally upon the investigation of documents in the Australian, US and UK national archives, some of which have been newly declassified for this purpose. During the First World War the RAN undertook a minor cryptographic effort focused on intercepting and breaking coded messages from the German Pacific Squadron. After the War, and at the request of the RN, the RAN began to develop a signals intelligence capability aimed at the Imperial Japanese Navy. This capability was seen as part of the RAN contribution to Imperial defence. The commitment, made without Australian political approval, would see the RAN conduct two covert intelligence collection operations against the Japanese Mandated Territories. After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and subsequent defeat of the Western Powers in Asia, the RAN signals intelligence organisation became, as a consequence of agreements between Britain and the USN, part of the USN organisation in the Pacific. At no stage however, was the RAN involved in the discussions which accompanied these arrangements nor did it have any subsequent say in the strategic direction of this capability. As a consequence, when the Pacific War was drawing to a close the future of the RAN's cryptographic organisation came in to question. By the time the Japanese surrendered this issue had still not been resolved. Beyond the history of the origins and development of signals intelligence in the RAN, and of its involvement in the signals intelligence war against Japan, the thesis highlights the importance of committed individuals in small military organisations and how they can greatly influence the success or otherwise of these organisations. The ability of personnel from different nations to work together in signals intelligence is reflective of the functioning of the alliance as a whole. The development of such a niche capability by a small to medium power can have an effect on that nation's standing, in the context of alliance relationships, as it did in this case. As the RAN found however, such capabilities do not provide for automatic access to strategic decision making within an alliance.
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Cunha, Vivian da Silva. "Centro Internacional de Leprologia: ciência, saúde e cooperação internacional no Brasil do entre guerras (1923-1939)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da FIOCRUZ, 2011. http://www.arca.fiocruz.br/handle/icict/16249.
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Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. Casa de Oswaldo Cruz. Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brasil.
O presente trabalho procura reconstituir a criação do Centro Internacional de Leprologia (CIL), um empreendimento do governo brasileiro que contou com o apoio da Liga das Nações e com o auxílio financeiro de Guilherme Guinle. O CIL foi um projeto idealizado e realizado pelo cientista brasileiro Carlos Chagas. Membro do Comitê de Higiene da Liga das Nações desde 1922, Chagas levou o tema da lepra para esta arena de discussão, demonstrando sua importância internacional e as realizações para o controle da doença em seu país. Uma Comissão da Lepra foi estabelecida pela Organização da Saúde consolidando o tema na agenda internacional. Em 1931 foi firmado o acordo entre o Brasil e a Liga das Nações, mas o CIL só iniciou suas atividades em 1934. Previsto para funcionar pelo prazo mínimo de cinco anos, o Centro teve entre suas atividades a pesquisa laboratorial, o teste dos tratamentos pesquisados nos doentes, o ensino da leprologia e uma publicação científica a Revista Brasileira de Leprologia. O CIL encerrou suas atividades em 1939, quando o governo brasileiro decidiu não prosseguir com o convênio firmado com a Organização da Saúde da Liga das Nações. Percebemos que foram os interesses locais que motivaram a cooperação internacional entre Brasil e Liga das Nações no entre guerras. A consolidação desse empreendimento demonstra que o sistema de ideias e políticas no Brasil acerca da lepra esteve entrelaçado às agências internacionais e suas idéias sobre saúde.
The present work intends to reconstitute the creation of the International Leprosy Center (CIL), an enterprise of Brazilian government that counted on the support of League of Nations and on the financial aid of Guilherme Guinle. The CIL was a project idealized and carried through by the Brazilian scientist Carlos Chagas. Health Committee member since 1922, Chagas took the subject of the leprosy for this area of discussion, showing over its international matter and the accomplishments regarding the control of the illness in his country. A Leprosy Commission was established by the League of Nations Health Organisation consolidating the subject on the international agenda. In 1931 the agreement between Brazil and League of Nations was firmed, but the CIL itself initiated its activities in 1934. Foreseen to function for a minimum stated period of five years, this Center had on its activities the laboratorial research, the test of the treatments observed in searched with diseased people, the teaching of leprosy and the scientific publication – the Revista Brasileira de Leprologia. The CIL ended up its activities in 1939, when the Brazilian government decided not to keep the agreements firmed with the League of Nations Health Organisation. We perceive that it was individual interests that motivated the international cooperation between Brazil and the League of Nations through the years between wars. The consolidation of this enterprise clearly shows that the system of ideas and politics in Brazil concerning the leprosy was interlaced to the international agencies and its ideas on health.
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Silva, Claiton Marcio da. "Agricultura e cooperação internacional: a atuação da American International Association for Economic and Social Development (AIA) e os programas de modernização no Brasil (1946-1961)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da FIOCRUZ, 2009. http://www.arca.fiocruz.br/handle/icict/15974.
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Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. Casa de Oswaldo Cruz. Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brasil.
O tema central deste trabalho é analisar a atuação da American International Association for Economic and Social Development (AIA), agência filantrópica fundada por Nelson Rockefeller, durante o período compreendido entre 1946 e 1961 no Brasil. Procurando promover projetos que levassem à obtenção melhores padrões de vida à população latino-americana, principalmente àquelas do meio rural, a AIA atuou num contexto de consolidação da influência norte-americana e manutenção de interesses políticos e econômicos na América Latina e no Brasil, difundindo e adaptando programas de assistência técnica originados nos Estados Unidos às realidades locais. Contudo, este trabalho procura demonstrar que o processo de negociação envolvendo a realização das atividades da AIA foi cercada por resistências e dificuldades de adaptação, levando a constantes reorientações dos trabalhos.
It aims to analize the work of American International Association for Economic and Social Development (AIA), a philanthropic agency founded by Nelson Rockefeller, between 1946 and 1961 in Brazil. Aiming to promote better standards of living to the Latin American rural population, AIA’s emerged in a historical context of increasing US economic and politic influence over Latin America and Brazil, diffusing and adapting US technical assistance programs to local contexts. However, this research developed the idea of an intense process of political negociation, including resistance from Brazilian political staff. Also, there was many difficulties in adapting these programs to the local context, leading to constant reorganization of the AIA’s work in Brazil.
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Bonini, Bárbara Barrionuevo. "Participação de enfermeiras americanas na profissionalização da enfermagem brasileira: 1942 - 1961." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/7/7140/tde-24112015-122931/.
