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Journal articles on the topic "Internal security – United States – History"
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Krēsliņš, Uldis. "Latvia as a partner in the political security system of Western democracies in the early 1920s: Latvia’s relations with Great Britain, the United States and Germany." Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls 116 (July 2022): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lviz.116.03.
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For the new states that emerged as a result of the First World War, ensuring the internal political security in the early 1920s was a fundamentally important issue. In the case of Latvia, potential security threats were exacerbated by the country’s geopolitical position – a direct border with Soviet Russia – which made Latvia a protective barrier against the spread of the Communist movement. The aim of the study is to characterize Latvia’s role in the political security system of Western democracies in the early 1920s based on the materials of the Latvian security service, focusing on Latvia’s relations in the field of political security with three Western democracies – United Kingdom, the United States and Germany.
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Sosnitskaia, Viktoriia. "Transatlantic Security Relations: NATO Relevance Issues." Мировая политика, no. 2 (February 2023): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2023.2.40029.
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This article focuses on the crisis of transatlantic relations, which seriously affect the formation of the European security architecture. The author examines the system of interaction between European countries in a historical perspective in order to find the prerequisites for the existing ties within the Alliance. The analysis of NATO's transformation after the Cold War also reveals the relationship between the goals of unification and the realization of their interests mainly under the guise of universal security, which is quite clearly seen in the relations between the United States and NATO. The high uncertainty of the Alliance in the distribution of priorities, the difference in positions regarding the regional focus of the association and often the impossibility of consolidation in the mobilization of available resources have been corroding the unity of the union for many years, which makes it a rather controversial instrument of global governance to maintain peaceful coexistence of states. The main conclusion of the study is that the main challenge NATO cannot cope with is the internal crisis caused by the inconsistency of the actions of the participating countries, the American dominance in decision-making process, the dependence of European economies on the United States. Acting as a provider of international security, in reality, the alliance is rather an instrument for the realization of the national interests of individual states participating in the military-political bloc. Despite the fact that the question of the relevance of NATO has been raised more than once in the history of its existence, the Alliance continues to gravitate towards expansion. However, this will hardly save it from internal contradictions, which with each new challenge from the outside are exposed more and more clearly and cause more and more concern among the codependent members of the Alliance.
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EDIGER, VOLKAN Ş., and JOHN V. BOWLUS. "A FAREWELL TO KING COAL: GEOPOLITICS, ENERGY SECURITY, AND THE TRANSITION TO OIL, 1898–1917." Historical Journal 62, no. 2 (June 18, 2018): 427–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000109.
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AbstractInterest in energy transitions has accelerated in recent years due to rising concerns about global warming and resource scarcity, but the drivers of these phenomena are not well understood. To date, scholars have primarily focused on commercial and technological factors, highlighting that oil was ‘better’ than coal – more powerful, cheaper, cleaner, and more practical to use – and that the internal combustion engine made it more advantageous to use in transportation. Yet oil was also a strategic commodity that powerful states sought to acquire for military reasons. This article contends that geopolitics, military decision-making, and energy security hastened the transition from oil to coal prior to the First World War. It argues that Britain, Germany, and the United States sought to transition their naval fleets from coal to oil to gain a military advantage at sea, which created, for the first time, the problem of oil-supply security. Through government-led initiatives to address oil-supply security, vast new supplies of oil came online and prices fell, the ideal environment for oil to eclipse coal as the dominant source in the global energy system.
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Patrick, Stewart. "Civil Wars & Transnational Threats: Mapping the Terrain, Assessing the Links." Daedalus 146, no. 4 (October 2017): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00458.
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Among the primary strategic rationales for U.S. policy engagement in war-torn states has been the assumption that internal violence generates cross-border spillovers with negative consequences for U.S. and global security, among these transnational terrorism, organized crime, and infectious disease. Closer examination suggests that the connection between internal disorder and transnational threats is situation-specific, contingent on an array of intervening factors and contextual conditions. Taken as a cohort, war-torn states are not the primary drivers of cross-border terrorism, crime, and epidemics, nor do they pose a first-tier, much less existential, threat to the United States. Of greater concern are relatively functional states that maintain certain trappings of sovereignty but are institutionally anemic, thanks to endemic corruption and winner-take-all politics. Ultimately, the most important U.S. stakes in war-torn countries are moral and humanitarian: namely, the imperative of reducing suffering among fellow members of our species.
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Levin, Yaroslav. "FBI Opposition to German and Japanese Nationalist Organizations in the United States (1941–1945)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2023): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024078-3.
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In modern research on the history of the United States in World War II, it is quite popular to study the opposition of the American special services and, in particular, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to various organizations of the German and Japanese diasporas in new historical conditions. The appeal to traditional methods of historical research, comparative studies and the principles of historicism will make it possible to more accurately trace the process of tightening the counterintelligence work of the Bureau and the close connection of concerns about the involvement of public organizations in the intelligence activities of the enemy. The broadcast of nationalist ideas by various communities of Germans and Japanese under the auspices of their governments quickly attracted the attention of the FBI, which is in the process of consolidating its powers as the main US counterintelligence service. At the same time, the investigations and trials conducted by the John Edgar Hoover department following these investigations often had an openly political color and increasingly consolidated the beginning of a political investigation in this service. This practice and its implementation ran into a tough contradiction between the legal norms of America, which proclaimed "democratic values," the right to freedom of speech and the needs to strengthen the internal security of the state and society in wartime. All these processes and the associated nuances and complexities are considered on specific examples of the work of federal agents against various pro-German and pro-Japanese organizations in the period 1941-45.
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Nolan, Cathal J. "La liberté est-elle divisible? Comment rapprocher les concepts de mission et de sécurité dans une politique étrangère américaine." Études internationales 22, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 509–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702877ar.
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This article seeks to outline the complex pattern of liberty and national security in international relations through a survey of the historical relationship between those concerns in the foreign policy of what is still the world's most important democratic country, the United States. This study is not a history per se of American diplomacy concerning this cluster of issues, although it is historical in approach. Nor is it directly concerned with an on-going theoretical debate over whether or not democracies are inherently more peaceful than other types of states, despite drawing upon elements of that debate and having implications for it. Instead, what is presented here is an interpretive survey of the importance in U.S. foreign policy of a set of key ideas about international order — specifically, the attempt to resolve ideas of "American mission " with the requirements of security, through increasingly active linkage of U.S. national security to the internal character of foreign regimes. It then explores how that tension became manifest in two policy settings : the United Nations, one of America's major multilateral relationship s, and the Soviet Union, its principal bilateral relationship. In short, this study is concerned with governing ideas in American diplomacy; with how such ideas arise and are sustained or challenged; with how they have been disseminated among allies (and even adversaries) ; and the implications of the reality that the United States have succeeded in imbedding these notions in the structures of the international System. The essay concludes with what should prove a controversial, qualified approval of the new 'liberal realism' evident in American foreign policy in the early 1990s.
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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.466.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty.
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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.466.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty.
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Schrader, Stuart. "Cops at War: How World War II Transformed U.S. Policing." Modern American History 4, no. 2 (June 28, 2021): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.12.
