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Journal articles on the topic 'International anarchy'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Donnelly, Jack. "The Elements of the Structures of International Systems." International Organization 66, no. 4 (October 2012): 609–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818312000240.

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AbstractStructural international theory has become largely a matter of elaborating “the effects of anarchy.” Simple hunter-gatherer band societies, however, perfectly fit the Waltzian model of anarchic orders but do not experience security dilemmas or warfare, pursue relative gains, or practice self-help balancing. They thus demonstrate that “the effects of anarchy,” where they exist, are not effectsof anarchy—undermining mainstream structural international theory as it has been practiced for the past three decades. Starting over, I ask what one needs to differentiate how actors are arranged in three simple anarchic orders: forager band societies, Hobbesian states of nature, and great power states systems. The answer turns out to look nothing like the dominant tripartite (ordering principle, functional differentiation, distribution of capabilities) conception. Based on these cases, I present a multidimensional framework of the elements of social and political structures that dispenses with anarchy, is truly structural (in contrast to the independent-variable agent-centric models of Waltz and Wendt), and highlights complexity, diversity, and regular change in the structures of international systems.

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2

Kim, Moonhawk, and Scott Wolford. "Choosing anarchy: institutional alternatives and the global order." International Theory 6, no. 1 (March 2014): 28–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971913000304.

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The international system may be anarchic, but anarchy is neither fixed nor inevitable. We analyze collective choices between anarchy, a system of inefficient self-enforcement, and external enforcement, where punishment is delegated to a third party at some upfront cost. In equilibrium, external enforcement (establishing governments) prevails when interaction density is high, the costs of integration are low, and violations are difficult to predict, but anarchy (drawing borders) prevails when at least one of these conditions fail. We explore the implications of this theory for the causal role of anarchy in international relations theory, the integration and disintegration of political units, and the limits and possibilities of cooperation through international institutions.

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3

TANG, HSIN-WEI, and YUAN FENG. "International Anarchy in Perpetuity? A Re-Examination Based on the Perspectives of Classical Political Thinkers and Ancient Historical Experience." Issues & Studies 52, no. 03 (September 2016): 1650012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251116500120.

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Structural realists, notably Waltz and Mearsheimer, have argued for the persistence of an anarchic international political system characterized by the absence of any centralized authority positioned above individual states. Mearsheimer has further suggested that a Sino-U.S. conflict is likely to occur in the future under conditions of anarchy. Based on the perspectives of classical realism, Chinese traditions, and relevant historical experience, we interrogate Mearsheimer’s contention, arguing that hierarchies can thrive under conditions of international anarchy. Thus, international anarchy does not endure in perpetuity.

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Havercroft, Jonathan, and Alex Prichard. "Anarchy and International Relations theory: A reconsideration." Journal of International Political Theory 13, no. 3 (July 20, 2017): 252–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088217719911.

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In this introduction to the Special Issue, we undertake a little ground clearing in order to make room in International Relations for thinking differently about anarchy and world politics. Anarchy’s roots in, and association with, social contract theory and the state of nature has unduly narrowed how we might understand the concept and its potential in International Relations. Indeed, such is the consensus in this regard that anarchy is remarkably uncontested, considering its centrality to the field. Looking around, both inside and outside International Relations, for alternative accounts, we find ample materials for helping us think anew about the nature of and possibilities for politics in anarchy. In the second part of the introduction, we show how our contributors develop and expand on these resources and what we hope the Special Issue brings to International Relations.

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Niou, Emerson M. S., and Peter C. Ordeshook. "Stability in Anarchic International Systems." American Political Science Review 84, no. 4 (December 1990): 1207–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963260.

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Can stability emerge solely from the competition and self-interest of sovereign powers existing in a state of anarchy, or does stability depend on restraints from the complex nexus of interdependencies characterizing the contemporary world economy and its associated institutions? We suppose some infinitely divisible resource, that all nation-states are endowed with and maximize and that enables them to overcome adversaries in the event of conflict. We offer a noncooperative, extensive-form model of international conflict without exogenous mechanisms to enforce agreements in order to learn under what conditions balance of power and collective security ensure the sovereignty of all states in anarchic systems. We conclude that there exists at least one world—albeit an abstract one—in which anarchy yields stability.