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Introdução: A história da enfermagem brasileira, ao longo de sua trajetória, sofreu forte influência americana. Sua concepção foi pensada e pautada, no início do século XX, no modelo de enfermagem americano. Entretanto, foi, na década de 1940, pelo acordo de cooperação em saúde entre Brasil e Estados Unidos da América que a influência ganha força maior. O acordo durou entre 1942 e 1961, incentivou a criação do Serviço Especial de Saúde Pública (SESP) e possibilitou o trabalho de profissionais americanos qualificados no Brasil, dentre eles, enfermeiras americanas que tinham como objetivo modernizar e ampliar as escolas e os serviços disponíveis, difundindo, assim, o conhecimento e a valorização da profissão de enfermagem em solo brasileiro. Objetivos: Historicizar os constituintes históricos que nortearam a vinda das enfermeiras americanas ao Brasil, no período entre 1942 e 1961; descrever suas atuações e trajetórias; analisar as relações de poder entre as grupos norte-americanos e brasileiros, os desdobramentos dessas relações e o papel dessas mulheres no desenvolvimento da enfermagem brasileira. Método: Trata-se de um estudo descritivo, de abordagem histórico-cultural, que utilizou como fontes os relatórios redigidos por enfermeiras americanas, que relataram suas impressões, sugestões, críticas e atividades desenvolvidas no País. Optou-se pela análise de discurso, proposto por Michel Foucault para o tratamento dos dados, que permite a análise das relações de saber-poder-subjetividade e as resistências que perpassaram os discursos e, no caso, permearam a atuação desse grupo de mulheres. O referencial foucaultiano permite pela análise histórica não só compreender o passado, mas também o presente e, por meio deles, pensar no futuro. Resultados e Discussão: O período estudado foi marcado pela expansão da enfermagem moderna no território brasileiro, pelo aumento do número de serviços de saúde e de escolas de enfermagem, pela mudança no currículo das mesmas, pela criação de outras categorias profissionais, pelas novas representações de classe e por mudanças na identidade e reconhecimento da profissão no País. Estas mudanças foram estimuladas pela presença das enfermeiras americanas que estavam no País por meio das atividades desenvolvidas pelo SESP e foram marcadas por embates de poder e controle entre brasileiras e americanas no que diz respeito à condução da profissão no País. Conclusão: O presente estudo permitiu apontar a contribuição das enfermeiras americanas no desenvolvimento da enfermagem brasileira e sua consolidação no período, através do discurso científico apropriado e da forte influência e controle exercidos por elas. Mas, o período e os discursos analisados permitiram apontar como a enfermagem brasileira resistiu à influência do modelo americano buscando, pouco a pouco, apropriar-se dos saberes e discursos da enfermagem da época, adaptando-se à realidade brasileira e desenvolvendo uma identidade própria da enfermagemIntroduction: The history of Brazilian nursing has suffered throughout its path strong American influence. Its design was conceived and guided, in the early twentieth century in the American nursing model. However, it was in the 1940s, through the cooperation agreement between Brazil and the United States that the influence gained more force. The agreement, which lasted from 1942 to 1961, encouraged the establishment of the Special Service of Public Health (SESP) and enabled the work of qualified professionals in Brazil, among them American nurses, which were aimed at modernizing and expanding schools and health services, thus expanding the knowledge and appreciation of the nursing profession in Brazilian soil. Objectives: Historicize the historical constituents that guided the coming of American nurses to Brazil, in the period of 1942-1961; describe their actions and trajectories; analyze the relations of power between the Brazilian and American groups and the ramifications of these relationships and the role of these women to the development of Brazilian nursing. Method: This is a descriptive study of cultural and historical approach, which utilized as source reports drafted by American nurses, who reported their impressions, suggestions, criticisms and activities in the country. The discourse analysis, proposed by Michel Foucault for the treatment of the data, was chosen because it allows the analysis of relations of power-knowledge-subjectivity and the resistance that permeated the discourses and, in this case, permeated the activities of this group of women. The Foucaultian framework allows for the historical analysis, not only to understand the past but also the present and, through them, think about the future. Results and discussion: The period studied was marked by the expansion of modern nursing in Brazil, through increasing the number of health services and schools of nursing, the change in the curriculum of these schools, by the creation of other professional categories, through the new representations of the profession and by changes in the identity and recognition of it in the country. These changes were stimulated by the presence of American nurses in the country through the activities developed by them through SESP and were marked by struggles for power and control between Brazilians and Americans regarding the conduct of the profession across the country. Conclusion: This study indicates the contribution of American nurses in the development of the Brazilian nursing and its consolidation in the period studied, through its appropriate scientific discourse and the strong influence and control exercised by them. However, the period and the discourses analyzed point out how the Brazilian Nursing resisted the influence of the American model trying, little by little, to appropriate the knowledge and discourses of nursing in that time, adapting it to the Brazilian reality and developing its own nursing identity
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Головизнин, М. А., and M. A. Goloviznin. "ООН и проблема Нового международного экономического порядка : магистерская диссертация." Master's thesis, б. и, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10995/87583.
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Магистерской диссертация анализируются дискуссии в ООН по вопросу способов и методов стимулирования экономического развития стран, получивших независимость в ходе процессов деколонизации. Отношения между индустриально развитыми и освободившимися обострились на фоне биполярного противостояния. В работе характеризуется деятельность ООН в рамках декады развития, а также работа Конференции ООН по торговле и развитию (ЮНКДАД). Автор формулирует причины неудач и ограничений в деятельности ООН по стимулированию развития в 1950-1960-е гг. и обстановку зарождения инициативы Нового мирового экономического порядка, которая предусматривала слом существующей системы. Автор анализирует дискуссию о НМЭП на специальной сессии Генеральной Ассамблеи и на заседаниях Экономического и социального совета ООН, а также характеризует попытки реализации Хартии экономических прав и обязанностей государств. Опираясь на численное большинство, развивающиеся страны смогли в целом добиться принятия необходимых резолюций, однако развитые страны, обдающие экономическим влиянием, успешно блокировали их реализацию. С началом неолиберальных преобразований в США и странах Западной Европы проект НМЭП потерял свою актуальность.The master's thesis gives an overview of the discussions at the UN on the issue of stimulating the economic development of countries that emerged due to the process of decolonization. Relations between the developed and the developing countries constantly deteriorated because of a bipolar confrontation. The first part of the work focuses on the activities of the United Nations in the framework of the UN development decade, as well as the initiatives of the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). The author formulates the reasons for the failures and limitations in the UN activities to stimulate development in the 1950s-1960s and the setting in which the New International Economic Order (INEO) initiative was born. The author analyzes the discussion about the INEO at a special session of the General Assembly and at meetings of the UN Economic and Social Council and also characterizes attempts to implement the UN Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. Due to the numerical majority, developing countries were able to generally achieve the adoption of the necessary resolutions, but developed countries, possessing economic influence, successfully blocked implementation of the INEO initiatives. Start of neoliberal transformations in the United States and Western Europe had led to the decline of interest to the INEO project.