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World War II transformed policing in the United States. Many police enlisted in the military during the war, and in turn many veterans joined police forces following the victories of 1945. As wartime labor shortages depleted their ranks, police chiefs turned to new initiatives to strengthen and professionalize their forces, redoubling those efforts as growing fears of crime and internal security threats outlasted the global conflict. This article investigates the rapid growth of the military police, how African Americans responded to changes in policing due to the war, and these wartime experiences’ lingering impacts. Based on research in obscure and difficult-to-find police professional literature, and closely examining New York City, it argues that the war's effects on policing did not amount to “militarization” as currently understood, but did inspire more standardized and nationally coordinated approaches to recruitment as well as military-style approaches to discipline, training, and tactical operations.
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Ponypalyak, Oleksandr. "Cooperation of the OUN with the USA and Great Britain IN 1945–1955 (based on Soviet materials)." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 67 (2022): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.11.
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In this article, the author explores the issue of cooperation between the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Great Britain and the United States of America in the first postwar decade. The object of the author’s study is the Ukrainian liberation movement, the subject of study is the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the special services of Western countries in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union in the early stages of the Cold War. The sources of the study are internal documents of the Soviet security services, reports, orders of the Ministry of State Security and the Committee of State Security of the USSR and protocols of interrogations of participants and leaders of the Ukrainian underground. In this context, the interrogation reports of V. Okhrymovych, the head of intelligence of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad, who was trained in intelligence at the school of spies and in 1951 was landed in Soviet-controlled territory, were discovered and arrested by the KGB. The author analyzed the peculiarities of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine and the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe in the postwar period. Separately, the researcher studied the specifics and features of cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the intelligence agencies of the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzed the documents available in the archives of Ukraine for evidence of cooperation and coordination of efforts of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad with representatives of special services of foreign states to gather intelligence in the USSR anti-Soviet sentiments, etc. The analysis of the facts in the documents showed the complexity of the situation of the Ukrainian liberation movement at the final stage of the armed struggle on the territory of Ukraine. In fact, Western special services were in dire need of intelligence from the Soviet Union, while centers of the Ukrainian movement abroad needed support in weapons, equipment, radio, new methods of sabotage and intelligence, and financial support. OUN members also had to study and learn about parachuting abroad, as illegal land routes were blocked by socialist countries. The transfer of Ukrainian underground was carried out illegally on American or British planes, from which landings were carried out over the territory of Ukraine together with walkie-talkies and equipment. The overthrown had to get in touch with the underground in Ukraine and renew the line of communication with the network of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the USSR. This article will be of interest to researchers of the history of Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States and the European continent of the ХХ century, specialists in military affairs, intelligence and the Ukrainian liberation movement, students and anyone persons interested in history.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Internal security – United States – History"
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Sinks, George W. "Reserve Policy for the Nuclear Age: The Development of Post-War American Reserve Policy, 1943-1955." Connect to resource, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1210099254.
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Orbovich, Cynthia Biddle. "Cognitive style and foreign policy decisionmaking : an examination of Eisenhower's National Security Organization /." The Ohio State University, 1986. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148726514314785.
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Machado, Luís Rodrigo. "Cooperative security strategy in the South Atlantic : United States internal determinants and region ressignification." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/168662.
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Esta dissertação tem como objetivo central discutir a importância do Atlântico Sul para os Estados Unidos da América, a partir da análise das suas políticas de segurança cooperativa para a parcela sul do Oceano Atlântico considerando, principalmente, seus determinantes internos e a própria ressignificação da região entre os anos de 2003 e 2014. Ela se enquadra nas Resoluções nº 114/2014 e 115/2014 da Câmara de Pós-Graduação da UFRGS e, portanto, é dividida em três capítulos, correspondendo a três partes distintas. O Primeiro Capítulo é desenvolvido em três etapas: Primeiro, relaciona o contexto da dissertação na linha de pesquisa “Segurança Internacional” do PPGEEI/UFRGS. Segundo, aborda alguns elementos das políticas externa e de segurança dos EUA, a importância do mar para a condução dessas políticas e uma breve contextualização do Atlântico Sul. Terceiro, ressalta os principais pontos analíticos e considerações desenvolvidos no capítulo seguinte. O Segundo Capítulo traz o artigo publicado na Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval que conduz, primeiro, uma breve discussão de alguns conceitos teóricos importantes para entender a postura dos Estados Unidos na condução de sua política externa e de segurança, recorrendo ao debate da influência da política interna nas suas relações internacionais. Em seguida, discute brevemente a importância do "uso do mar" para a política externa dos EUA, contextualizando o Atlântico Sul como uma região estratégica, discutindo suas fronteiras geográficas, aspectos econômicos e organizações multilaterais. Finalmente, discute alguns dos programas norte-americanos de segurança cooperativa para o Atlântico Sul e a crescente importância da região, em linha com o novo posicionamento estratégico pós-11 de setembro. O Capitulo três faz uma breve análise dos resultados do artigo e também apresenta agendas de pesquisas possíveis de serem conduzias no PPGEEI. Foi verificada a importância do artigo para trazer a discussão da segurança cooperativa, pelo viés estadunidense, no âmbito da pesquisa no PPG e também para fomentar a visibilidade deste problema nos fóruns de discussão e leitores do periódico científico de sua publicação. Assim,foram cumpridos os objetivos de discutir a importância do Atlântico Sul para os Estados Unidos da América, a partir da discussão das políticas de segurança cooperativa, dos determinantes políticos internos e da mudança da relevância da região para a grande estratégia norte-americana. Inferindo então, a pertinência do Atlântico Sul, evidenciada pela busca de iniciativas de segurança colaborativa e combate às ameaças de baixa intensidade, visando conter novas ameaças e enfrentar atores não estatais.The present dissertation aims to discuss the importance of the South Atlantic to the United States of America, from the analysis of its cooperative security policies for the southern part of the Atlantic Ocean, considering mainly its internal determinants and the re-signification of the region between the years of 2003 and 2014. It is in accordance with Resolutions 114/2014 and 115/2014 of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, and therefore comprises three chapters, corresponding to three distinct parts. Chapter One presents three steps: First, it relates the context of the dissertation in the research line "International Security" of the Post-Graduate Program in International Strategic Studies. Second, it addresses some elements of the U.S. foreign and security policy, the importance of the sea for the conduct of these policies and a brief contextualization of the South Atlantic. Third, it highlights the main analytical points and considerations that developed in the next chapter. Chapter Two brings the article published in the Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval which leads, firstly to, a brief discussion of some important theoretical concepts to understand the U.S. position in the conduct of its foreign and security policy, using the debate of the U.S. internal policy on their international relations. Then, briefly discusses the importance of "use of the sea" for U.S. foreign policy, contextualizing the South Atlantic as a strategic region, discussing its geographical boundaries, economic aspects, and multilateral organizations. Finally, discuss some North American cooperative security programs for the South Atlantic and the region's growing importance, in line with the new strategic post-9/11 position. Chapter Three brings a brief analysis of the paper's impacts and presents possibilities of investigation agendas to follow on PPGEEI. Therefore, it was possible to verify that the article was important to bring the discussion of cooperative security, by the American bias, in the African region to the scope of the research in the PGP and to promote the visibility of this problem in the discussion forums and readers of the scientific journal of its publication, fulfilling its objectives of discussing the importance of the South Atlantic to the United States of America, from the discussion of the cooperative security policies for the African West Coast, through the internal political determinants and the change of the region relevance to the global north American grand strategy. Inferring then, the relevance of the South Atlantic in this grand strategy, evidenced by the search for collaborative security initiatives and to combat low intensity threats such as piracy, aiming to contain new threats and face non-state actors.