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HELAL, MOHAMED S. "Anarchy, ordering principles and the constitutive regime of the international system." Global Constitutionalism 8, no. 3 (July 12, 2019): 470–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s204538171900011x.

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Abstract:Anarchy is the conceptual cornerstone of international relations theory and international law scholarship. Anarchy is described as the ordering principle of the international system, it is used as a variable that explains state behaviour, and the international legal order is depicted as anarchic and decentralised. This article questions this privileged status of anarchy. It challenges the designation of anarchy as the ‘ordering principle’ of the international system, and proposes an alternative theoretical construct – the Constitutive Regime of the International System – that performs the functions of the ‘ordering principles’ of the international system. This Constitutive Regime consists of three components. The first is a principle of differentiation that identifies the constituent units of the international system. The second is a theory of world order that prescribes policies and principles that are necessary to maintain order within the system, and the third are the secondary rules of international law that generate the international law-making and law-enforcement processes. In short, the Constitutive Regime provides a novel theoretical vernacular to understand and conceptualise the normative foundations of the international system.

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7

Kolmaš, Michal. "Reconstructing hierarchy as the key international relations concept and its implications for the study of Japanese national identity." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 3 (July 16, 2018): 507–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000154.

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AbstractFor the last few decades, the discipline of international relations has been littered with anarchy. Since Waltz'sTheory of International Politics, it has been assumed that states are formally equal sovereign unitary actors operating in an anarchic world system and that their identities and interests are defined by the very existence of anarchy. This article shatters this conception. It offers a ‘hierarchical worldview’ in order to illustrate that the very concepts of state, sovereignty, and anarchy are discursive creations inherently tied to the practice of hierarchy. I use a case study of Japanese national identity to illustrate this practice. The narratives of Japan as an autonomous and sovereign state were inextricably linked to Japan's hierarchical relationship toward Asia and the West (pre-war) and the USA (post-war). Japan's sovereignty and autonomy were then formulated within the practice of hierarchy.

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8

Donnelly, Jack. "The discourse of anarchy in IR." International Theory 7, no. 3 (September 21, 2015): 393–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971915000111.

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Contemporary International Relations (IR) typically treats anarchy as a fundamental, defining, and analytically central feature of international relations. Furthermore, it is usually held that IR since its inception has been structured around a discourse of anarchy. In fact, however, until the 1980s anarchy was rarely employed as a central analytical concept, as I show by examining 145 books published between 1895 and 1978. The conceptual and analytic centrality of anarchy is not imposed on us by international reality. Rather, it is a recent and contingent construction. Given the shortcomings of standard uses of ‘anarchy’ – especially the facts that there is no clear, generally agreed upon definition, that ‘the effects of anarchy’ are not effects of anarchy (alone), and that anarchy is not the structural ordering principle of international systems – I argue for returning to earlier practice and putting anarchy back in the background of IR.

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9

Lechner, Silviya. "Why anarchy still matters for International Relations: On theories and things." Journal of International Political Theory 13, no. 3 (June 14, 2017): 341–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088217713764.

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The category of anarchy is conventionally associated with the emergence of an autonomous discipline of International Relations (IR). Recently, Donnelly has argued that anarchy has never been central to IR (hierarchy is more weighty). His criticism targets not just concepts of anarchy but theories of anarchy and thereby expresses an anti-theory ethos tacitly accepted in the discipline. As a form of conceptual atomism, this ethos is hostile to structuralist and normative theories. This article aims to reinstate theoretical holism against conceptual atomism and to defend the enduring relevance of theories of international anarchy for IR. This is done by revisiting two classic, structuralist accounts of international anarchy articulated in Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics (scientific structuralism) and Hedley Bull’s Anarchical Society (normative structuralism). It will be shown that both represent coherent theoretical ‘wholes’ which reveal a more complex relationship between anarchy and hierarchy than supposed by critics and which recognise the important connection between the structure of international anarchy (whose key players are states) and the value of freedom. The conclusion examines the prospects of normative theories of international anarchy and ‘anarchical’ freedom in a globalising world where state agency is being challenged.