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Anafak, Lemofak Antoine Japhet. "La Belgique et l'Afrique centrale, diversification ou néocolonialisme? dynamique de la politique de coopération belge au Cameroun et dans ses anciennes colonies, 1960-1990." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210145.
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Le travail de recherche intitulé :«La Belgique et l’Afrique centrale, diversification ou néocolonialisme ?Dynamique de la coopération belge au Cameroun et dans ses anciennes colonies (1960-1990) » s’interroge sur la mise en œuvre et le déploiement de la coopération belge en Afrique centrale principalement au Cameroun. Il développe cette politique au Cameroun sous un regard global des intérêts belges dans son pré carré c'est-à- dire dans ses anciennes colonies dans le contexte de guerre froide et de construction européenne. C’est également le contexte de la mise en place du marché commun, de la signature des accords de Yaoundé entre la CEE et EAMA (Etats Africains et Malgaches Associés). Les aspects analysés prennent aussi en compte la France autre ancienne métropole de la région.Cette thèse insiste sur les éléments de mise en place et les fondements de la politique étrangère de la Belgique en Afrique centrale. Elle analyse sa présence depuis la colonisation du Congo, du Ruanda-Urundi et développe le processus de mutation de la Belgique dans la sous-région à la faveur des indépendances. Cette accession à la souveraineté des territoires leur attribuait le statut d’acteur de la communauté internationale. L’adaptation de la Belgique à cette nouvelle donne l’oblige à étendre son espace de captation d’intérêts par l’établissement des relations diplomatiques avec de nombreux pays de la région parmi lesquels le Cameroun. Le choix du Cameroun comme pays d'appui à la politique belge dans la région en dehors de ses colonies est le fait de nombreuses justifications que cette thèse démontre.
Ce travail insiste sur les rapports politiques entre le Cameroun et la Belgique notamment les éléments expliquant la coopération diplomatique et politique entre le Cameroun et la Belgique. Celle-ci était basée sur un soutien mutuel dans la lutte contre les mouvements rebelles procommunistes au Cameroun et au Congo dans les années 60. Cet ouvrage développe l'organisation de l’action conjointe de la Belgique et du Cameroun dans la lutte contre le communisme en Afrique centrale principalement au Congo en période de guerre froide, les éléments prouvant le soutien de la Belgique au Cameroun dans sa lutte contre les activistes nationalistes de l’UPC et réciproquement, les actions montrant la collaboration et la compréhension du Cameroun envers la Belgique dans la gestion des conflits d’après indépendance au Congo, au Rwanda et au Burundi.
De plus, cette thèse évoque la dynamique de la politique étrangère de la Belgique à partir de 1965 dans la région. Dans cette section marquée par l’arrivée de Mobutu au pouvoir et le coup d’Etat de Micombero au Burundi, ce travail détaille les éléments qui justifient le renforcement des relations politiques entre le Cameroun et la Belgique après 1965 par l’analyse du contexte national et international de mise en place de cette politique après 1967. Un contexte marqué par la réélection d’Ahmadou Ahidjo et le renforcement de son pouvoir et le départ du socialiste Paul-Henri Spaak, remplacé par le démocrate-chrétien Pierre Harmel. Ce dernier instaure une nouvelle politique dite de diversification et de distanciation envers le régime de Mobutu. Le constat est que cette diversification a profité au Cameroun, devenu progressivement un partenaire privilégié de la Belgique dans la région après la visite officielle d’Ahidjo de 1967 à Bruxelles.
Ce travail analyse les rapports qu’entretenaient la Belgique et le Cameroun dans les organisations internationales en rapport avec la situation interne de son pré-carré d’Afrique centrale, notamment les circonstances du soutien de la candidature du Zaïre à l’entrée dans l’Union Douanière et Economique d’Afrique Centrale (UDEAC) et plus tard dans la création de l’Union Economique d’Afrique Centrale (UEAC) en 1969. Le soutien mutuel des candidatures belges et camerounaises dans les instances internationales à partir des années septante, les incidences de l’entrée du Royaume-Uni de Grande Bretagne et l’Irlande du Nord au sein de la Communauté Economique Européenne (la convention de Lomé I) sur la politique étrangère belge menée par Renaat Van Elslande, les implications de la zaïrianisation sur les relations belgo-zaïroises, l’arrivée au pouvoir de Juvénal Habyarimana au Rwanda et la renégociation des accords d’indépendance entre le Cameroun et la France. La Belgique et ces pays souhaitaient une approche plus consensuelle des grandes questions internationales, notamment le nouvel ordre économique international, le conflit du proche orient, la question de la décolonisation des territoires portugais d’Afrique centrale, la généralisation des conflits armés et des assassinats politiques.
La présence militaire belge en Afrique centrale est un fait colonial. Un rappel nécessaire de cette présence militaire depuis la période coloniale nous a permis de nous interroger sur la gestion difficile du devenir de ces soldats après les indépendances du Congo, du Rwanda et du Burundi, notamment pendant la crise Katangaise. Ces difficultés rencontrées au Congo poussent la Belgique à trouver des dérivatifs pour se désengager militairement au Ruanda-Urundi après l’indépendance en 1962. La visite officielle de juin 1967 d’Ahmadou Ahidjo en Belgique marque le début d’une intense coopération militaire entre la Belgique et le Cameroun. Les deux pays coopèrent pour la livraison du matériel de guerre par la Fabrique d’Herstal à Liège, et dans la formation les officiers camerounais en Belgique. Plusieurs facteurs justifiant cette coopération avec le Cameroun sont énumérés dans cette thèse. De plus, ce travail retrace l’implication de la Belgique dans les guerres du Shaba et ses initiatives en faveur d’une paix globale dans la région autour les années 80.