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Tynes, Sheryl Renee. "Turning points in Social Security: Explaining legislative change, 1935-1985." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184501.
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This work is a sociological analysis of factors that led to the political success of old-age insurance in the United States from 1935-1985. Archival documents, the Congressional Record, House Ways and Means and Senate Finance Committee Hearings, and secondary sources were used to piece together the social and political history of the program. The historical record was assessed in light of the pluralist, neo-Marxist and neo-Weberian theoretical frameworks typically utilized to study political change. Two key arguments are put forth. First, analyses that focus on the long-term process of social and political change are required to distinguish between the unique and the general. Other works that focus on isolated time periods cannot make these distinctions. It is also through longitudinal analysis that causality can be determined. Insights gained from a broader time-frame relate to specification of economic, political, and demographic shifts that shape the political agenda. Second, meso-level specification of organizational actors is necessary to assess the logic behind these actors' shifting positions. Organizational theory carries the analysis further than do previous theoretical perspectives, primarily because it specifies which political actors, either inside or outside the polity, attempt to influence their environment. It is through an organizational theory framework that we can determine effective strategies for instituting social change. Finally, using organizational theory and extrapolating from past events, some predictions for the future of Social Security are suggested.
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MacDonald, Robert L. "Rogue State? The United States, Unilateralism, and the United Nations." See Full Text at OhioLINK ETD Center (Requires Adobe Acrobat Reader for viewing), 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1154015815.
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Popovich, Sara A. "Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik: The Changing Role in United States-West German Relations, an Analysis of United States Government Internal Documents." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/80.
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This thesis analyzes a crucial period in the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States of America, through the use of US government internal documents. Willy Brandt brought forth a new vision of Ostpolitik that was starkly different from policies that the US had dealt with before, subsequently leaving the Nixon Administration largely unsure of how to react. The change in FRG economic positioning vis-à-vis the United States, and catalyst political events in the 1960’s, created the impetus for Brandt’s vision of OStpolitik, which culminated in the interim West German control of the Western Alliance’s Eastern Politics.
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Stefanidis, Ioannis. "United States, Great Britain and Greece, 1949-1952 : the problem of Greek security and internal stability." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244192.
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Erickson, Christian William. "The internal face of the garrison state : a comparison of United States and Russian internal security institutions and policy, 1900-2004 /." For electronic version search Digital dissertations database. Restricted to UC campuses. Access is free to UC campus dissertations, 2004. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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Hwang, In Soo. "The United States-Republic of Korea security relationship, 1953-1960 : great power and small state." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1999. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1318002/.
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This study investigates South Korea's security behaviour vis-a-vis the United States and that of the U.S. towards Korea. The significance of this study lies in its emphasis upon relations between South Korea and the United States during the 1953- 1960 period from the perspective of the patron-client state relationship. This study analyses the issues and historical events in order to trace the development of each nation's strategy, leverages, and tactics towards the other. Each chapter is related to the U.S. security commitment policy to South Korea, and South Korea's response in the frame work of the big power and small state relationship. The Introduction explains the purpose and importance of the research and the analytical framework. Chapter 1 analyses U.S. -South Korean diplomatic seesawing and Korean President Rhee's bargaining position during the Korean armistice negotiations. Chapter 2 traces the post-armistice period and the Korean Political Conference at Geneva during 1953-1954. As the Korean Armistice Agreement was a temporary measure to secure a complete cessation of hostilities, the Geneva Conference of 1954, intended to establish a political settlement, was a significant issue in the post-armistice period. Chapter 3 analyses U.S. security and military policy following the Korean War. The question of the proposed reduction of ROK forces and the redeployment of U.S. forces in Korea in connection with the 'New Look' policy were troublesome issues between Seoul and Washington, over which the two governments exerted their bargaining power. Chapter 4 deals with Rhee's conflicts with the U.S. concerning the normalisation of South Korea-Japan relations, U.S. economic policy towards Korea and its negative effects on Rhee's Government, and Rhee's undemocratic rule and dispute with the U.S. concerning Korean political affairs. Chapter 5, the conclusion of this study, summarises the research findings. As power and administration in South Korea were highly centralised under Rhee, it is important to ask to what extent did he, as the leader of the weaker state, manage and manipulate a bargaining position in Korea's relations with the United States.
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Jaehnig, James S. "Why the United States underestimated the Soviet BW threat." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FJaehnig.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.Thesis Advisor(s):Peter R. Lavoy, Mikhail Tsypkin. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.53-55). Also available in print.
Books on the topic "Internal security – United States – History"
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Jensen, Joan M. Army surveillance in America, 1775-1980. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991.
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United States. Federal Bureau of Investigation., ed. The FBI: A centennial history, 1908-2008. [Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Dept. of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2008.
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Coakley, Robert W. The role of federal military forces in domestic disorders, 1789-1878. Washington, D.C: Center of Military History, U.S. Army, 1989.
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Coakley, Robert W. The role of federal military forces in domestic disorders, 1789-1878. Washington, D.C: Center of Military History, U.S. Army, 1989.
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Scheips, Paul J. The role of federal military forces in domestic disorders, 1945-1992. Washington, DC: Center of Military History, United States Army, 2005.
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Yanuo. FBI Meiguo lian bang diao cha ju quan chuan. Nanjing: Feng huang chu ban she, 2010.
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1943-, Cole Ronald H., ed. The role of federal military forces in domestic disorders, 1877-1945. Washington, D.C: Center of Military History, U.S. Army, 1997.
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Gilensen, V. M. V tenetakh politicheskogo syska: FBR protiv amerikant͡s︡ev. Moskva: Izd-vo polit. lit-ry, 1987.
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Laurie, Clayton D. The role of federal military forces in domestic disorders, 1877-1945. Washington, D.C: Center of Military History, U.S. Army, 1997.
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Robert, Lester, Burton Alton K, and University Publications of America (Firm), eds. U.S. Army surveillance of dissidents, 1965-1972: Records of the U.S. Army's ACSI Task Force. Bethesda, MD: UPA collection from LexisNexis, 2005.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Internal security – United States – History"
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Dietrich, Christopher R. W. "Suez and the United States: Oil, Lifelines, and “All of Mankind” in the Cold War." In Palgrave Studies in Maritime Politics and Security, 71–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15670-0_4.
