Relevant bibliographies by topics / International and municipal law – Great Britain

Academic literature on the topic 'International and municipal law – Great Britain'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "International and municipal law – Great Britain"

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Ivanov, DMITRY V., and VALERIA V. Pchelintseva. "INTERNATIONAL LAW ASPECTS OF THE POST-BREXIT MIGRATION POLICY OF THE UNITED KINGDOM." Journal of Law and Administration 18, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2022-4-65-34-46.

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Introduction. In March 2022, the Home Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain published the Statement on New Immigration Plan according to which persons having no right to reside on its territory would be removed to “safe third countries” according to the agreements with such states. On April 13th, 2022, a Memorandum of Understanding between Great Britain and Rwanda was signed prescribing that persons whose applications for asylum were not considered by Great Britain be removed to Rwanda for those applications to be considered by the latter. Incompatibility of the contemporary immigration policy of Great Britain with its international law obligations justifies the topicality of the assessment of its implications for codification and progressive development of international law. Materials and Methods. The assessment of the contemporary immigration policy of Great Britain from the standpoint of international law includes the matching of the provisions of the international and national acts adopted by Great Britain as well as official statements of its state bodies and officials and the provisions of universal treaties and “soft law” acts. The writings of the publicists studying international law aspects of forced migration, asylum and human rights served as theoretical framework of the present study. Research Results. The assessment of the Memorandum of Understanding reveals the incompatibility of its provisions with the international law norms on asylum and human rights. Such international law policy of the state should be regarded as an example of rejection of international law which is referred to as “international law nihilism” in Russian legal doctrine.Discussions and conclusions. The authors argue that further adoption of legal and political measures contrary to states’ obligations under treaties and international custom as well as the absence of expressed official positions of states with regards to such measures may have an impact on construction and application of international law norms governing legal status of forced migrants.
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Ignatievа, A. "THE SYSTEM OF MILITARY LAW OF UKRAINE AND GREAT BRITAIN IN MODERN INTERNATIONAL LAW." “International Humanitarian University Herald. Jurisprudence”, no. 51 (2021): 164–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32841/2307-1745.2021.51.33.

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Seligmann, Matthew S. "Great Britain, International Law, and the Evolution of Maritime Strategic Thought, 1856–1914." Mariner's Mirror 107, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2021.1862512.

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Grant, M. "Controlling Local Government Expenditure in Britain: The Experience of Rate Capping." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 4, no. 2 (June 1986): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c040165.

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Rate capping was introduced by the British Conservative Government in 1984 to impose a legally enforceable ceiling on the rating power of local authorities. It is a discriminatory measure. High-spending authorities, as assessed in accordance with current and historic data, are given annual rate limits by central government, with rights of appeal and negotiation. The process has generated great controversy, with some local authorities threatening municipal bankruptcy and all showing great reluctance to operate within the system. But the financial impact has so far been marginal: The government moved gingerly, and creative accounting has helped postpone financial difficulties.
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Miles, Cameron. "James Crawford and the Law of State Immunity." Australian Year Book of International Law Online 40, no. 1 (December 7, 2022): 115–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660229-04001007.

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Abstract In James Crawford’s later career as a public international lawyer, he was synonymous with the great topics of inter-state relations—the creation of states, state responsibility, and so forth—and with the work of the International Court of Justice. But he retained throughout his professional life an abiding interest in foreign relations law, being that loose collection of issues that characterises the interface between public international and municipal law. Nowhere is this better reflected than in his contribution to the law of state immunity—and, in particular, his preparation as Commissioner of the ground-breaking 1984 Australian Law Reform Commission Report No 24 on Foreign State Immunity (‘ALRC 24’), which led in due course to the Foreign States Immunities Act 1985 (Cth) (‘FSIA’) being passed by the Federal Parliament almost unchanged from Commission’s suggested text. This paper aims to assess the legacy of ALRC 24 alongside other writings on state immunity that Crawford published prior to and in conjunction with the report—in particular his significant articles in the Australian Year Book of International Law, the American Journal of International Law and the British Yearbook of International Law. This corpus of materials shows Crawford in two underexplored guises—as municipal lawyer and legislative draftsman. And they also show his instincts as one of the great liberalisers of public international law, committed to ensuring that the parameters of the restrictive theory of state immunity, then novel to the common law, were accurately reflected in legislative language.
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Travis, Toni-Michelle C. "Black Atlantic Politics: Dilemmas of Political Empowerment in Boston and Liverpool. By William E. Nelson Jr. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000. 344p. $74.50 cloth, $25.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 667–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402800363.