Le troisième grand axe de cette thèse développe la présence de la Belgique en Afrique centrale dans le cadre de la Communauté Economique Européenne. Après avoir expliqué l'historique et l'évolution du FED, nous avons exploré le poids de la présence belge au sein du Fond Européen de Développement par rapport à la France et les autres Etats de la CEE pour constater sa faiblesse dans cette institution contrôlée par la France l’Allemagne. Ce qui justifie son choix de renforcer la coopération bilatérale dans la région. Enfin, ce thèse insiste sur ces relations économiques bilatérales de la Belgique en Afrique centrale, principalement au Cameroun en comparaison avec les anciennes colonies pour voir l'influence de la Belgique au Cameroun, au Congo, au Rwanda et au Burundi depuis les indépendances jusqu'aux années nonante.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
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Defraigne, Jean-Christophe P. L. G. "De l'intégration nationale à l'intégration continentale: analyse de la dynamique d'intégration supranationale européenne et de ses liens avec les changements technologiques des processus de production dans une perspective de long terme." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211359.
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Leveau, Pierre. "Épistémologie de la conservation du patrimoine : ontologie d'un domaine, ergologie d'une discipline." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM3088.
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Ce mémoire est une mise à jour philosophique du modèle conceptuel défini par Aloïs Riegl dans son ouvrage sur Le culte moderne des monuments. Pour faire cet aggiornamento, nous présentons dans une première partie ce modèle et l'énigme qu'il contient. Dans la deuxième, nous décrivons le paradigme que les premières communautés patrimoniales adoptèrent dans l'Entre-Deux-Guerres pour la résoudre, puis nous introduisons dans la troisième les concepts qui ancrent leur paradigme dans le monde actuel et nous formulons l'énigme qu'il pose maintenant aux professionnels. Historiquement, nous démontrons ainsi la continuité de l'institution patrimoniale, d'A. Riegl à nos jours. En dépouillant les archives de la Commission internationale de Coopération intellectuelle, nous prouvons que l'ONU et l'UNESCO n'ont pas créé les réseaux de conservation que nous connaissons, mais ont hérités de ceux que la SDN et la CICI tissèrent avant-guerre en fédérant les institutions et les associations qui existaient alors. Philosophiquement, nous mettons au jour le fondement ontologique et épistémologique de l'institution patrimoniale en étudiant différents modèles conceptuels. Nous expliquons comment le réalisme structural peut concilier les théories réalistes et constructivistes qui pourraient s'opposer ici et comment l'approche processus permet d'unifier ses secteurs sans nier les différences de nature qui existent entre ses objets. Notre thèse est que l'on peut modéliser le domaine en interconnectant les points de vue de ses acteurs. Pour l'établir, nous répondons à la question de savoir ce qu'est le patrimoine, comment fonctionne son institution et sur quoi se fonde sa conservationThis doctoral thesis on epistemology of conservation is a philosophical update of the conceptual model defined by Alois Riegl in his book on The Modern Cult of Monuments. The first part presents the model and its riddle in order to perform this aggiornamento. The second part describes the paradigm adopted by the first heritage communities between the two world wars in their attempt to resolve it. The third part introduces the concepts that connect their paradigm with the present world and formulate the riddle challenging current professionals. The author proves the historic continuity of the heritage institution from A. Riegl to our days. By examining the archives of the International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC), he demonstrates that the UN and UNESCO didn't create the heritage networks that we know today but that they originate from the networks of institutions and associations organized by the League of Nations and ICIC before World War I. Philosophically, he brings to light the ontological and epistemological foundation of the heritage institutions by studying several conceptual models. He explains how structural realism can reconcile realism with constructivism, even as they seem to be opposite theories, and alson how the processus approach can unify its parts without negating the differences of nature between its objects. His thesis is that almost all of the domain can be modelized by interconnecting the points of view of all its actors. To establish this point, he answer the following questions : what is heritage ? How does its institution function ? What is its conservation funded upon ?
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Li, Kwan-leung, and 李君樑. "The European currency crisis: a replay of strains on bretton woods system." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31954522.
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Ma, Qiusha. "The Rockefeller Foundation and modern medical education in China, 1915-1951." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 1995. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/send-pdf.cgi?acc%5Fnum=case1062681608.
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Compaore, Delphine. "Le sport, analyseur de la place de l'Afrique dans la coopération internationale : l'exemple de la politique sportive de la France en Afrique-Burkina faso (1960- 2010)." Phd thesis, Université Paris Sud - Paris XI, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00787630.
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La coopération internationale est inscrite sur l'acte constitutif de l'Organisation des Nations Unies du 26 juin 1945. Moyen d'échange et de dialogue entre acteurs internationaux, son objectif a été de trouver des solutions aux difficultés économiques, sociales, culturelles et sécuritaires de l'après-guerre pour sauvegarder la paix du monde. Elle s'est considérablement développée, allant de la forme bilatérale à celle multilatérale, dans tous les domaines et sur tous les continents. Parmi ses nombreux cadres d'échanges, le dispositif français de coopération, avec son assistance technique spécialisée dans tous les domaines, demeure une référence certaine. Il s'est déployé à travers une stratégie de géopolitique internationale où domaines militaire en plus grand et sportif en plus petit en constituent un des traits caractéristiques. La coopération française et internationale ont été un accompagnement décisif pour le continent africain après les indépendances, mais aussi un important moyen stratégique d'influence pendant la Guerre Froide. Le sport et la coopération sportive y joueront leur partition. Pour les Américains, Français, Anglais, Soviétiques et leurs partenaires respectifs, la coopération a été très efficace et a permis de sauvegarder leurs intérêts sur le continent africain. Elle demeure encore aujourd'hui un important moyen de pression sur la scène africaine, influant souvent sur les résultats des échanges et l'efficacité des actions de coopération. Finalement, c'est une coopération internationale de 1960 à 2010, avec ses réussites et ses échecs, d'une taille parfois limitée mais qui reste un moyen de dialogue pour le monde et surtout pour le continent africain engagé sur le difficile chemin de la démocratie. C'est par une approche théorique libérale et une méthode qualitative que cette recherche a été réalisée, sur le principal terrain du Burkina Faso avec ses particularités sociales et son histoire, qui constituent une grille de lecture idéale.
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Hosseinioun, Mishana. "The globalisation of universal human rights and the Middle East." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8f6bdf79-2512-4f32-840a-3565a096ae8d.
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The goal of this study is to generate a more holistic picture of the diffusion and assimilation of universal human rights norms in diverse cultural and political settings such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The overarching question to be investigated in this thesis is the relationship between the evolving international human rights regime and the emerging human rights normative and legal culture in the Middle East. This question will be investigated in detail with reference to regional human rights schemes such as the Arab Charter of Human Rights, as well as local human rights developments in three Middle Eastern states, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Having gauged the take-up of human rights norms on the ground at the local and regional levels, the thesis examines in full the extent of socialisation and internalisation of human rights norms across the Middle East region at large.