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AbstractThis chapter analyzes the rhetoric and policy of U.S. officials regarding oil and the Suez Canal during the early Cold War. When William J. Casey warned experts that the 1970s energy crisis was “a strategy of progressive strangulation” and that American military power was the best response, he drew on a decades-long set of beliefs that identified the Suez Canal as an artery for the economic health of “the West.” According to that perspective—which took root after World War II and drew on earlier strategic discourses of the British Empire—the supply of cheap oil was crucial to the political-economic health and national security of the capitalist world. Beginning with the threat of economic nationalism and the creation of the concepts of a “world oil market” and interdependence, that powerfully ingrained perception is critical to our understanding of twentieth century international history.
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Li, Hui, and Xin Yang. "Prototype of Sovereignty Network and Application of Private Network Based on MIN." In Co-governed Sovereignty Network, 183–257. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-2670-8_5.
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AbstractMulti-Identifier Network (MIN) is compatible with IP network, and supports naturally and gradually de-IP, which will be promoted by users and the market for its performance gains rather than by compulsively. It is a predictable circumstance that the IP network may still be mainstream at United States of American in the future. But other countries will move away from IP to MIN in order to safeguard their sovereignty over cyberspace, and the connectivity between them and IP network are guaranteed through MIN. In other words, IP network will become the internal network of the United States, while other countries will constitute a multilateral governance network system based on MIN. In brief, the applications scenarios of Co-governed Sovereignty Network based on MIN could be classified into three scales: the small-scale scenarios such as high-security private networks for enterprises, industries, and government departments; the medium-scale scenarios of industrial Internet, private network of Internet of vehicles and smart city; the United Nations of Cyberspace: raplacing the current IP network with the large-scale high-security cyberspace for multilateral condominium and sovereign autonomy.
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Laksmana, Evan A., and Michael Newell. "Indonesia: Political violence and counterterrorism: Disputed boundaries of a postcolonial state." In Non-Western responses to terrorism, 127–50. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105813.003.0006.
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This chapter argues that, contrary to the rhetoric of the War on Terror, Indonesia’s counterterrorism policies are neither specific responses to transnational terror networks, nor are they simply a byproduct of the post-9/11 era. We argue, instead, that counterterrorism policies in Indonesia cannot be disentangled from historical state reactions to internal security challenges—ranging from social violence to terrorism and secessionism—since the country’s independence in 1945. While these different conflicts had diverse political, ideological, religious and territorial characteristics, they are united as disputes over the basic institutions and boundaries of the state. In light of this history, the Indonesian state’s response to contemporary political violence—such as the 2002 Bali bombings and the threat of transnational terrorism, allegedly centered on the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) group—should be reexamined as part of these broader, historical trends in state responses to internal violence. We further argue that while the state, in seeking to maintain its territorial integrity and defend its institutions, has responded in a variety of ways to these conflicts, the particular domestic tools of coercion and repression used in President Suharto’s authoritarian New Order—from arbitrary imprisonment to forced disappearances and an all-out military campaign—have contributed to the rise of JI and its splinter groups and left a legacy of mixed responses to terror. Our examination of the evolution of internal political violence and state counterterrorism demonstrates that terrorism and counterterrorism in Indonesia are rooted within this context of the disputed postcolonial state. As such, state responses to terrorism and political violence in Indonesia have taken both a different form and function when compared to the reactions of the United States and United Kingdom. While the latter states committed their militaries abroad in an effort to exterminate foreign militants, our analysis demonstrates that the state has crafted responses to various sources of domestic violence—including different secessionist movements and JI—on an ad hoc basis and, in doing so, has utilized different security institutions, from the military to the police.
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Silva, Vanessa Gonçalves da, and José Pedro Cabrera Cabral. "The impacts of trade liberalization on the mexican countryside: 24 years from the North American free trade agreement." In Harmony of Knowledge: Exploring Interdisciplinary Synergie. Seven Editora, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/sevened2023.006-145.
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This text aims to contribute to the debate initiated in the 2000s by the BRICS initiative on Middle-Income Countries (MRCs) and the impacts of development cooperation policies. Based on the implementation of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between the United States, Canada and Mexico. It was presented at the time as a policy of development cooperation that later proved to be a large-scale action of expansion of North American market capitalism. The premise that guides the research was to analyze the socioeconomic impacts in the Mexican countryside with a focus on: a) the impacts on labor markets; (b) agricultural production and food security; c) internal and external migratory processes. The research was carried out from academic documentary sources, newspapers and official documents of the Mexican government. The focus of the analysis was a critical reading of the processes triggered by the implementation of NAFTA in the Mexican countryside. The results point to the following impacts: a) a significant increase in unemployment and informal work in the Mexican countryside; b) the increase in both internal and external migratory processes; c) the worsening of a food crisis unprecedented in the country's history.
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"8. Internal Security & the Insurgency." In United States and Two Gulf Wars, 185–224. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463215422-010.
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Robbins, Keith. "Devious Decade." In The World Since 1945, 97–142. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192803146.003.0005.
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Abstract In August 1975 the ‘Final Act’ of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe was concluded in Helsinki. The conference had begun in the Finnish capital two years earlier. Whether the ‘Final Act’, adopted by some thirty European countries, the United States, the Soviet Union, and Canada, would indeed have lasting significance remained to be seen. At the time, the Helsinki Agreement marked an important turning point in East–West relations. The post-war boundaries of Europe were given international, rather than the previous bilateral recognition. ‘Confidence-building’ measures were set in train, including notification of military exercises close to borders. The Soviet Union accepted, with the other participating states, that it would respect human rights and fundamental freedoms. The contemporary sense that detente was being achieved in the mid-1970s reflected certain comforting assumptions. It confirmed some observers in the belief that no world relationships could ever be permanent. There were pressures, either internal or external, which would inevitably modify the post-1945 pattern. On this analysis, by 1975, the very passage of time made change possible, though not inevitable. The Second World War could certainly not be ‘written out’ of the evolving history of the late twentieth century. Its outcome still shaped the fundamental power relationships of 1975.
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Shackelford, Scott J., and Scott O. Bradner. "Regulating Online Speech." In Forks in the Digital Road, 99–114. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197617762.003.0005.
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Abstract This chapter offers a brief history of online speech regulation in the United States and how it shaped the road to Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act (CDA), which is the now (in)famous “twenty-six words that created the Internet,” according to Jeff Kosseff. Those 26 words released Internet service providers and web-hosting companies from legal responsibility for information their customers posted or shared online, provided protections to websites that decided to moderate their communities, and provided legal security that allowed U.S. tech firms to flourish. That protection allowed companies to feel comfortable creating a consumer-focused Internet filled with grassroots media outlets, bloggers, customer reviews, and user-generated content. However, Section 230 also allows social media sites to operate largely without regulation, which has fueled a wave of disinformation. This chapter analyzes widespread misinformation and disinformation online and how an array of countries around the world are dealing with the fallout.
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Harvey, David. "Neoliberalism ‘with Chinese Characteristics’." In A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199283262.003.0009.