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Studies of local politics have often narrowly focused on elites, the role of competing interest groups, or the influence of the business community in making key decisions. Nelson's comparative study raises the level of discourse by drawing our attention to the often overlooked role of blacks in municipal politics. In comparing Boston and Liverpool the study expands our understanding of the similarities between racial politics in the United States and in Great Britain.
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Barrie, David G. "‘Epoch-Making’ Beginnings to Lingering Death: The Struggle for Control of the Glasgow Police Commission, 1833–46." Scottish Historical Review 86, no. 2 (October 2007): 253–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2007.86.2.253.

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Established in 1800, the Glasgow Police Commission is of great importance in the context of municipal history. As a specialist authority responsible for public services, the Commission was among the most advanced in Britain. Its wide-ranging achievements in law and order and public amenity provision helped create a new range of essential services in a rapidly expanding city. Moreover, the method of electing its representatives on a rotational ward basis provided a model for municipal reform later in the century. Yet, by the 1840s the Commission's incorporation into local government was keenly and successfully sought by those in influential circles after a bitter and prolonged conflict with commissioners and many lower-middle class/skilled working-class ratepayers. This article will analyse the political and social struggle behind the Commission's demise. Of principal benefit to those interested in police control and municipal governance, the study also uncovers a great deal about political and social representation by examining public attitudes, voting behaviour and electoral trends at annual police elections.
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Lillich, Richard B. "The Constitution and International Human Rights." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (October 1989): 851–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203374.

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A decade ago Professor Henkin remarked that “there has been almost no examination at all of the relation between international human rights and the American Constitutional version of human rights.” Since then he has done much to fill this gap in the literature, as has, more recently, a distinguished barrister/scholar from Great Britain. Nevertheless, it may be useful, in this symposium celebrating the bicentennial of the U.S. Constitution, to survey both the contribution it has made to the development of international human rights law and the extent to which the latter has influenced the evolution of U.S. constitutional law.
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Panova, Liydmyla, Liliya Radchenko, Ernest Gramatskyy, Anatolii Kodynets, and Stanislav Pohrebniak. "Digitization in Law: International-Legal Aspect." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 69 (July 17, 2021): 547–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3969.34.

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Due to the development of the information society, countries face the task of effectively regulating the relevant social relations. The mechanisms of such regulation should correspond to the specifics of such relations. Digitization is one of the modern methods of legal regulation, which is the use of information technology at the state level. The existing scientific achievements on digitalization processes need constant improvement, which corresponds to the specifics of this field. The object of research is digitalization in law in the light of international experience. The article aims to study and analyze digitalization in law in the international legal aspect. The following methods were used during the study: systemic, systemic-functional, comparative, sociological, analysis, synthesis, analogy, observation, classification, and statistical analysis. The article analyzes the phenomenon of digitalization, identifies the main approaches to understanding it. On the example of international experience (such countries as France, Germany, Italy, Georgia, Greece, and Great Britain), the mechanisms of using digitalization in public administration are determined, the legal regulation of informatization is analyzed. Also, based on the study and analysis of doctrinal teachings of international information experience, it is proposed to improve the domestic legal mechanism to ensure the effective functioning of public relations.
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Villalobos López, José Antonio. "Fiscal decentralization, federal resources and municipal public revenues in Mexico." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 8 (August 17, 2022): 257–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i8.416.