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Sjoberg, Laura. "The invisible structures of anarchy: Gender, orders, and global politics." Journal of International Political Theory 13, no. 3 (June 7, 2017): 325–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088217711458.

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This article argues anarchy is undertheorized in International Relations, and that the undertheorization of the concept of anarchy in International Relations is rooted in Waltz’s original discussion of the concept as equal to the invisibility of structure, where the lack of exogenous authority is not just a feature of the international political system but the salient feature. This article recognizes the international system as anarchical but looks to theorize its contours—to see the invisible structures that are overlaid within international anarchy, and then to consider what those structures mean for theorizing anarchy itself. It uses as an example the various (invisible) ways that gender orders global political relations to suggest that anarchy in the international arena is a place of multiple orders rather than of disorder. It therefore begins by theorizing anarchy with orders in global politics, rather than anarchy as necessarily substantively lacking orders. It then argues that gender orders global politics in various ways. It concludes with a framework for theorizing order within anarchy in global politics.

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11

Đurica, Radmilla. "Imaginative Anarchy." Maska 31, no. 177 (June 1, 2016): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/maska.31.177-178.102_1.

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Like numerous other festivals, the PUF festival in Croatia got its start as an experiment, in this case following the war and disintegration of Yugoslavia. In an era of great crisis in the Croatian theatre scene, this international festival introduced a new dramatic vocabulary. It was founded in 1994 by the directors of three non-institutional theatres: Branko Sušec (PUF), Nebojša Borojević (the Daska Theatre in Siska), and Roman Bogdan (the Čakovec Pinklec). In the war-torn 90s, the founders decided that the festival was to take place in Pula and not Dubrovnik because the war had largely spared the former. The festival finalised its name, the PUF International Theatre Festival, in 1996.

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Butt, Ahsan I. "Anarchy and Hierarchy in International Relations: Examining South America's War-Prone Decade, 1932–41." International Organization 67, no. 3 (July 2013): 575–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000155.

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AbstractThis article questions the validity of anarchy as an assumption in International Relations theory. Powerful states often provide public goods to smaller states in return for their acquiescence on matters of interest. This transactional provision of public goods is analogous to how central governments behave in domestic environments; thus the hierarchic structure of domestic politics is replicated in international politics. The anarchy-hierarchy distinction, which rests on a neat separation of international and domestic structures, is therefore highly contentious. One public good that great powers provide, largely ignored by the literature on hierarchy, is justice. Powerful states can provide a forum for aggrieved parties to settle their disputes, and thus contain conflicts before they escalate to war. If such a forum is no longer provided, the system reverts to anarchy, where escalation—and therefore, war—is more likely. South America's war-prone decade can be explained by the variation in structural conditions on the continent. Due to the Depression, its Good Neighbor policy, and the onset of World War II, the United States was less interested in South American affairs in the 1930s, resulting in a more anarchic structure and a higher propensity for war.

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13

MOLONEY, PAT. "Hobbes, Savagery, and International Anarchy." American Political Science Review 105, no. 1 (January 5, 2011): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000511.

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This article argues that Hobbes constructed the sovereignty acknowledged among European states on the supposition of the absence of sovereignty in the New World. The notion of international anarchy found in Hobbes before the twentieth century was not the anarchy of interstate relations later posited by realism, but the anarchy of prepolitical societies outside the ordered system of European states. The modern geography of sovereignty that Hobbes established is demonstrated with reference to the cartographic traditions that informed his representation of the state of nature and the civil state, and to the historical context of the law of nations as it was understood to manage colonial rivalry in the seventeenth century. By constructing savages as absolutely free individuals in the state of nature, he precluded their recognition as free sovereign states. He thus contributed a set of premises to natural jurisprudence that denied indigenous societies statehood and excluded them from the family nations. A sketch of the Hobbesian legacy among theorists of the law of nations and international law is made, showing how his motif of savage anarchy remained central to our conceptualization of the sovereign state within the international realm into the twentieth century.

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14

Milner, Helen. "The assumption of anarchy in international relations theory: a critique." Review of International Studies 17, no. 1 (January 1991): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050011232x.