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In December 1978, faced with the dual difficulties of political uncertainty in the wake of Mao’s death in 1976 and several years of economic stagnation, the Chinese leadership under Deng Xiaoping announced a programme of economic reform. We may never know for sure whether Deng was all along a secret ‘capitalist roader’ (as Mao had claimed during the Cultural Revolution) or whether the reforms were simply a desperate move to ensure China’s economic security and bolster its prestige in the face of the rising tide of capitalist development in the rest of East and South- East Asia. The reforms just happened to coincide––and it is very hard to consider this as anything other than a conjunctural accident of world-historical significance––with the turn to neoliberal solutions in Britain and the United States. The outcome in China has been the construction of a particular kind of market economy that increasingly incorporates neoliberal elements interdigitated with authoritarian centralized control. Elsewhere, as in Chile, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore, the compatability between authoritarianism and the capitalist market had already been clearly established. While egalitarianism as a long-term goal for China was not abandoned, Deng argued that individual and local initiative had to be unleashed in order to increase productivity and spark economic growth. The corollary, that certain levels of inequality would inevitably arise, was well understood as something that would need to be tolerated. Under the slogan of xiaokang––the concept of an ideal society that provides well for all its citizens––Deng focused on ‘four modernizations’: in agriculture, industry, education, and science and defence. The reforms strove to bring market forces to bear internally within the Chinese economy. The idea was to stimulate competition between state-owned firms and thereby spark, it was hoped, innovation and growth. Market pricing was introduced, but this was probably far less significant than the rapid devolution of political-economic power to the regions and to the localities. This last move proved particularly astute. Confrontation with traditional power centres in Beijing was avoided and local initiatives could pioneer the way to a new social order.
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"Judicial cooperation between the European Union and the United States." In EU–US Cooperation on Internal Security, 67–89. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315520179-4.
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Al-Hamdani, Wasim A. "E-Mail, Web Service and Cryptography." In Applied Cryptography for Cyber Security and Defense, 52–78. IGI Global, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-61520-783-1.ch003.
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Cryptography is the study and practice of protecting information and has been used since ancient times in many different shapes and forms to protect messages from being intercepted. However, since 1976, when data encryption was selected as an official Federal Information Processing Standard (FIPS) for the United States, cryptography has gained large attention and a great amount of application and use. Furthermore, cryptography started to be part of protected public communication when e-mail became commonly used by the public. There are many electronic services. Some are based on web interaction and others are used as independent servers, called e-mail hosting services, which is an Internet hosting service that runs e-mail servers. Encrypting e-mail messages as they traverse the Internet is not the only reason to understand or use various cryptographic methods. Every time one checks his/her e-mail, the password is being sent over the wire. Many Internet service providers or corporate environments use no encryption on their mail servers and the passwords used to check mail are submitted to the network in clear text (with no encryption). When a password is put into clear text on a wire, it can easily be intercepted. Encrypting email will keep all but the most dedicated hackers from intercepting and reading a private communications. Using a personal email certificate one can digitally sign an email so that recipients can verify that it’s really from the sender as well as encrypt the messages so that only the intended recipients can view it. Web service is defined as “a software system designed to support interoperable machine-to-machine interaction over a network” and e-mail is “communicate electronically on the computer”. This chapter focus on introduce three topics: E-mail structure and organization, web service types, their organization and cryptography algorithms which integrated in the E-mail and web services to provide high level of security. The main issue in this article is to build the general foundation through Definitions, history, cryptography algorithms symmetric and asymmetric, hash algorithms, digital signature, suite B and general principle to introduce the use of cryptography in the E-mailand web service
Conference papers on the topic "Internal security – United States – History"
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Sevek, Vyacheslav K., Cheynesh G. Dongak, Olga N. Mongush, Choduraa S. Manchyk-Sat, and Ayana E. Chuldum. "Russia and its regions in the new economic reality." In Sustainable and Innovative Development in the Global Digital Age. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.czdh9237.
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In the period of tightening sanctions of the collective West, the issue of developing adaptive solutions against external and internal threats to the national economy for each region of Russia comes to the fore as a strategic regulation of the development of the changing situation, including economic independence, stability and sustainability of the national economy, the ability to self-development. The purpose of the work is to reveal the economic consequences of anti-Russian sanctions. The study uses methods of analyzing the problem of economic security and collecting facts related to the anti-Russian sanctions. The novelty of the study lies in identifying the reasons for imposing sanctions on Russia by the collective West led by the United States and identifying external and internal risks in the socio-economic situation in Russian regions. The authors conclude that Russia faced a significant collective external aggression, unparalleled in modern world and Russian history. In this regard, the development of the Russian economy should change the format of the relationship with the outside world, particularly with unfriendly countries on the internal economic policy. It is important not only to reduce the risks associated with the multiple sanctions’ packages adopted by the U.S. and Western countries, but also to restructure the economy by aiming at the growth of investments into import substitution.
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McManamon, Paul F., Gary Kamerman, and Milton Huffaker. "A history of laser radar in the United States." In SPIE Defense, Security, and Sensing, edited by Monte D. Turner and Gary W. Kamerman. SPIE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.862562.
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A. Lipinski, Tomas. "To Speak or Not to Speak: Developing Legal Standards for Anonymous Speech on the Internet." In 2002 Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2526.
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This paper explores recent developments in the regulation of Internet speech, in specific, injurious or defamatory speech and the impact such speech has on the rights of anonymous speakers to remain anonymous as opposed to having their identity revealed to plaintiffs or other third parties. The paper proceeds in four sections. First, a brief history of the legal attempts to regulate defamatory Internet speech in the United States is presented. As discussed below this regulation has altered the traditional legal paradigm of responsibility and as a result creates potential problems for the future of anonymous speech on the Internet. As a result plaintiffs are no longer pursuing litigation against service providers but taking their dispute directly to the anonymous speaker. Second, several cases have arisen in the United States where plaintiffs have requested the identity of the anonymous Internet speaker be revealed. These cases are surveyed. Third, the cases are analyzed in order to determine the factors that courts require to be present before the identity of an anonymous speaker will be revealed. The release is typically accomplished by the enforcement of a discovery subpoena issued by the moving party. The factors courts have used are as follows: jurisdiction, good faith (both internal and external), necessity (basic and sometimes absolute), and at times proprietary interest. Finally, these factors are applied in three scenarios—e-commerce, education, and employment—to guide institutions when adopting policies that regulate when the identity of an anonymous speaker— a customer, a student or an employee—would be released as part of an internal initiative, but would nonetheless be consistent with developing legal standards.
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Левин, Я. А. "The USA in the Fight against the "Internal Enemy" (Based on the FBI Materials, 1941–1945)." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.032.