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In 1983 all municipalities in Mexico absorbed 2.6% of national public revenues, being that by 2019 it reached 6.6%, thus showing a substantial growth in 36 years. Of the total municipal public revenues, federal participations represented 37.1% in 2018 and 37.1% in 2019, while federal aportments represented 35.9% in 2018 and 35.3% in 2019; both federal resources meant 73% in 2018 and 73.8% in 2019, that is, out of every 4 pesos of revenues 3 come from the federation. In 2019, the main revenues of the municipalities that come from federal funds are: General Participation Fund (23.1%); FORTAMUN (15.2%); Social Infrastructure Aportments Fund (12.79%). The tax effort or municipal own revenues accounted for 22.6% of total municipal public revenues in 2018 and 23.1% in 2019. Property tax is the main figure of municipal own revenues, representing 47.1% and 45% respectively in 2018 and 2019.As an international comparison point property tax related to GDP yielded these figures: France 4.03%, Great Britain 4.08%, Canada 3.87%, United States 2.96%, Spain 2.43%, Colombia 1.79%, Chile 1.12% and Mexico only 0.33% of GDP; appreciating a very low percentage in relation to the two Latin American nations and much lower compared to developed countries.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "International and municipal law – Great Britain"

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Keefer, Scott Andrew. "Great Britain and naval arms control : international law and security 1898-1914." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/319/.

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This thesis traces the British role in the evolution of international law prior to 1914, utilizing naval arms control as a case study. In the thesis, I argue that the Foreign Office adopted a pragmatic approach towards international law, emphasizing what was possible within the existing system of law rather than attempting to create radically new and powerful international institutions. The thesis challenges standard perceptions of the Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907 which interpreted these gatherings as unrealistic efforts at general disarmament through world government, positing instead that legalized arms control provided a realistic means of limiting armaments. This thesis explores how a great power employed treaties to complement maritime security strategies. A powerful world government was not advocated and was unnecessary for the management of naval arms control. While law could not guarantee state compliance, the framework of the international legal system provided a buffer, increasing predictability in interstate relations. This thesis begins with an account of how international law functioned in the nineteenth century, and how states employed international law in limiting armaments. With this framework, a legal analysis is provided for exploring the negotiations at the Hague Conferences of 1899 and 1907, and in the subsequent Anglo-German naval arms race. What emerges is how international law functioned by setting expectations for future behaviour, while raising the political cost of violations. Naval arms control provided a unique opportunity for legal regulation, as the lengthy building time and easily verifiable construction enabled inspections by naval attachés, a traditional diplomatic practice. Existing practices of international law provided a workable method of managing arms competition, without the necessity for unworkable projects of world government. Thus failure to resolve the arms race before 1914 must be attributed to other causes besides the lack of legal precedents.
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Frei, Gabriela A. "Great Britain, international law, and the evolution of maritime strategic thought, 1856-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:306f9554-9b0a-4d0e-938e-9a5b515d7c6e.

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Harfield, Clive Geoffrey. "Process and practicalities : mutual legal assistance and the investigation of transnational crime within the EU from a UK perspective, 1990-2004." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2004. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/194559/.

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Domestic criminal law helps define State sovereign identity. Over the past fifty years some criminality has become increasingly transnational in character. In the absence of a universal criminal code (as opposed to specified international crimes), States apply municipal law to prosecute offences of a transnational nature relying on mutual legal assistanceto secure evidence located outside the prosecuting State. A comparatively late contributor to the development of mutual legal assistance the UK now seeks to influence the work of the EU in developing a legal framework upon which to base mutual legal assistance and enhanced international law enforcement co-operation. The course of this developmentis outlined. This thesis examines through questionnaire and interview data, investigator and prosecutor experience of mutual legal assistance mechanisms in gathering of evidence from abroad for use at trial in England and Wales. Comparisons are made with data from an earlier survey of UK police (1996) and with an evaluation of mutual legal assistance administrative mechanisms within the EU (1999-2001) in order to identify changes in investigator experiences since the EU began to drive the strategic development of regional international law enforcement co-operation with the Treaty of Amsterdam and to assess whether politicians and administrators are delivering the solutions needed by investigators working across national borders. Set within the legislative context of the Criminal Justice (International Co-operation) Act 1990, the data indicate that neither this regime nor the emerging EU framework were addressing all practitioner concerns. Political responsesto the New York terrorist attacks of September 2001, which occurred during data gathering for this thesis, accelerated legislative construction in the UK and the EU. Updated to include discussion of these changes (some still not yet entered into force), the thesis now provides a benchmark against which to assess their impact in due course.
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Bieker, Eva. "Die Interventionen Frankreichs und Grossbritanniens anlässlich des Frankfurter Wachensturms 1833 eine Fallstudie zur Geschichte völkerrechtlicher Verträge /." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2003. http://books.google.com/books?id=mNPiAAAAMAAJ.