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Cortier, Claude. "Institution de l'Alliance française et émergence de la francophonie : politiques linguistiques et éducatives : 1880-1914." Lyon 2, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998LYO20003.
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L'alliance francaise a ete fondee en 1884 par de nombreuses personnalites proches du gouvernement de la iiieme republique, pour propager la langue francaise dans les colonies a l'etranger. Pendant la premiere decennie, l'association organisa sa propagande pour procurer les fonds necessaires a la creation d'ecoles ou pour assister les ecoles religieuses existantes dans les colonies et protectorats d'afrique et d'asie. Puis elle modifia son orientation et commenca une importante action de propagande et d'enseignement en europe, en amerique du nord et en amerique latine, region qui, apres la seconde guerre mondiale, deviendra sa "terre d'election". La premiere partie de la these presente une analyse des discours de propagande permettant de definir le caractere, l'image et l'ideologie de l'association, au moyen d'analyses lexicales et semantiques des termes "association", "alliance", "nation", "patrie". La seconde partie etudie l'emergence de la francophonie dans le cadre de l'expansion coloniale et tente une approche epistemologique du domaine par l'etude : - des processus d'identification "langue-race-peuple-nation", en relation avec la linguistique comparative et la psychologie sociale naissante. - du developpement de la geographie et des societes qui se multiplient dans le monde - de la perspective geopolitique d'ou se degagent les concepts modernes de familles linguistiques. L'etude de deux textes consacres a la langue francaise dans le monde publies l'un par o. Reclus, l'autre par p. Foncin au nom de l'alliance francaise terminent cette partie. La troisieme partie presentte une analyse des discours d'eloge de la langue francaise prononces par des personnalites comme e. Renan ou j. Simon et permet de degager d'une part une etude historique des processus de planification de corpus a l'oeuvre dans l'institution du francais et d'autre part, la valorisation patrimoniale de la langue, les procedes d'ideologisation mythifiant la clarte ou l'universalite du francais,. La derniere partie etudie les programmes et politiques d'enseignement mis en place ou explicites dans les bulletins de l'alliance en relation avec la politique de jules ferry et l'action des linguistes contemporains. Le dernier chapitre consacre aux alliances d'amerique latine permet d'envisager leur developpement futurThe "alliance francaise was founded in 1884 by many personalities of the french government, for the "propagation" of the french language in the new colonies and in the foreign countries. During the first decade (1884-1894) the association organized the propaganda to provide funds to create schools in the "uncivilized" territories, and assist the private or religious institutions in the colonies orprotectorates in africa or asia, in the way of the international berlin conference of 1885. Then, the alliance francaise, decided to change its orientation and began an important action of propaganda and teaching in europe, america and latin america, where she will obtain an extraordinary development after the second world war. The first part of the thesis presents a discourse analysis of the propaganda for the association (1884-1890) to define the character, the image and to approach the ideology : lexical analysis and semantic comments about the terms "association, "alliance", "nation","patrie". The second part studies the emergent "francophonie" in the frame of colonial expansion. The analysis tries to design an epistemological disposition in the discourses about language-people-nation,the relationships between comparative philology and nascent social-psychological domain, on one side, and geographical and geopolitical configuration, on the other side, designing families of languages. A study of two geographical publications (o. Reclus and p. Foncin) about the french language in the world completes this part. The third part presents an analysis of laudatory discourses about french language pronounced by personalities like e. Renan or j. Simon and explains some processes of corpus planning in the institutionalization of the french language, representations and "mythifications" like universality or clarity, assimilation language-monument. The last part of the thesis examines the action of teaching and cultural assimilation in the colonies, the didactic experiments in relation with contemporary linguistics. The association founded in 1894 one of the first "summer university" for foreigner student or teachers of french language. A final study of the nascent "alliances" in latin america permits to imagine and look forward the future and successful development of the institution on this continent
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Ellersick, Linda J. "Expanding Fair Trade to Garment Production in Ciudad Sandino, Nicaragua." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1236817596.
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WAGNER, Florian. "Colonial internationalism : how cooperation among experts reshaped colonialism (1830s-1950s)." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/41346.
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Defence date: 6 May 2016Examining Board: Professor A. Dirk Moses (EUI, Supervisor); Professor Ann Thomson (EUI, Second Reader); Professor Dr. Jörn Leonhard (university of Freiburg, External Supervisor); Professor Frederick Cooper, (New York University, External Examiner).
In this dissertation, I argue that a theory of colonial internationalism is necessary, or even indispensable, to adequately understand and explain the origins and the endurance over time of colonialism. International cooperation among colonial experts reached its climax in the foundation of the International Colonial Institute (ICI, 1893-1982) whose membership reached 200 in 1914. This non-governmental institute was the most important international and colonial institution prior to the First World War. It developed into a hub of exchange between colonial experts, who contributed in a significant way to making colonial domination more efficient and to establishing a form of best practice of colonial rule through comparison and knowledge transfers. In the interwar period, the ICI provided the League of Nations' Permanent Mandates Commission (PMC) and the International Labor Organization (ILO) with colonial experts. Taking the ICI as a starting point, my dissertation explores the international dimension of colonialism between 1830 and 1950. I investigate a broad range of colonial methods that internationalist experts designed, tested and applied in the colonies. Their impact could be felt across the colonial world. Influenced by a racist notion of tropical hygiene, they dismissed settler colonization and proclaimed the "triumph of the native races" as potential co-colonizers. To train specialists on colonized populations, they professionalized the training of colonial administrators in all colonizing countries and founded new schools for overseas administrators. Members of the ICI invented legal anthropology as a means to manipulate customary law, while others modified Islamic law to use it for colonial purposes. International cooperation among colonizers was also responsive to Pan-Islamic movements across colonial empires, but colonial administrations ultimately learned to use Pan-Islamism for their own purposes. With regard to colonial economies, they established a professionalized (but not necessarily successful) cash crop production by transferring successfully tested seeds and plants from agronomic laboratories in the Dutch Indies to Africa. The main argument of my dissertation is that international transfers among colonial experts brought about development policies and a certain degree of cooperation with the indigenous populations. Far from granting the colonized a say, however, the colonizers attempted to profit from their collaboration without treating them on equal terms. While modernizing and professionalizing colonial domination and exploitation, colonial internationalists also legitimized and sustained colonial domination. After 1945, the ICI contributed to applying colonial patterns of thinking to the emerging "Third World." Given this longue durée success of colonial internationalism, this dissertation calls for an internationalist theory of colonialism.