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‘Anarchy is one of the most vague and ambiguous words in language.’ George Coreewall Lewis, 1832.In much current theorizing, anarchy has once again been declared to be the fundamental assumption about international politics. Over the last decade, numerous scholars, especially those in the neo-realist tradition, have posited anarchy as the single most important characteristic underlying international relations. This article explores implications of such an assumption. In doing so, it reopens older debates about the nature of international politics. First, I examine various concepts of ‘anarchy’ employed in the international relations literature. Second, I probe the sharp dichotomy between domestic and international politics that is associated with this assumption. As others have, I question the validity and utility of such a dichotomy. Finally, this article suggests that a more fruitful way to understand the international system is one that combines anarchy and interdependence.

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15

Mitchell, Paul T. "International Anarchy and Military Cooperation." Adelphi Papers 46, no. 385 (December 2006): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05679320601176168.

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16

Riaz, Ahsan, Muqarrab Akbar, and Rafidah Nawaz. "Game of Thrones and International Politics in Realism Perspective." Global International Relations Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2021(iv-iv).01.

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Since the Second World War realism paradigm has been most prominent and successful in the discipline of international relations. Realist theory interprets the role of the state in world politics in which the state's national interest is the primary variable. To attain the state's national interest power (in military and economic terms) is a very essential tool. The element of power has shaped the anarchic political system. HBO's Season' Game of Throne' is most compatible with the approaches of the international political system, especially to understand the realist paradigm. In this season different power centers were playing the game of power politics. Iron Throne had a hegemonic status and was considered as a supreme power in the Seven Kingdoms of Westeros, which created the anarchy. Competing for the power, losing the power, and attaining the power was creating the an archical situation in the whole season in which different actors and kingdoms made their strategies and joined uneven alliances. So Game of Throne is providing a better way to comprehend the international anarchy and political realism.

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17

Korvela, Paul-Erik. "Farewell to Anarchy: The Myth of International Anarchy and Birth of Anarcophilia in International Relations." Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 21, no. 1 (May 1, 2018): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.21.1.3.

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18

Christov, Theodore. "The invention of Hobbesian anarchy." Journal of International Political Theory 13, no. 3 (August 18, 2017): 296–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088217720471.

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It is only in the early decades of the twentieth century that the “Hobbesian state of nature” and the “discourse of anarchy” came to be seen as virtually synonymous. In examining Hobbes’ international state of nature, this article rejects two common views. In one, International Relations is seen as a warlike “Hobbesian” anarchy, and in the other, Hobbes is regarded as the progenitor of Realism. Far from defending anarchy of states, Hobbes in fact constructs a largely ameliorative international arena.

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Jaeger, Hans-Martin. "Hegel's reluctant realism and the transnationalisation of civil society." Review of International Studies 28, no. 3 (July 2002): 497–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502004977.

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Qualifying a realist interpretation, this essay argues that the dialectical involvement of the state as an individual with its external relations exposes international politics as a matter of both anarchy and war, and mutual recognition and practical morality among states in Hegel's theory of international relations. With the absolute distinction between internal community and external anarchy removed, Hegel's account of civil society becomes relevant to his theory of international relations. Both as an analogy and concretely, it provides indications for a partial transcendence of sovereign statehood and international anarchy by institutionalised co-operation and political (self-)regulation in a transnationalising civil society.

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Iakubin, O. L., and M. S. Tolstova. "“International anarchy” – genealogy of the concept." Актуальні проблеми філософії та соціології, no. 38 (2022): 76–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/apfs.v038.2022.14.

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21

Lake, David A. "Escape from the State of Nature: Authority and Hierarchy in World Politics." International Security 32, no. 1 (July 2007): 47–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.1.47.

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Despite increasing attention, scholars lack the analytic tools necessary to understand international hierarchy and its consequences for politics and policy. This is especially true for the informal hierarchies now found in world affairs. Rooted in a formal-legal tradition, international relations scholars almost universally assume that the international system is a realm of anarchy. Although the fact of anarchy remains a truism for the system as a whole, it is a fallacy of division to infer that all relationships within that system are anarchic. Building on an alternative view of relational authority and recent research on the practice of sovereignty, a new conception of international hierarchy is developed that varies along two continua defined by security and economic relations. This construct is operationalized and validated, and then tested in a large-nstudy of the effects of international hierarchy on the defense effort of countries. The principal finding is that states in hierarchical relationships spend significantly less on defense relative to gross domestic product than states not in such relationships. In short, hierarchy matters and subordination pays; states appear to trade some portion of their sovereignty for protection from external security threats.