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Qi, Jing. "Britain's drug-pushing activities in China : the two opium wars from the perspective of their lawyers and legal advisors." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=192187.

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In this study, the first clashes between Western explorers and the Far East, as well as relations between Britain and China from the eve of the First Opium War (FOW) to the establishment of the British diplomatic residence in Beijing under the treaty regime, have been discussed from a legal point of view. This thesis provides a look at the circumstances of Britain’s encounter with China, their defeat of China through two Opium Wars and their use of unequal treaties to put China into a position of disadvantage. A study of British archives demonstrates the complexity of, and nuance in international law between China and the West from the 1830s to 1860. British national archives allow investigation of the legal perspective on the issues around the opium trade and the way in which it led to the FOW. The archives also shed light on the Second Opium War (SOW) and on the Western acquisition of privileges through the unequal treaties signed at the end of both wars. In its relations with China, Britain left behind the rules and practices which they recognised as the contemporary law of nations and instead, whenever the British financial and economic interest was affected, resorted to force. This paper’s purpose is to show the limitation, according to Chinese Confucian thought, of the self-perception of the Western conception of law and the justice. In fact, this thesis will also show how some British legal advisors and politicians took the side of China and how they argued that Britain had violated the principles of international law. They recognised that China was a sovereign nation and that international law applied in its relations with Britain. Thus this study uncovers aspects of history of international law in the 19th century neglected because of the later prospering of racial theories.
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Blang, Eugenie M. "To urge common sense on the Americans: United States' relations with France, Great Britain, and the Federal Republic of Germany in the context of the Vietnam War, 1961-1968." W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623983.

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America's Vietnam War had profound ramifications beyond its immediate effect on Southeast Asia and the United States. This dissertation utilizes the debate over Vietnam between the United States and its major European allies, Britain, France, and West Germany, as an analytical framework to examine inter-allied relations. The "Vietnam problem" strained the traps-Atlantic alliance and revealed the respective self-interest of the four member nations. The British, French, and West Germans had serious misgivings about the American strategy in Vietnam, based on a differing view of the nature of the conflict and a pessimistic assessment of American chances for success in South Vietnam. Equally important, the Europeans feared that Washington might disengage from Europe and that the fighting in Southeast Asia might develop into a major, perhaps even a world war. European security hence might be dangerously undermined by further American escalation in Vietnam. According to the European powers, the Cold War should be primarily fought in Europe. Although London, Paris, and Bonn were deeply apprehensive about the American engagement in Vietnam, they failed to develop a unified policy to affect American decision-making because they were unable to transcend their nationalistic agendas. Presidents Kennedy and Johnson unsuccessfully attempted to win substantial European support for America's role in Vietnam. to the United States, Vietnam was a prime domino that could not be allowed to fall and Washington viewed European concerns as parochial and counter-productive. The essentially unilateral approach of the United States in Vietnam led to tragic failure. as a result of the Vietnam experience, Washington realized that it could not fulfill all its global obligations without the backing of its European allies. The lack of a cohesive policy toward America's engagement in Vietnam revealed inherent shortcomings in the foreign policy-making of the European nation-states, which were still guided by a nationalistic, self-interested approach. Britain, France, West Germany, and the United States painfully recognized that in order to successfully meet global challenges they needed to listen more closely to each other and develop a mutualistic policy that would better serve their shared interests as allies and friends.
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Simon, Joanna. "Preventive terrorism offences : the extension of the ambit of inchoate liability in criminal law as a response to the threat of terrorism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d60038d1-fc76-4845-8ea9-3f6e2c58129e.