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Moller, Sara Bjerg. "Fighting friends: Institutional cooperation and military effectiveness in multinational war." Thesis, 2016. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8125SNZ.
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For much of history, multinational wars have been the norm rather than the exception. Yet the study of these wars has been largely ignored. Existing scholarship on wartime alliances focuses almost exclusively on the causes of alignment or the onset of conflict ignoring the conduct and consequences of these arrangements. Wartime partnerships exhibit enormous variation in their structure, however. What accounts for the varied multinational security arrangements states adopt in wartime?
I argue that the choices states make in constructing these wartime partnerships have important consequences for both the conduct and outcome of conflicts. Following the institutional design literature, I argue that these differences are purposeful and originate from the rational calculations and strategic interactions among the actors creating them. I focus on one design feature of multinational military structures in particular, that of command and control (C2). The enormous variation visible in multinational command and control structures in wartime begs two questions: First, why do states adopt different command and control structures? Second, what drives actors to abandon one structure in favor of another? To answer these questions, I develop a theory of failure-driven change.
Because conventional wisdom suggests that greater cooperation is beneficial, yielding gains for all, the puzzle naturally arises as to why all wartime partnerships don’t start out in the tightest configuration possible, that of unified command. After all, the benefits of greater wartime integration are seemingly vast; from the reduction of uncertainty and transaction costs to the conferral of legitimacy, tightly integrated arrangements confer distinct advantages. Despite the many benefits wartime integration confers, however, I argue states are reluctant to adopt unified command for fear of having to surrender operational control over their military forces.
Yet even a cursory examination of wartime multinational partnerships reveals that states do sometimes enter into more integrated command relationships, leading to the (second) question of what motivates them to do so. Here, I argue that one factor in particular, that of battlefield performance, leads states to abandon their intrinsic reluctance toward unity of command. Specifically, I argue that when faced with military defeat on the battlefield, states often respond by experimenting with new command and control arrangements. The learning process is often tentative and slow yet over time leads to greater integration. Additionally, I argue that greater integration in multinational command and control structures is correlated with improved military performance. In short, failure leads to adaptation which then leads to success.
To test my theory of institutional learning, I employ comparative historical analysis, specifically process tracing and the congruence method. The universe of cases consisted of all multinational wars since 1816, some 38 conflicts. However, because a number of these cases featured multinational parties on both sides, this yielded a total of 43 cases. Three cases were chosen on the basis of representativeness and variation on the dimensions of theoretical interest. The cases examined were the Entente and Central Powers in World War I and the UN coalition in the Korean War. Overall, the cases provide strong support for my theory of wartime learning. The findings suggest that failure is a key determinant of wartime integration.
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Vuljevic, Suzana. "The Crisis of Spirit: Pan-Balkan Idealism, Transnational Cultural-Diplomatic Networks and Intellectual Cooperation in Interwar Southeast Europe, 1930-1941." Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-9zc3-wf30.
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The present work tells the story of the rise and fall of a pan-Balkan discourse from the mid-1920s to the eve of the Second World War through an examination of the intellectual output of southeast European diplomat-littérateurs—a range of intellectuals and literati who functioned as conduits between the realms of culture and politics—during the years of dislocation and turmoil following the Great War. It traces the emergence of transnational networks that coalesced around interwar pan-Balkanism, or the wide-ranging and diffuse movement that aimed to forge a union out of Yugoslavia, Romania, Bulgaria, Albania, Greece and Turkey, as well as to build substantive intellectual and cultural links among these states. Beginning with the Locarno treaties and the attendant optimism for a united Europe, the Universal Peace Congress of 1929 in Athens, followed by an evaluation of the consecutive Balkan conferences of the early 1930s alongside the work of its varied proponents, this dissertation illustrates how the stigmatized regional moniker, “the Balkans,” was, in fact, re-inscribed and endowed with a new, positively-inflected meaning in the course of efforts to bring about a rapprochement. Moving beyond the scope of earlier scholarship that pitted the Balkans against the West, instead this work demonstrates the interconnectedness of Balkan and European intellectual networks, as well as local actors’ overwhelming subscription to the tenets of cultural internationalism. This work examines Greek, Yugoslav and Albanian foreign policy, geopolitical agendas, popular press as well as literature in order to demonstrate that alternatives to the nation-state as a method of state-building and intellectual organization were, in fact, under consideration. Ultimately, this dissertation depicts intellectual life in the Balkans as it unfolds over the course of the interwar decades and explains why the Balkan idea reemerged during this critical interlude.
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Manasek, Jared. "Empire Displaced: Ottoman-Habsburg Forced Migration and the Near Eastern Crisis, 1875-1878." Thesis, 2013. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8D798BC.
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This dissertation examines the case of 250-300,000 largely Orthodox Christian refugees who fled Ottoman Bosnia and Hercegovina for the Habsburg Empire during the uprisings of 1875-1878. The violence during this period started out as a peasant uprising, but over the course of three years cascaded into revolts and violence across the Ottoman Balkans and led to a major European diplomatic crisis. The Treaty of Berlin of 1878, which ended the violence, reconfigured the political geography of the Balkans, making the former Ottoman provinces of Montenegro, Romania, and Serbia independent; giving a sweeping autonomy to Bulgaria, and handing over to Austria-Hungary the administration of a nominally Ottoman Bosnia and Hercegovina. Refugees played an under-appreciated role in the international and domestic politics of the period, and this dissertation argues that forced migration was in fact one of the key considerations of Great Power diplomacy. Forced migration offered a means to measure degree of violence, and control over population movement offered a way for empires to lay claims to legitimacy. In a similar manner, philanthropists and international humanitarians used forced migration to build and advocate for their own civic spheres. The dissertation argues that during this period, the modern category of "refugee" was defined as states developed processes to manage refugees domestically and to create international policies for refugee aid and return.
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Tessaris, Chiara. "Peace and Security beyond Military Power: The League of Nations and the Polish-Lithuanian Dispute (1920-1923)." Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D81G0JXW.