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22

Grieco, Joseph M. "Anarchy and the limits of cooperation: a realist critique of the newest liberal institutionalism." International Organization 42, no. 3 (1988): 485–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027715.

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The newest liberal institutionalism asserts that, although it accepts a major realist proposition that international anarchy impedes cooperation among states, it can nevertheless affirm the central tenets of the liberal institutionalist tradition that states can achieve cooperation and that international institutions can help them work together. However, this essay's principal argument is that neoliberal institutionalism misconstrues the realist analysis of international anarchy and therefore it misunderstands realism's analysis of the inhibiting effects of anarchy on the willingness of states to cooperate. This essay highlights the profound divergences between realism and the newest liberal institutionalism. It also argues that the former is likely to be proven analytically superior to the latter.

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23

Wagner, Wolfgang, and Wouter Werner. "War and punitivity under anarchy." European Journal of International Security 3, no. 03 (September 12, 2018): 310–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2018.8.

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AbstractThe individualisation of punishment is a key element in liberal narratives about international law and international relations. This narrative has become an integral part of positive international law, especially the regimes governing the use of force and the prosecution of an international crimes. Rather than punishing states or entire societies, liberals claim, punishment has become restricted to those who incurred individual guilt. To liberals, the individualisation of punishment is part of a larger process of enlightenment and civilisation that has helped to fence atavisms like revenge. We do not question the emergence of an ever more sophisticated system of individual punishment in international law. However, we argue that punitivity has been more difficult to fully channel towards individuals and away from collectives than claimed. To be sure, punitive language has by and large been banned from the laws of armed conflict. We argue, however, that the absence of a punitive vocabulary does not equal the absence of punitivity. In contrast, current state practices of using armed force are still imbued with punitivity, however silenced in the current legal framework and thus pushed underground. Realising the presence of a punitive undercurrent, we argue, adds to a more comprehensive understanding of contemporary state practices.

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24

Powell, Robert. "Guns, Butter, and Anarchy." American Political Science Review 87, no. 1 (March 1993): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938960.

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A state in the international system implicit in realism must allocate its limited resources between satisfying its intrinsically valued ends and the means of military power. I formalize this guns-versus-butter problem in a simple infinite-horizon model in which two states must continually decide how to allocate their resources and whether to attack the other state. The analysis establishes sufficient conditions to ensure the existence of an equilibrium in which neither state attacks; shows that there is a strictly Pareto-dominant pair of peaceful equilibrium payoffs; characterizes the unique, peaceful Markov perfect equilibrium that yields them; and describes the comparative statics of the equilibrium allocations. More broadly, the analysis also suggests that the notion of anarchy has little if any substantive significance distinctively related to international politics and that the problem of absolute and relative gains is superfluous.

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25

Smith, Keith. "Recollecting a lost dialogue: Structural Realism meets neoclassical realism." International Relations 33, no. 3 (March 20, 2019): 494–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117819834636.

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Since its appellation, much work has sought to consolidate neoclassical realism. Specifically, a number of variations on the neoclassical theme have reconceptualised the third-image and carved out a distinctly European neoclassical variant. This article contributes by recollecting the Structural Realism of Logic of Anarchy. In unpacking Structural Realism’s framework and dissecting its engagement with inter alia Kenneth Waltz, this article illustrates the importance of Logic’s conceptualisation of the system, particularly in terms of anarchy’s logic. This framework can enrich a number of debates within the neoclassical realist community, especially concerning third-image change and the possibility of a neoclassical realism in and of Europe, while also contributing to debates regarding the strategic actor-ness of the European Union. While Logic and its framework might appear dated, the article submits that one of its principal motifs, anarchy, along with realism’s normative ethos may remind us of International Relation’s (IR’s) healthy pluralism.