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The aim of this thesis is to assess the justifications for various extensions of the criminal law introduced to combat terrorism, in particular those extensions that go beyond the existing remit of inchoate offences and extend liability to earlier acts and intentions. Its method is to begin by exploring the principles of criminal law theory that ought to apply to such extensions; to interrogate the definition of terrorism; and then to examine four recent classes of offence in counter-terrorism legislation that extend the criminal law beyond its legitimate boundaries. These offences are collectively referred to in this thesis as 'preventive terrorism offences' to reflect the fact that the primary rationale for their enactment is to prevent terrorism. The thesis concludes by assessing the place of these offences within the government's overall counter-terrorism strategy, focusing in particular on the Prevent leg of the strategy, which aims to reduce extremism and tackle the root causes of terrorism. The preventive terrorism offences display several very troubling features, most notably that they have the potential to criminalise non-wrongful conduct. It is argued that by virtue of their ability to criminalise non-wrongful conduct the offences under examination diminish the legitimacy and moral force of the criminal law. Furthermore, by extending inchoate liability to very remote acts of preparation, possession, encouragement, and association, the criminal law occupies the same operational space as measures under the Prevent strategy that are intended to be reintegrative. This overlap has the potential to render the offences counterproductive to the larger counter-terrorism endeavour by creating the perception that the Prevent strategy is in fact a covert surveillance mechanism to gather intelligence for future prosecutions. This perception leads to further mistrust and alienation of individuals and communities who feel disproportionately targeted by these measures. Thus, the offences not only offend criminal law principles and values, but also have the potential to offend the very preventive justification that is given for their enactment.
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Orchard, Philip. "A right to leave : refugees, states, and international society." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1261.

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This dissertation investigates regime-based efforts by states to cooperate in providing assistance and protection to refugees since 1648. It argues from a constructivist perspective that state interests and identities are shaped both by other actors in the international system - including norm entrepreneurs, non-governmental organizations, and international organizations - and by the broader normative environment. Refugees are a by-product of this environment. Fundamental institutions - including territoriality, popular sovereignty, and international law - formed a system in which exit was one of the few mechanisms of survival for those who were religiously and politically persecuted. This led states to recognize that people who were so persecuted were different from ordinary migrants and had a right to flee their own state and seek accommodation elsewhere. States recognized this right to leave, but did not recognize a requirement that any given state had a responsibility to accept these refugees. This contradiction creates a dilemma in international relations, one which states have sought to solve through international cooperation. The dissertation explores policy change within the United States and Great Britain at the international and domestic levels in order to understand the tensions within current refugee protection efforts. Three regimes, based in different normative understandings, have framed state cooperation. In the first, during the 19th century, refugees were granted protections under domestic and then bilateral law through extradition treaties. The second, in the interwar period, saw states taught by norm entrepreneurs that multilateral organizations could successfully assist refugees, though states remained unwilling to provide blanket assistance and be bound by international law. These issues led to the failure of states to accommodate Jewish refugees fleeing from Germany in the 1930s. The third, since the Second World War, had a greater consistency among its norms, especially recognition by states of the need for international law. Once again, this process was shaped by other actors, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). This regime has been challenged by increased refugee numbers and restrictions on the part of states, but its central purpose remains robust due to the actions of actors such as the UNHCR.
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Howells, Gary. "Emigrants and emigrators : a study of emigration and the New Poor Law with special reference to Bedfordshire, Northamptonshire and Norfolk, 1834-1860." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/35558.

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Buchsbaum, Robert Michael III. "The Surprising Role of Legal Traditions in the Rise of Abolitionism in Great Britain’s Development." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1416651480.

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Books on the topic "International and municipal law – Great Britain"

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Widening horizons: The influence of comparative law and international law on domestic law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Simon, Halliday, and Schmidt Patrick D. 1971-, eds. Human rights brought home: Socio-legal perspectives on human rights in the national context. Oxford: Hart, 2004.

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1957-, Andenæs Mads Tønnesson, Fairgrieve Duncan, Markesinis Basil, McKendrick Ewan, and Rix, Bernard Anthony, Sir, 1944-, eds. Tom Bingham and the transformation of the law: A liber amicorum. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.

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European Community law in the United Kingdom. 4th ed. London: Butterworths, 1990.

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Collins, Lawrence. European Community law in the United Kingdom. 5th ed. London: Butterworths, 2003.

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James, Giddings Philip, and Drewry Gavin, eds. Britain in the European Union: Law, policy, and Parliament. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.

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Great Britain. Ministry of Justice. Responding to human rights judgments: Government response to the Joint Committee on Human Rights, thirty-first report of session 2007-08. Norwich: TSO (The Stationery Office), 2009.

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La participation des parlements français et britannique aux Communautés et à l'Union européennes: Lecture parlementaire de la construction européenne. Paris: L.G.D.J., 2002.

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Duffy, Peter. The single market: UK implementation guide. London: Longman Law, Tax, and Finance, 1992.