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Based on the case study of the mediation of the Polish-Lithuanian dispute from 1920 to 1923, this dissertation explores the League of Nations' emergence as an agency of modern territorial and ethnic conflict resolution. It argues that in many respects, this organization departed from prewar traditional diplomacy to establish a new, broader concept of security. At first the league tried simply to contain the Polish-Lithuanian conflict by appointing a Military Commission to assist these nations in fixing a final border. But the occupation of Vilna by Polish troops in October 1920 exacerbated Polish-Lithuanian relations, turning the initial border dispute into an ideological conflict over the ethnically mixed region of Vilna, claimed by the Poles on ethnic grounds while the Lithuanians considered it the historical capital of the modern Lithuanian state. The occupation spurred the league to greater involvement via administration of a plebiscite to decide the fate of the disputed territories. When this strategy failed, Geneva resorted to negotiating the so-called Hymans Plan, which aimed to create a Lithuanian federal state and establish political and economic cooperation between Poland and Lithuania. This analysis of the league's mediation of this dispute walks the reader through the league's organization of the first international peacekeeping operation, its handling of the challenges of open diplomacy, and its efforts to fulfill its ambitious mandate not just to prevent war but also to uproot its socioeconomic and ethnic causes. The Hymans Plan reflected this ambition as well as commitment to reconciling the tenets of balance of power and territorial status quo with the principle of self-determination and minorities' protection when drawing new boundaries and creating new states.
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Schaap, Robert Wout. "Privatising the public : an international political economy perspective on contexts and comparisons in Australian Institutional Telecommunications Policy 1972-1997." Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150702.
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BÜGER, Christian. "The new spirit of technocracy? : ordering practice in United Nations peacebuilding." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15397.
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Defence Date: 03 December 2010Examining Board: Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil,(EUI) (Supervisor); Prof. Pascal Vennesson, (EUI/RSCAS); Prof. Gunther Hellmann (Goethe University Frankfurt am Main); Prof. Iver Neumann, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Whether global order is drifting towards democratic or technocratic modes of governing is a contested issue. This thesis takes up the challenge of investigating how trends towards global democratization or technocratization play out in the field of United Nations peacebuilding. To do so the thesis argues that democratic optimism and technocratic pessimism should not be evaluated as competing paradigms, but as panoramas whose interplay needs to be investigated in empirical research. A pragmatist standpoint, conceptualized as 'critical optimism' is taken and a framework drawing on sociological theories of practice developed. To scrutinize democratizing and technocratizing tendencies the study of everyday ordering practices in different organizational sites is proposed. In adopting an interpretative research strategy three sites are scrutinized empirically: The United Nations Peacebuilding Commission, the United Nations Peacekeeping Best Practice Section and the Afghanistan Compact and its Joint Coordination and Monitoring Board. The interplay of different political practices at these sites is reconstructed. The discussion reveals the importance of democratic and technocratic ideas, yet demonstrates that no clear-cut tendency towards one mode can be observed. Instead, different practices work in parallel, sometimes support each other and sometimes conflict with each other. Taken together, the importance of scrutinizing the difficile interplay of practices is highlighted and the significance of taking pluralist standpoints in studying the social life of world politics is demonstrated. The thesis makes three core contributions to the literature. Firstly, the thesis is one of the first attempts at seeking a dialogue between critical and liberal theories of global governing, otherwise often seen as competitors. Secondly, through its development of theory it makes a contribution to the debate on how sociological frameworks drawing on theories of practice can be used to study the international. Thirdly, its empirical results contribute to the research agenda on how peacebuilding is organized in practice.
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Estrada, Harris Gilberto. "Diaspora activists and military humanitarian intervention." Phd thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155900.
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Research investigating the role of diasporas in conflict has mostly portrayed diasporas as peace wreckers and long-distance nationalists. While there is now increasing recognition of diasporas' positive contributions to their homelands during and after conflict, so far little attention has been paid to the role diaspora groups may play in pushing decisions by their host states to participate in military humanitarian intervention 'back home' in their troubled societies. In this thesis I investigate the active mobilisation of different diaspora groups in the United States during the 1990s and explore the ways in which these mobilisations played into US decisions to intervene. Examining diaspora transnational activism, I argue, can lead to a deeper understanding of how a host state reaches decisions about its interests and moral duties to strangers when facing hard choices about humanitarian intervention. The research I present centres on the values, discourses and processes that help to make military humanitarian interventions possible. I do not seek to analyse the many factors influencing states' decisions to use force for humanitarian purposes, but rather, to investigate how the motivations behind humanitarian action or inaction are created in the first place, and how understandings of sovereignty, self-determination and (non)intervention in the context of humanitarianism can change. I ground my study in a comparative, interpretive analysis of politically active Haitian and Kosovar diaspora members and organisations in the United States in the lead up to Haiti's 1994 and Kosovo's 1999 humanitarian interventions, and of politically active Colombian diaspora members and organisations mobilising for unsuccessful humanitarian intervention in their home conflict. As a result, the thesis as a whole illustrates an important transnational actor-factor that so far has received scant academic attention: diasporas' efforts to educate US decision makers, cultivate an interest in intervening, and help 'rescue' people in danger 'back home'. By analysing diaspora transnational politics in humanitarian intervention, this thesis offers us a lens through which to look at the changing confluence between the state and the individual as a site of identity and of normative and political contestation, with potential humanitarian repercussions.
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Adcock, Fleur. "The United Nations special procedures and Indigenous peoples : a regulatory analysis." Phd thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155949.
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The adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007 has shifted the attention of Indigenous rights scholars from norm elaboration to norm implementation. Yet, the influence of the United Nations Human Rights Council's special procedures in actualising Indigenous rights norm implementation remains under-researched. I investigate how the non-coercive and resource-poor special procedures regulate - or influence - state behaviour towards Indigenous peoples. I depart from the existing international law corpus by drawing on regulatory literature. Contrary to rationalist theories, I find that the apparently weak international mechanism of the special procedures regulates state behaviour towards Indigenous peoples imperfectly but appreciably. However, I argue that ritualism is states' dominant response: states outwardly agree with the special procedures' recommendations while inwardly developing techniques to avoid them. I conclude that the special procedures mechanism is capable of exerting enhanced influence over state behaviour towards Indigenous peoples and propose strategies to that end. The findings are based on case studies regarding the special procedures' influence in Aotearoa New Zealand and the Republic of Guatemala. The special procedures mechanism enjoys a broad mandate to advance the realisation of international Indigenous rights norms. In fulfilling this mandate the special procedures experts leverage a mixed dialogic tool-set; principally engaging techniques of shaming, in addition to dialogue-building and capacity-building. The experts' influence on state behaviour towards Indigenous peoples is perceptible in Aotearoa New Zealand and the Republic of Guatemala. But each state engages in ritualism both to disguise its inward resistance to recommendations regarding 'hard' rights to self-determination and land and its failure to fully commit to recommendations concerning the 'soft' cultural right to education. A complex collection of factors explain the experts' imperfect influence: key actors are not engaged, the core principles underlying states' responses to the experts' recommendations are not contested and important regulatory mechanisms are under-exploited. The analysis indicates that, by harnessing dialogic 'webs of influence', comparatively weak actors like the special procedures can influence powerful actors, such as states. It also reveals that, to counter states' rights ritualism, the special procedures should simultaneously shame and praise states, fostering continuous improvement in observing Indigenous rights.