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Годы Второй мировой войны знают множество примеров различных по своей сложности и исполнению разведывательных / контрразведывательных операций. Однако близко связанная с этим тема надзора и противодействия деятельности пронемецких и прояпонских общественных организаций в США достаточно мало изучена в отечественной историографии. В рамках данной статьи на нескольких конкретных примерах рассмотрено как действовали федеральные агенты в отношении общественных организаций немецкой диаспоры («Бунд»), сочувствовавших Германии объединений («Христианский фронт») и организаций японцев в США («Хеймуша Каи» и др.). Данные примеры показывают особенности и крупные недостатки работы ФБР на этих направлениях, а также дают понять, как действовали спецслужбы США в условиях войны и существующей в Америке судебной системе, а также насколько на деятельность по обеспечению внутренней безопасности влияли мотивы политической борьбы в стране. Рассмотренные примеры позволяют сделать вывод о том, что помимо продиктованных войной контрразведывательных мотивов деятельность ФБР на данном направлении имела ярко выраженную политическую окраску и была связана с борьбой администрации президента Ф. Д. Рузвельта с критикой «справа». Тем не менее результаты расследований агентов не выдержали испытаний судебным процессом и за исключением дел связанных с активностью японских организаций в США оканчивались оправдательными приговорами. Также обращает на себя внимание роль прессы в данных делах. СМИ в большинстве своём работали на обоснование деятельности Бюро и его агентов. Методологически исследование опирается на принципы историзма, проблемно-хронологический метод и методы исторической компаративистики. Статья базируется на архивных материалах Бюро и литературе по теме исследования. The years of World War II know many examples of various intelligence / counterintelligence operations in their complexity and execution. However, the closely related topic of supervision and opposition to the activities of pro-German and pro-Japanese public organizations in the United States is quite little studied in domestic historiography. Within the framework of this article, several specific examples examined how federal agents acted in relation to public organizations of the German diaspora ("Bund"), associations sympathetic to Germany ("Christian Front") and Japanese organizations in the United States ("Heimusha Kai" and others). These examples show the features and major shortcomings of the FBI's work in these areas, and also make it clear how the US intelligence services acted in the conditions of war and the existing judicial system in America, as well as how much the motives of the political struggle in the country influenced the activities to ensure internal security. The considered examples allow us to draw a conclusion that in addition to the counterintelligence motives dictated by the war, the FBI's activities in this direction had a pronounced political color and were associated with the struggle of the presidential administration F. D. Roosevelt with criticism "on the right." However, the results of the investigations of the agents did not stand the test of the trial and, with the exception of cases related to the activity of Japanese organizations in the United States, ended in acquittals. Also, the role of the press in these cases is noteworthy. The media for the most part worked to substantiate the activities of the Bureau and its agents. Methodologically, the study relies on the principles of historicism, problem-chronological method and methods of historical comparative studies. The article is based on archival materials from the Bureau and literature on the topic of research.
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Alikberov, Eduard Shabanovich, and Alfiya Rafisovna Alikberova. "THE ANALYSIS OF RELATIONS IN THE CHINA-INDIA-USA STRATEGIC TRIANGLE." In Chinese Studies in the 21st Century. Buryat State University Publishing Department, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18101/978-5-9793-1678-9-2021-1-14-20.
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The presented work is devoted to the study of the influence of such a form of rela-tionship as a triangle on the behavior of states and their interaction within the frame-work of a tripartite format. The relevance of this topic is due to the dominant position of the United States in the world, as well as the growing role in the system of interna-tional relations of two Asian giants, China and India, capable in the 21st century to-confront Western countries in the international arena. The role of the China–India–USA strategic triangle — key players in the world political arena — will increase in the near future. Using the example of the interaction of the three states of the People's Republic of China, the Republic of India and the United States of America, the study examines and analyzes the main principles of the successful coordination of the three sides in the triangle: balance of power, refraining, and security. The main conclusion of the presented study is the importance of maintaining a balance in the strategic tri-angle "China-India-USA", since the aforementioned countries occupy important posi-tions in the main areas of international relations: economy and security, the world or-der in the Asia-Pacific region depends on them. The methodological basis of the work is the general humanitarian research method-system analysis, which allowed us to analyze the principles of construction and functioning of the triangle as a system as a whole, and also to study the features of all components of this system, their interde-pendence and internal patterns of development. The materials of this article can be used in the future by international experts, orientalists and economists studying the Indo-Pacific and Asia-Pacific regions, as well as when reading a course of lectures and writing textbooks.
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de Oliveira, F. M., M. de S. Balbino, L. E. Zárate, and C. N. Nobre. "What is the Profile of American Inmate Misconduct Perpetrators? A Machine Learning Analysis." In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2022.227777.
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Correctional institutions often develop rehabilitation programs to reduce the likelihood of inmates committing internal offenses and criminal recidivism after release. Therefore, it is necessary to identify the profile of each offender, both for the appropriate indication of a rehabilitation program and the level of internal security to which he must be submitted. In this context, this work aims to discover, from Machine Learning methods and the SHAP approach, which are the most significant characteristics in the prediction of misconduct by prisoners. For this, a database produced in 2004 through the Survey of Inmates in State and Federal Correctional Facilities in the United States of America, which provides nationally representative data on prisoners in state and federal facilities, was used. The predictive model based on Random Forest had the best performance; therefore, SHAP was applied to it to interpret the results. In addition, the attributes related to the type of crime committed, age at first arrest, drug use, mental or emotional health problems, having children, and being abused before arrest are more relevant in predicting internal misconduct. Thus, it is expected to contribute to the prior classification of an inmate, on time, use of programs and practices that aim to improve the lives of offenders, their reintegration into society, and, consequently, the reduction of criminal recidivism.
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Hoxha, Besmir Buranaj, and Aravind Nair. "What Does Energy Transition Actually Mean for the Oil & Gas Industry?" In Offshore Technology Conference. OTC, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4043/32509-ms.
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Abstract What does energy transition mean? What are we transitioning to? Why now? How long will it take? And how will we get there? The scope of this paper focuses on defining the different drivers and strategies that various entities in the oil and gas industry are utilizing to transform operations and business strategies – specifically segmented to the United States, United Kingdom, and Europe. To operators, the primary focus is to transform their business (influenced by regulations and legislative policies) by reducing their carbon emissions while also investing in cleaner energy sources, such as geothermal, renewables, and hydrogen. For service companies, aside from internal decarbonization, it is another potential revenue stream by offering products, equipment, and services to operators in the ‘energy transition sector’. For ‘developing’ countries, the primary focus is on the fundamental commitment for energy diversification (e.g., energy security) in order to achieve sustainable self-sufficient energy source/s that are less impacted by socio-economical or geo-political factors. In contrast, for ‘developed’ countries, it is net-zero goals and energy security. For example, agencies such as the Department of Energy, offering funding or incentivizing projects on decarbonization, clean energy initiatives, or supporting emerging technologies on renewable and alternative energy. In hindsight, the energy transition shift will have different outcomes to different parties. The main focus in this paper is to break down the ‘buzz word’ associated with energy transition as a popular concept, fettered by technology hype, political agendas, and/or financial influences that are inherently attached to the term ‘energy transition.’ Furthermore, the paper will explain the misconceptions and intricacies behind the strategies that companies, and government agencies are undertaking in this energy paradigm shift. Lastly, emphasis will be made on what is driving this paradigm shift: technology, policy, and cultural change. Further light will be shined on how the industry's previous institutional mindset has changed to a broad, open-minded desire to create a net-positive outcome using Environmental, Social, and Governance techniques.