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Human rights and the protection of privacy in tort law: A comparison between English and German law. New York: Routledge, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "International and municipal law – Great Britain"

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Oellers-Frahm, Karin, and Andreas Zimmermann. "Agreement by the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the Government of the United States of America, the Provisional Government of the French Republic and the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics for the Prosecution and Punishment of the Major War Criminals of the European Axis. Signed at London, on August 8, 1945." In Dispute Settlement in Public International Law, 1734–48. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-56626-4_104.

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Waibel, Michael. "Mavrommatis Palestine Concessions (Greece v Great Britain) (1924–27)." In Landmark Cases in Public International Law. Hart Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781509995202.ch-003.

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Frei, Gabriela A. "The Codification of International Maritime Law." In Great Britain, International Law, and the Evolution of Maritime Strategic Thought, 1856–1914, 88–110. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859932.003.0005.

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Chapter 4 explores the early efforts in codifying international maritime law. The 1860s saw successes in the adoption of the Lieber Code and the Geneva Convention, and it was hoped that states would adopt an international code of conduct in warfare. Yet, the Brussels Declaration of 1874 failed, and subsequently non-governmental organizations such as the Institut de droit international stepped up, advancing the codification of international maritime law. The chapter addresses the views of the supporters as well as those of the sceptics of codification and shows the importance of the Institut de droit international in this process. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the United States Naval War College drafted the first comprehensive Naval War Code, and the chapter presents the motivation of the drafters and examines the broader international debate.
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Frei, Gabriela A. "Maritime Strategic Thought and International Law." In Great Britain, International Law, and the Evolution of Maritime Strategic Thought, 1856–1914, 152–70. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859932.003.0007.

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Chapter 6 examines the development of maritime strategic thought in Great Britain from 1872 to 1914, analysing the debates at the Royal United Service Institution, which provided one of the most important forums to discuss strategic matters. The early naval strategic thinkers John and Philip Colomb set the agenda, discussing maritime strategy in the context of home and imperial defence. Later strategists, such as Alfred T. Mahan and Julian S. Corbett, focused on command and control of the sea. The chapter examines not only how maritime strategic thought developed but also how the practice and codification of international maritime law shaped ideas about a future maritime conflict.
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Frei, Gabriela A. "International Law and the Theory of War." In Great Britain, International Law, and the Evolution of Maritime Strategic Thought, 1856–1914, 171–200. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859932.003.0008.

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Chapter 7 explores the question of the immunity of private property from capture at sea, examining the views of its opponents and supporters. The immunity of private property at sea posed a serious challenge to sea powers—it was feared that this step would result in a further curtailment of belligerent rights. The chapter analyses the positions of the United States, Great Britain, and Germany in the first and second Hague peace conferences. The naval thinkers Alfred T. Mahan and Julian S. Corbett saw the proposal as an existential danger to waging economic warfare. Their reflection on the impact of international law on maritime strategy illustrated the limitation of the adoption of such a far-reaching proposal. The question also demanded a theoretical reflection on warfare and the chapter compares how international lawyers and strategists understood warfare and international law.
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Ryder, Nicholas. "The Influence of a Flexible Legal Framework upon the Development of Credit Unions in Great Britain: The US and Irish Experience." In Issues in International Commercial Law, 71–90. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351155243-5.

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Frei, Gabriela A. "The Law of Neutrality and State Practice." In Great Britain, International Law, and the Evolution of Maritime Strategic Thought, 1856–1914, 43–87. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859932.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 explores how Great Britain applied and implemented its neutrality policy after 1870, building a coherent state practice based on its Foreign Enlistment Act. Several case studies from various conflicts after 1870 highlight the main areas of dispute between neutral Great Britain and belligerent powers, dealing with the sale of ships, coaling, contraband, and the destruction of ships. More broadly, the chapter shows the challenges which Great Britain faced in the application of its domestic legislation. It shows the important role of the Foreign Office and the Law Officers of the Crown in dealing with these matters, and how they shaped the understanding of neutrality more generally.
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Kai, Ambos. "Ch.II Crimes against Humanity." In Treatise on International Criminal Law. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780192895738.003.0002.