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Francis, David J. "When War Ends: Building Peace in Divided Communities." 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6261.
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This volume critically examines what happens when war formally ends, the difficult and complex challenges and opportunities for winning the peace and reconciling divided communities. By reviewing a case study of the West African state of Sierra Leone, potential lessons for other parts of the world can be gained. Sierra Leone has emerged as a 'successful' model of liberal peacebuilding that is now popularly advertised and promoted by the international community as a powerful example of a country that they finally got right. Concerns about how successful a model Sierra Leone actually is, are outlined in this project. As such this volume: provides a critical understanding of the nature, dynamics and complexity of post-war peacebuilding and development from an internal perspective; critically assesses the role and contribution of the international community to state reconstruction and post-war peacebuilding and evaluates what happens when war ends; and explores the potential relevance and impact of comparative international efforts of post-war state building and reconstruction in other parts of Africa and the world. The collection focuses not only on understanding the root causes of conflict but also identifying and appreciating the possibilities and opportunities for peace. The lessons found in this book resonate well beyond the borders of Sierra Leone and Africa in general.
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Carlton, Richard Bruce. "An analysis of the impact of the non-residential/strategy coordinator's role in Southern Baptist missiology." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2472.
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In 1976, the Southern Baptist Convention adopted its Bold New Thrusts in Foreign Missions with the overarching goal of sharing the gospel with every person in the world by the year 2000. The formation of Cooperative Services International (CSI) in 1985 and the assigning of the first nonresidential missionary (NRM) in 1987 demonstrated the Foreign Mission Board's commitment to take the gospel message to countries that restricted traditional missionary presence and to people groups identified as having little or no access to the gospel. This thesis traces the historical development of the NRM paradigm along with an analysis of the key components of the paradigm and its impact on the Board's missiology.
Chapter 1 presents on overview of the thesis, outlining the primary research question addressed by this thesis and the rationale for this research. Chapter 2 focuses on the key events, persons and concepts that directly and indirectly influenced the leadership of the FMB in the development of this new missiological paradigm. Chapter 3 outlines the events leading up to the launching of CSI and the NRM program, the unique contributions of key Board leaders, and the initial growth of the NRM paradigm.
Chapter 4 examines the years of growth and maturity of the NRM paradigm under the leadership of Mike Stroope. During this time, the nomenclature changed from NRM to Strategy Coordinator (SC). Chapter 5 seeks to demonstrate the impact of the NRM/SC paradigm on the Board's reorganization in 1997 called New Directions. Chapter 6 explores the CPM phenomenon and its impact on the SC paradigm, giving special attention to the reductionism that occurred as the Board sought to define and describe these movements. Chapter 7 revisits the major objective of this research as expressed in the introductory chapter and offers suggestions for further research.Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
D.Th.
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Tomek, Prokop. "Československá redakce Radio Free Europe: historie a vliv na československé dějiny." Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-326941.
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The disertation is focused on development and importance of the Czechoslovak desk of the Radio Free Europe in period between 1950 and 1994. This broadcasting have gained in time of strong censorship significant and till now unresearched importance. In February 1948 the Communist party took power in the Czechoslovakia. After that Czech and Slovak democratic politicians had left country to the West. They wanted to break the isolation of people living behind the Iron Curtain and promote restoration of democracy in their homeland. In 1949 was in the USA established the National Committee for Free Europe as fomally independent citizens association. As its most known activity had became the Radio Free Europe (RFE). This radio station had became an important tool for political strugle between two blocks in time of the Cold War. The basic qestion is what real position RFE broadcasting have reached in this struggle. The estabilishing of foreign broadcasting to the Czechoslovakia was very difficult task. RFE started its activity as exiles platform for purpose of liberation the Czechoslovakia from rule of the Communistic Party regime. The programming position of the RFE was in reality influented by american politicians and was depending on changing global political conditions as well. The unique position of...
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Eitel, Keith Eugene 1954. "Gospel missionism (1892-1910) and the Southern Baptist Convention (USA) : prelude to a post-modern missiology." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/16737.
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Assessment of the past helps one seize emerging opportunities. The Southern Baptist Convention's (SBC) Foreign Mission Board (FMB) radically redesigned itself July 1, 1997, the most far reaching self-assessment since its 1845 founding. The FMB's changes neglected some essential historical precedents. In 1892, a band of FMB missionaries posted with the North China Mission resigned and established their own operation. They held and integrated three core values: indigeneity, incarnation, and responsible autonomy. Baptist historians have dismissed these dissidents because they considered them Landmarkers (an earlier movement that threatened the SBC itself). Later historical inquiry corrected this assumption demonstrating
that Landmarkers seized the Gospel Mission Movement to serve its
own ends not the reverse. What prorrpted these missionaries to
leave their base of support and operate independently? Original
sources tell the tale of strong convictions about missions that
were more commonly apparent later, in a post-modern era. Gospel
Missionism's peers did not listen, partly because of the Landmarkist confusion and partly because they advocated things others were not prepared to hear.
The Gospel Missioners found it difficult to sustain their experiment outside the SBC. Hence, survivors gradually reentered the FMB structure, primarily the Interior China Mission. Their influence extended to the next generation of missionaries. Yet, indirectly their values entered the FMB's strategies through outside evangelicals which increasingly espoused similar core values. By 1985, the Board tackled the challenge of the least evangelized peoples. Trustees formed Cooperative Services International (CSI) to accommodate the need. Unwittingly, from within the FMB, CSI embodied Gospel Missionism's core values with more modern emphases. In 1997, trustees restructured the FMB and dismantled CSI. They borrowed its drive and its penchant for streamlined administration, but jettisoned its priority passion for those least evangelized. Only time will tell, but there is evidence that the FMB has reverted and embraced elements of an older paradigm, possibly because it was unprepared to face a postmodern future.
This study concludes that the Gospel Missionism movement was
a blending of both enlightenment and post-modern missiological
ideals. It was an incipient, evangelical version of a post-modern
missiological paradigm.Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
D.Th. (Missiology)