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Amour, Lynn St, and Lawrence Lessig. "Anarchy Online." Foreign Policy, no. 129 (March 2002): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3183381.

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27

Mercer, Jonathan. "Anarchy and identity." International Organization 49, no. 2 (1995): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028381.

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Is there escape from a self-help system? Realists say no. They assume states are egoistic actors in anarchy; this means states must either look out for themselves or risk destruction: structure generates a self-help system. Constructivists think escape is possible. Because identities are made, not given, we should not make a priori assumptions of state egoism: process generates self-help. Process could also generate an other-help security system. This article introduces a third approach that uses social identity theory to argue that interstate relations are inherently competitive. Thus, for cognitive and motivated—rather than structural or social—reasons, competition, which can be coercive or cooperative, characterizes international politics.

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Yarbrough, Beth V., and Robert M. Yarbrough. "Cooperation in the liberalization of international trade: after hegemony, what?" International Organization 41, no. 1 (1987): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300000722.

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Nations dwell in perpetual anarchy, for no central authority imposes limits on the pursuits of sovereign interests. … Because as states, they cannot cede ultimate control over their conduct to an supranational sovereign, they cannot guarantee that they will adhere to their promises. The possibility of a breach of promise can impede cooperation even when cooperation would leave all better off. Yet, at other times, states do realize common goals through cooperation under anarchy.

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Goldgeier, James M., and Michael McFaul. "A tale of two worlds: core and periphery in the post-cold war era." International Organization 46, no. 2 (1992): 467–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027788.

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As the world moves away from the familiar bipolar cold war era, many international relations theorists have renewed an old debate about which is more stable: a world with two great powers or a world with many great powers. Based on the chief assumptions of structural realism—namely, that the international system is characterized by anarchy and that states are unitary actors seeking to survive in this anarchic system—some security analysts are predicting that a world of several great powers will lead to a return to the shifting alliances and instabilities of the multipolar era that existed prior to World War II. For instance, John Mearsheimer argues that “prediction[s] of peace in a multipolar Europe [are] flawed.” Thomas Christensen and Jack Snyder argue that states in a multipolar world can follow either the pre-World War I or the pre-World War II alliance pattern, thus implying that a third course is improbable. They further assert that “the fundamental, invariant structural feature, international anarchy, generally selects and socializes states to form balancing alignments in order to survive in the face of threats from aggressive competitors.” The realist argument predicts that great powers in a self-help international system will balance one another through arms races and alliance formations.

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30

Newman, Saul. "Crowned Anarchy: Postanarchism and International Relations Theory." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 40, no. 2 (August 5, 2011): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829811417229.

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31

Tang, Shiping. "Reconciliation and the Remaking of Anarchy." World Politics 63, no. 4 (September 22, 2011): 711–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887111000219.

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For years, mainstream international relations (IR) theorists have essentially ignored reconciliation as a special—and perhaps the most difficult—form of cooperation building in international politics. This review article seeks to make the study of reconciliation a more visible field for further inquiry in IR, comparative politics, and sociology for both theoretical and practical reasons. After summarizing important themes emerged from the recent literature on reconciliation, the author addresses four issues for understanding interstate reconciliation: the interplay of group emotions and group politics, the interplay of domestic politics and international politics, the institutionalization of memories, and methodological issues. Better understanding of these issues also contributes to broadening the scope of inquiry in IR, comparative politics, and the sociology literature.

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Taureck, Bernhard. "Krieg oder Frieden. Auf der Suche nach einem Tertium Datur." Labyrinth 23, no. 2 (December 29, 2021): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.25180/lj.v23i2.265.

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There is a consensus on war: violent conflicts are out. But they continue to happen. One likes to exclude violent conflicts and to avoid them. But they could happen. Avoidance of wars appears not be sufficient. International relations presuppose an international anarchy. Anarchy does not exclude wars, but reduces them to exceptions. The present essay attempts to argue in favour of a categorical exclusion of violent conflicts which easily could destroy vital conditions of human survival.

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33

Parent, Joseph M., and Emily Erikson. "Anarchy, hierarchy and order." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 22, no. 1 (March 2009): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557570802683912.