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This chapter explores the concept of crimes against humanity that goes back to the Declaration of 28 May 1915 by the governments of France, Great Britain, and Russia, relating to the massacres of the Armenian population in Turkey. It analyzes the declaration that described the atrocities as crimes against humanity for which all members of the Turkish Government will be held responsible together with its agents implicated in the massacres. Similarly, in the Nuremberg trials crimes against humanity were dealt with as crimes committed by Germans against fellow Germans. The chapter discusses crimes against humanity that provides penal protection against the transgression of the most basic laws protecting the individuality as political beings and social entity as members of political communities. The transgressor becomes an enemy and legitimate target of all humankind, who may bring to justice.
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Frei, Gabriela A. "The Hague and London Conferences and the Rise of an International Legal Order." In Great Britain, International Law, and the Evolution of Maritime Strategic Thought, 1856–1914, 111–51. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859932.003.0006.

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Chapter 5 deals with the codification of international maritime law at the second Hague peace conference and the London naval conference. In addition, it is concerned with Great Britain’s position on the process of codification, as well as how Great Britain shaped an international legal order as guidance in a future maritime conflict. As the foremost sea power at the time, Great Britain not only possessed the most comprehensive state practice on international maritime law but also significantly influenced the process of codification. The chapter illuminates Great Britain’s preparatory work for the conferences and evaluates the importance of state practice for the process of codification. The three topics which were particularly important for Great Britain are treated in detail in this chapter: blockade, contraband, and neutrality. Although the Declaration of London provided a comprehensive legal framework, it also illustrated the challenges and limitations of codification with regard to a future maritime conflict.
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Frei, Gabriela A. "The Making of the Neutrality Policy." In Great Britain, International Law, and the Evolution of Maritime Strategic Thought, 1856–1914, 30–42. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859932.003.0003.

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Chapter 2 examines the development of the concept of neutrality from the Middle Ages to the golden age of neutrality in the nineteenth century, and shows how Great Britain adopted a policy of neutrality after 1856. The chapter discusses Great Britain’s experience of the American Civil War as a neutral, and examines various instances of international conflict such as the Alexandra case, where Great Britain was accused of breaching neutrality. The negotiations of the Alabama claims tribunal resulted not only in the Treaty of Washington, which outlined neutrality more precisely, but also prompted a change in British domestic legislation, in particular the Foreign Enlistment Act. Both the treaty and the act defined Great Britain’s neutrality policy after 1870.
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Conference papers on the topic "International and municipal law – Great Britain"

1

Salibová, Kristina. "Brexit and Private International Law." In COFOLA INTERNATIONAL 2020. Brexit and its Consequences. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9801-2020-4.

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My contribution deals with the issue concerning the question arising on the applicable law in and after the transition period set in the Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community. The aim of this contribution is to analyze how the English and European laws simultaneously influence one another. This analyzation will lead to the prognosis of the impact Brexit will have on the applicable English law before English courts and the courts of the states of the European Union. The main key question is the role of lex fori in English law. Will English law tend to return to common law rules post-Brexit, and prefer the lex fori?
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Gomez Lopez, Claudia, Rosa Lina Cuozzo, and Paula Boldrini. "Impactos de las políticas públicas de hábitat en la construcción del espacio urbano: el caso del Área Metropolitana de Tucumán, Argentina." In International Conference Virtual City and Territory. Roma: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8026.