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Bass, B. Richard, Paul T. Williams, Terry L. Dickson, and Hilda B. Klasky. "FAVOR Version 16.1: A Computer Code for Fracture Mechanics Analyses of Nuclear Reactor Pressure Vessels." In ASME 2017 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2017-65262.
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This paper describes the current status of the Fracture Analysis of Vessels, Oak Ridge (FAVOR) computer code which has been under development at Oak Ridge National Laboratory (ORNL), with funding by the United States Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC), for over twenty-five years. Including this most recent release, v16.1, FAVOR has been applied by analysts from the nuclear industry and regulators at the NRC to perform deterministic and probabilistic fracture mechanics analyses to review / assess / update regulations designed to insure that the structural integrity of aging, and increasingly embrittled, nuclear reactor pressure vessels (RPVs) is maintained throughout the vessel’s operational service life. Early releases of FAVOR were developed primarily to address the pressurized thermal shock (PTS) issue; therefore, they were limited to applications involving pressurized water reactors (PWRs) subjected to cool-down transients with thermal and pressure loading applied to the inner surface of the RPV wall. These early versions of FAVOR were applied in the PTS Re-evaluation Project to successfully establish a technical foundation that served to better inform the basis of the then-existent PTS regulations to the original PTS Rule (Title 10 of the Code of Federal Regulations, Chapter I, Part 50, Section 50.61, 10CFR 50.61). A later version of FAVOR resulting from this project (version 06.1 - released in 2006) played a major role in the development of the Alternative PTS Rule (10 CFR 50.61.a). This paper describes recent ORNL developments of the FAVOR code; a brief history of verification studies of the code is also included. The 12.1 version (released in 2012) of FAVOR represented a significant generalization over previous releases insofar as it included the ability to encompass a broader range of transients (heat-up and cool-down) and vessel geometries, addressing both PWR and boiling water reactor (BWR) RPVs. The most recent public release of FAVOR, v16.1, includes improvements in the consistency and accuracy of the calculation of fracture mechanics stress-intensity factors for internal surface-breaking flaws; special attention was given to the analysis of shallow flaws. Those improvements were realized in part through implementation of the ASME Section XI, Appendix A, A-3000 curve fits into FAVOR; an overview of the implementation of those ASME curve fits is provided herein. Recent results from an extensive verification benchmarking project are presented that focus on comparisons of solutions from FAVOR versions 16.1 and 12.1 referenced to baseline solutions generated with the commercial ABAQUS code. The verifications studies presented herein indicate that solutions from FAVOR v16.1 exhibit an improvement in predictive accuracy relative to FAVOR v12.1, particularly for shallow flaws.
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Maitland, Clay. "Lessons and Memories of the Titanic, (1912-2012)." In SNAME 10th International Conference and Exhibition on Performance of Ships and Structures in Ice. SNAME, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/icetech-2012-m-tt-1.
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The historical legacy of the TITANIC defies a brief manuscript of 20- plus pages. Much better, and more detailed work has been done to give the subject a “modern” context, notably by the United States Coast Guard in the Summer 2012 issue of Proceedings of the Marine Safety and Security Council, vol.69, no. 2, from which the following remarks draw heavily. The night of April 14, 1912 – the famous “night to remember,” chosen by Walter Lord as the title of his excellent history – presents us with many questions that will probably never be answered. Most of these are technical: the “what ifs” that, in one form or another, haunt us after, but usually not before, a disaster at sea. The importance of safety at sea is shown by the pictures available since 1985, showing the broken fragments of wreckage lying on the ocean floor south of Cape Race. Since the wreckage was located, we can see the pairs of empty shoes and boots that mark where human remains once lay. The TITANIC facts are familiar: at 11:40 P.M. on April 14, 1912, she collided with an iceberg. Two hours and 40 minutes later, the pride of the White Star Line began her two-mile plunge to the bottom of the North Atlantic. Of the 2,224 passengers and crew aboard, only 710 survived. While there have been sea disasters that produced greater loss of life, the sinking of TITANIC is probably the most famous and far-reaching maritime disaster in history. While the loss of TITANIC has been described as “perhaps the most documented and least commonly understood marine casualty in maritime history”, a positive result of the TITANIC disaster, and of course many other tragedies at sea that have occurred since, has been to establish a formal protocol of goals and procedures for analysis and investigation. These goals, from the point of view of the investigator/flag state, other governments, the International Maritime Organization (IMO), and other regulators, is the identification of unsafe conditions, in order to identify them in advance of future disasters. Today, responsible regimes charged with administration of the safety of life at sea are said to follow a philosophy of prevention first and, then, response. The 1985 discovery of the wreck of the TITANIC sparked a new round of forensic investigation. The bow section was found largely intact with the stern section in hundreds of pieces approximately 2,000 feet away. The realization that TITANIC’s hull had broken at some point during the sinking added a new understanding of the already famous disaster. The discovery of the wreck also provided new forensic evidence in the form of recovered artifacts and detailed surveys. It was these new clues and advances in computer-driven engineering tools that gave rise to a revision of previously held beliefs. The significance of the TITANIC, and the events that led to such a large loss of life, remain with us today.
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Zeng, Lei, and Hong Chen. "A case study of the Shanghai No. 20 tram on cultural bus service design based on the AT-ONE Rule." In 14th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2023). AHFE International, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1003817.