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34

Onuf, Nicholas, and Frank F. Klink. "Anarchy, Authority, Rule." International Studies Quarterly 33, no. 2 (June 1989): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600535.

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Saastamoinen, Kari. "A Mythical Figure, Merits, Interests, and International Anarchy." Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 21, no. 1 (May 1, 2018): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.21.1.1.

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Lake, David A. "Anarchy, hierarchy, and the variety of international relations." International Organization 50, no. 1 (1996): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830000165x.

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Security relations between states vary along a continuum from anarchic alliances to hierarchic empires. This continuum, in turn, is defined by the parties' rights of residual control. The state's choice between alternatives is explained in a theory of relational contracting as a function of the expected costs of opportunism, which decline with relational hierarchy, and governance costs, which rise with relational hierarchy. A comparison of early postwar relations between the United States and Western Europe and the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe illustrates the theory.

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Haiden, Michael. "Regulating Human Enhancement Technologies." Journal of Ethics and Emerging Technologies 31, no. 1 (January 27, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.55613/jeet.v31i1.79.

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This article provides a framework for the global regulation of human enhancement technologies. I argue that competition between states in the international sphere blocks the emergence of a regulatory framework. The reason is international anarchy or the absence of powers that stand above the nation-state. After considering different ways to overcome anarchy—namely international institutions, more amenable relations between democracies and international norms—I rule them out as insufficient. Then, I argue that only a world state can effectively regulate human enhancement technologies. A world state is not a new idea and was already proposed as an answer to, for example, the threat of nuclear annihilation. However, regulating human enhancements provide an even bigger incentive to overcome nationalism.

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Stremlau, John. "Antidote to anarchy." Washington Quarterly 18, no. 1 (March 1995): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609509550130.

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Allison, Graham T., Owen R. Coté, Richard A. Falkenrath, and Steven E. Miller. "Avoiding nuclear anarchy." Washington Quarterly 20, no. 3 (September 1997): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609709550271.

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Wendt, Alexander. "Anarchy is what states make of it: the social construction of power politics." International Organization 46, no. 2 (1992): 391–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027764.

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The debate between realists and liberals has reemerged as an axis of contention in international relations theory. Revolving in the past around competing theories of human nature, the debate is more concerned today with the extent to which state action is influenced by “structure” (anarchy and the distribution of power) versus “process” (interaction and learning) and institutions. Does the absence of centralized political authority force states to play competitive power politics? Can international regimes overcome this logic, and under what conditions? What in anarchy is given and immutable, and what is amenable to change?

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Snidal, Duncan. "Relative Gains and the Pattern of International Cooperation." American Political Science Review 85, no. 3 (September 1991): 701–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963847.

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Many political situations involve competitions where winning is more important than doing well. In international politics, this relative gains problem is widely argued to be a major impediment to cooperation under anarchy. After discussing why states might seek relative gains, I demonstrate that the hypothesis holds very different implications from those usually presumed. Relative gains do impede cooperation in the two-actor case and provide an important justification for treating international anarchy as a prisoner's dilemma problem; but if the initial absolute gains situation is not a prisoner's dilemma, relative gains seeking is much less consequential. Its significance is even more attenuated with more than two competitors. Relative gains cannot prop up the realist critique of international cooperation theory, but may affect the pattern of cooperation when a small number of states are the most central international actors.

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Sys, Siarhei. "One Man’s Anarchy." Index on Censorship 36, no. 4 (November 2007): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220701738602.

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Burolo, Franko. "Brains on the asphalt: Three punk expressions of crisis." Punk & Post-Punk 00, no. 00 (July 16, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/punk_00105_1.

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Since its crisis-marked beginnings, punk’s relationship with anarchism could be described as ‘complicated’. In spite of the wide use of the word and the circled ‘A’ symbol, not every artist considered anarchy in its political meaning of radical egalitarianism and libertarian socialism. This article explores the ‘impulse of anarchy’ in punk, as considered by Edoardo Sanguineti, as a more-than-political aesthetic phenomenon present in all avant-garde poetry (and arts in general) in modern history, consciously or not, whose ultimate goal is to change life and modify the world. Through this perspective, the article presents a comparative analysis of three expressions of crisis by three different punk groups from three different European countries, in three different languages: ‘Možgani na asfaltu’ (‘Brains on the Asphalt’) in Slovene by Berlinski zid from (then) Yugoslavia, ‘Lasciateci sentire ora’ (‘Let Us Hear Now’) in Italian by Franti from Italy and ‘Crisis’ in English by Poison Girls from the United Kingdom. The article will thus try to contribute to the understanding of anarchist and anarchic influences in coping with crisis under international capitalism and bourgeois hegemony.