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En América Latina, la implantación del neoliberalismo como sistema económico ha llevado a un modelo de desarrollo con elevada heterogeneidad y desigualdad socioeconómica. De la mano de grandes cambios sociales y demográficos, las áreas urbanas experimentaron un acelerado desarrollo, crecimiento económico desigual en la distribución del ingreso, el aumento del desempleo y altos niveles de informalidad urbana. Enmarcado en esta realidad la producción del espacio urbano, se llevó adelante a través de la gestión de tres actores sociales: 1.el mercado inmobiliario; 2. el Estado nacional y 3. los asentamientos informales. De ellos, el estado cumple un rol fundamental en la construcción de la ciudad encauzando o restringiendo el desarrollo de ciertos espacios ya sea a través de la acción (implementación de políticas públicas, normativas, etc.) o de la omisión. En un contexto en el que persiste la ausencia de planificación, la carencia de un marco que defina el modo de ocupación del territorio, impone la lógica del mercado inmobiliario como criterio urbanístico principal, incluso para las actuaciones de promoción pública de vivienda. Ello impacta de modo negativo en la ciudad en la medida que favorece la especulación en manos del sector privado, produce segregación residencial y desigualdad en el acceso al suelo puesto que amplios sectores quedan fuera del mercado formal. Lo cual se tradujo en la conformación de áreas diferenciadas dentro de la ciudad agudizando la separación entre sectores sociales. A partir del 2003, en Argentina en virtud al crecimiento económico que se produce con posterioridad a la crisis 2001-2002, el Estado Nacional retomó los planes de vivienda a fin de dar solución al problema habitacional haciendo hincapié en programas de relocalización, radicación y regularización dominial de villas y asentamientos informales, articulando con trabajo cooperativo que implicaba la intervención una medida conjunta con el problema de desocupación. A las existentes políticas habitaciones de construcción de viviendas ejecutadas por los Institutos Provinciales de Vivienda (IPV), se sumaron un conjunto de políticas sociales que articulan programas de diversos órdenes, nacional, municipal, provincial y del IPV. (Argentina Trabaja, Municipio+Cerca, PROMEVI, PROMEBA, etc) enlazando la problemática habitacional a la social. Sin embargo estas medidas no revierten el sentido dominante que poseen las políticas públicas en materia de vivienda (del Río y Duarte, 2012) puesto que la construcción de viviendas sin sustento normativo ni planificación, o la consolidación y regularización de asentamientos populares en áreas vulnerables, lejos de mitigar las desigualdades existentes, producen efectos negativos en la ciudad. En este contexto, este trabajo analiza las consecuencias de las nuevas políticas habitacionales en el Área Metropolitana de Tucumán (AmeT), a casi 10 años de implementación de un conjunto de medidas sociales específicas, en teoría tendientes a la equidistribución del acceso al suelo urbano. In Latin America, the implementation of neoliberalism as an economic system has led to a development model with high heterogeneity and socioeconomic inequality. The adoption of policies of liberalization, deregulation and economic flexibility, along with the withdrawal of the state of urban management, major changes occurred in the cities. In the hands of great social and demographic change, urban areas experienced rapid development, uneven economic growth in the distribution of income, rising unemployment and high levels of urban informality. Framed in this reality, the production of urban space, was carried out by the management of three social actors: 1.The real estate market; 2 and 3 the national state informal settlements. Of these, the state plays a key role in building the city damming or restricting the development of certain areas either through action (implementation of public policies, regulations, etc.) or omission. Therefore, in a context in which the lack of planning continues, the lack of a framework defining how land occupation imposes the logic of urban real estate market as the main criterion, even for actions of public housing development. This impacts negatively on the city to the extent that speculation favors the private sector, produce residential segregation and inequality in access to land as large sections remain outside the formal market. Which results in the formation of distinct areas within the city exacerbating the gap between social sectors. In Argentina, under the economic growth that occurs after the 2001-2002 crisis, the Federal Government returned home plans to solve the housing problem but with a twist to the social, to meet the needs of the most vulnerable sectors of society. From being solely residential construction (turnkey system) executed by the Provincial Housing Institutes (IPV), policies will be passed to a set of social policies that articulate programs of various orders, domestic, municipal, provincial and IPV. (Argentina Works, Municipality + Close, PROMEVI, PROMEBA Law Pierri implementation of regularization, etc.) that link to social housing problems. However, this has not had the expected results in relation to urban problems. While the need for regional planning was promoted through the PET National and Provincial (Regional Strategic Plan), all implemented programs were developed without proper management tools to define the criteria for the consolidation and development from the Federal Government city and thus ended conspiring against it, as a stage of collective life. The lack of training of local technicians, the use of these programs clientelitas purposes by local politicians and rampant corruption, contributed to aggravating the observed trends. This suggests that the construction of new housing or consolidation or regularization of squatter settlements in vulnerable areas without legal justification and planning, far from mitigating the inequalities, negative effects on the city. Under this hypothesis, this paper analyzes the impact of new housing policies in the Metropolitan Area of Tucumán (AMET), nearly 10 years of implementing a set of tending to the equal distribution of access to urban land social measures. It is concluded that the actions taken by the State produced an increase and consolidate the processes of fragmentation and emerging socio-spatial segregation of Tucuman AMET.
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