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In the new era environment, the metropolitan public transportation system is constantly evolving. The relevant administrative departments in Shanghai have proposed measures to create cultural buses and build characteristic lines in order to promote Shanghai culture and improve bus service. Using the Shanghai NO.20 tram as an example, this paper investigates how to combine Shanghai culture with tram ride service in order to make the NO.20 tram a distinctive route. The study employed participatory observation and the AT-ONE rule to investigate the entire waiting, boarding, and alighting process, as well as to analyze the passenger experience and service flow of the NO.20 tram, in combined with the urban cultural elements of Shanghai. Based on the service design concept, the corresponding design strategies and measures were proposed.Study content. 1.Service design and the AT-ONE rule The goal of service design, which establishes the service from the customer's perspective, is to ensure that the service meets the user's requirements. One of the most common methods in service design research is the AT-ONE rule. It is a method of user-centered design that connects stakeholders through various touch points.2.Analysis of Shanghai culture Shanghai culture is a unique cultural phenomenon based on the traditional culture of Jiangnan (Wu-Yue culture) and the fusion of modern industrial civilization from Europe and the United States, which had a profound impact on Shanghai after the opening of the port. 3.Analysis of No.20 tram and design elements The "Mobile Bus Museum" is the name given to the No. 20 tram, which connects Jing'an Temple Station and Zhaofeng Park Station. Passengers, ride process, primary touch points, and other design components are all examined. This section examines individual passenger characteristics, focusing primarily on the elderly, with less emphasis on the young and middle-aged populations. The ride has three stages: waiting, riding, and getting off. The main points of contact are the armrests, seats, LED screen, and so on. Analyzing numerous design features is an important part of improving passenger riding experience and creating a cultural bus.4. No.20 tram design strategy External design strategy（1）External painting artistry The purpose of exterior painting artistry is to improve the appearance of the vehicle and the passenger riding experience. It primarily mixes Shanghai's history and contemporary style, with a concentration on Art Deco, technology, Pop, and retro styles.（2）Stylized external shape The outside shape is mostly mixed with Shanghai's characteristic architectural style for local enhancement, such as Art Deco style, in order to evoke a nostalgic feeling of Shanghai culture among local passengers and increase the recognition of No. 20 tram. Internal design strategy （1）Scientific interior layout The scientific layout of the car ensures the passengers' ease, comfort, and safety during the voyage. This part is concerned with the scientific design of the interior space in order to fulfill the needs of various passengers and improve their riding experience.（2）Humanized design of interior facilities Humanized design is a growing trend and an unavoidable requirement in modern urban bus design, and humanized interior facilities can improve passenger travel quality. The intelligent facilities (LED screen, intelligent audio, etc.) and infrastructure (seats, handrails, etc.) inside the bus are designed to effectively improve the comfort and fun of passenger travel based on the results of the pre-AT-ONE rule analysis. 5. 20 cultural bus prototype test The styling elements of the No. 20 tram were taken from the old trolleybus, and the side of the body depicts the major changes of Shanghai trams over the past century, presenting an overall retro style. The interior is predominantly blue, echoing the body painting. To meet the travel needs of different passengers, the interior space is divided into love seat area, wheelchair area, and seating area; the interior facilities are also optimized based on the preliminary contact analysis, such as more beautiful and intelligent LED screen style and interactive interface, more comfortable and safe seats and handrails, etc., which not only improve the travel experience of passengers but also promote the spread of Shanghai culture. 6. Summary Creating an image of Shanghai's 'Century Bus' culture and bus service is a major goal proposed by the Shanghai government, with the goal of combining Shanghai culture with buses, improving bus service, and promoting Shanghai's cultural heritage. The AT-ONE rule guides the exploration of cultural bus service design strategies for its five dimensions of service subjects, touchpoints, service supply, user needs, and user experience, with the goal of improving the original bus service model and enhancing user experience.
Reports on the topic "Internal security – United States – History"
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Lewis, Dustin, Radhika Kapoor, and Naz Modirzadeh. Advancing Humanitarian Commitments in Connection with Countering Terrorism: Exploring a Foundational Reframing concerning the Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/uzav2714.
Full textAbstract:
The imperative to provide humanitarian and medical services on an urgent basis in armed conflicts is anchored in moral tenets, shared values, and international rules. States spend tens of billions of dollars each year to help implement humanitarian programs in conflicts across the world. Yet, in practice, counterterrorism objectives increasingly prevail over humanitarian concerns, often resulting in devastating effects for civilian populations in need of aid and protection in war. Not least, confusion and misapprehensions about the power and authority of States relative to the United Nations Security Council to set policy preferences and configure legal obligations contribute significantly to this trajectory. In this guide for States, we present a framework to reconfigure relations between these core commitments by assessing the counterterrorism architecture through the lens of impartial humanitarianism. We aim in particular to provide an evidence base and analytical frame for States to better grasp key legal and policy issues related to upholding respect for principled humanitarian action in connection with carrying out the Security Council’s counterterrorism decisions. We do so because the lack of knowledge regarding interpretation and implementation of counterterrorism resolutions matters for the coherence, integrity, and comprehensiveness of humanitarian policymaking and protection of the humanitarian imperative. In addition to analyzing foundational concerns and evaluating discernible behaviors and attitudes, we identify avenues that States may take to help achieve pro-humanitarian objectives. We also endeavor to help disseminate indications of, and catalyze, States’ legally relevant positions and practices on these issues. In section 1, we introduce the guide’s impetus, objectives, target audience, and structure. We also describe the methods that we relied on and articulate definitions for key terms. In section 2, we introduce key legal actors, sources of law, and the notion of international legal responsibility, as well as the relations between international and national law. Notably, Security Council resolutions require incorporation into national law in order to become effective and enforceable by internal administrative and judicial authorities. In section 3, we explain international legal rules relevant to advancing the humanitarian imperative and upholding respect for principled humanitarian action, and we sketch the corresponding roles of humanitarian policies, programs, and donor practices. International humanitarian law (IHL) seeks to ensure — for people who are not, or are no longer, actively participating in hostilities and whose needs are unmet — certain essential supplies, as well as medical care and attention for the wounded and sick. States have also developed and implemented a range of humanitarian policy frameworks to administer principled humanitarian action effectively. Further, States may rely on a number of channels to hold other international actors to account for safeguarding the humanitarian imperative. In section 4, we set out key theoretical and doctrinal elements related to accepting and carrying out the Security Council’s decisions. Decisions of the Security Council may contain (binding) obligations, (non-binding) recommendations, or a combination of the two. UN members are obliged to carry out the Council’s decisions. Member States retain considerable interpretive latitude to implement counterterrorism resolutions. With respect to advancing the humanitarian imperative, we argue that IHL should represent a legal floor for interpreting the Security Council’s decisions and recommendations. In section 5, we describe relevant conduct of the Security Council and States. Under the Resolution 1267 (1999), Resolution 1989 (2011), and Resolution 2253 (2015) line of resolutions, the Security Council has established targeted sanctions as counterterrorism measures. Under the Resolution 1373 (2001) line of resolutions, the Security Council has adopted quasi-“legislative” requirements for how States must counter terrorism in their national systems. Implementation of these sets of resolutions may adversely affect principled humanitarian action in several ways. Meanwhile, for its part, the Security Council has sought to restrict the margin of appreciation of States to determine how to implement these decisions. Yet international law does not demand that these resolutions be interpreted and implemented at the national level by elevating security rationales over policy preferences for principled humanitarian action. Indeed, not least where other fields of international law, such as IHL, may be implicated, States retain significant discretion to interpret and implement these counterterrorism decisions in a manner that advances the humanitarian imperative. States have espoused a range of views on the intersections between safeguarding principled humanitarian action and countering terrorism. Some voice robust support for such action in relation to counterterrorism contexts. A handful call for a “balancing” of the concerns. And some frame respect for the humanitarian imperative in terms of not contradicting counterterrorism objectives. In terms of measures, we identify five categories of potentially relevant national counterterrorism approaches: measures to prevent and suppress support to the people and entities involved in terrorist acts; actions to implement targeted sanctions; measures to prevent and suppress the financing of terrorism; measures to prohibit or restrict terrorism-related travel; and measures that criminalize or impede medical care. Further, through a number of “control dials” that we detect, States calibrate the functional relations between respect for principled humanitarian action and countering terrorism. The bulk of the identified counterterrorism measures and related “control dials” suggests that, to date, States have by and large not prioritized advancing respect for the humanitarian imperative at the national level. Finally, in section 6, we conclude by enumerating core questions that a State may answer to help formulate and instantiate its values, policy commitments, and legal positions to secure respect for principled humanitarian action in relation to counterterrorism contexts.