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Griffiths, Ryan D. "The Waltzian ordering principle and international change: A two-dimensional model." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 130–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117700478.

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In his work on structural realism, Kenneth Waltz developed a theory of international order that is admired for its parsimony but criticized for its simplicity. Using his ordering principle as a foundation, I critique and extend his theory by constructing a model of international order with two dimensions: one of political centralization and the other of segmentary/functional differentiation. The resulting map locates different configurations of order and highlights four ideal-types: mechanical anarchy, organic hierarchy, mechanical hierarchy and organic anarchy. I then use the two-dimensional map and related ideal-types to outline two different processes of international change — a classical path and a modern path — that were invisible in the Waltzian model. This article is thus a contribution to the developing literature on conceptualizing different forms of international order and the dynamics of international change.

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Haldén, Peter. "Heteronymous politics beyond anarchy and hierarchy: The multiplication of forms of rule 750–1300." Journal of International Political Theory 13, no. 3 (July 6, 2017): 266–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088217715482.

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Anarchy and hierarchy are two central concepts of International Relations theory but as conventionally defined they cannot describe political life for most of Western history. Neither concept describes the structure of medieval politics well. Rather, many different principles of differentiation existed simultaneously, both stratificatory and segmentary. The situation was closer to anarchy as understood as the absence of overarching principles of order rather than as ‘anarchy’ in the conventional sense used in international relations and absence of government. The power of the Popes over temporal rulers was considerable, but it never corresponded to the concept ‘hierarchy’ as conventionally understood either. Between c. 700 and c. 1300, Europe became more heteronymous as time went by, not less. More principles of differentiation were developed, and both Popes and kings became more powerful. The reinvention of the papacy after the ‘Investiture Controversy’ (1075–1122) created a system of law and practices in which European monarchs and realms were embedded, but it did not create an all-powerful papacy.

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Sartorius, N. "International Perspectives of Psychiatric Classification." British Journal of Psychiatry 152, S1 (May 1988): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s000712500029555x.

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When Renaudin, aghast at the situation in 1856 wrote, “We now see anarchy in the field of classification threatening to split our ranks and robbing us of the victories of our predecessors”, he was not only providing an argument for adhering to a common system of communication in psychiatry, he was also stating why classifications are such an enchanting conundrum attracting attention, arousing emotion and giving rise to thought.

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Holsti, Kal. "Review: The Logic of Anarchy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 4 (December 1993): 786–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800412.

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Wohlforth, William C. "Anarchy Is What Explains the History of International Relations." MGIMO Review of International Relations 64, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-1-64-7-18.

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The article examines the major events of the two previous centuries of international relations through main concepts of political realism. The author argues that in order to understand the present dilemmas and challenges of international politics, we need to know the past. Every current major global problem has historical antecedents. History from the late 19th century constitutes the empirical foundation of much theoretical scholarship on international politics. The breakdown of the Concert of Europe and the outbreak of the devastating global conflagration of World War I are the events that sparked the modern study of international relations. The great war of 1914 to 1918 underlined the tragic wastefulness of the institution of war. It caused scholars to confront one of the most enduring puzzles of the study of international relations, why humans continue to resort to this self-destructive method of conflict resolution? The article shows that the main explanation is the anarchical system of international relations. It produces security dilemma, incentives to free ride and uncertainty of intentions among great powers making war a rational tool to secure their national interests.

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LEIRA, HALVARD. "Anarchy in the IR!" International Studies Perspectives 8, no. 1 (February 2007): vi—vii. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1528-3585.2007.00275.x.

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DeLaet, Debra L. "Between Order and Anarchy." International Studies Review 10, no. 1 (March 2008): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2008.00757.x.

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