Relevant bibliographies by topics / Internal Revolutionaries

Academic literature on the topic 'Internal Revolutionaries'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Internal Revolutionaries"

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Reynolds, Siân. "Children of Revolutionaries under Stress: The Case of the Bordeaux Girondins." Nottingham French Studies 59, no. 2 (July 2020): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2020.0280.

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This article is part of a study of the families of French revolutionaries. Many leading politicians had young children and often suffered disproportionately from family disruption, internal exile, imprisonment or death in the years 1793–95. This sample focuses on families of ten Girondin deputés to the Convention, most of whom were executed during the Terror. Based in the commercial port of Bordeaux, several of these families were linked by marriage or friendship. It considers their survival strategies, networks of support, and the trajectories of certain children. The (controversial) reputation of the Girondins was later defended by some of their descendants resulting in Bordeaux's Monument to them, dating from 1901.
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Daniel, Ondřej. "Music Subculture versus Class Revolutionaries: Czech Antifascism in the Postsocialist Era." Fascism 9, no. 1-2 (December 21, 2020): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-09010008.

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Abstract With its roots in the political, economic and social changes of 1989/1990, the Czech antifascist movement was initially characterized by its young supporters, who came mostly from subcultural and anarchist circles. When violent far-right skinheads increased their attacks in the country between 1990 and 1992, local antifascists were the main group to physically confront them. Three decades later, as a result of generational and tactical changes, Czech antifascists’ agenda is largely at odds with the class politics that drive important parts of the anarchist movement. At the same time, the antifascist movement retains some subcultural traits that have become depoliticized. Its strategy is now limited to monitoring far-right activists online and running cultural events. This study analyzes internal debates over the antifascist movement’s positions and reflects on their development over time.
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Goldfarb, S. I. "Isaac Goldberg’s Political View of the Idea of a Constituent Assembly." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 35 (2021): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2021.35.38.

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The paper has presented social and political scene in Siberia in the early XX century in the context of social and political movements’ activities. Democratic principles of building a sustainable administration through establishing a Constituent Assembly were the key idea of the activities. I. G. Goldberg was a key player representing Siberian democracy in the paper. Goldberg’s activity has been viewed both as a Siberian Socialist Revolutionary Party’s member, and a social activist. The author highlighted some key issues related to advancing the idea of establishing a Constituent Assembly and internal political struggle resulting from fruitful activity of Goldberg and socialist revolutionaries in Siberia. Peaceful and constructive opposition to the Civil War, Bolshevism’s and Kolchak’s dictatorship, and statelessness were at center stage.
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Reznik, Aleksandr Valerievich. "On the study of the language the documents of incarcerated oppositionists of the Upper Ural political detention center." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2021): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.1.34804.

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This article is first in historiography to set the subject of the analysis as the political language of the “Notebooks of the Upper Ural political detention center” – a body of texts written by the incarcerated oppositionists of Communism during 1932-1933. These documents became part of public domain only as recently as 2018. They have practically not been implemented into the scientific discourse, which complicates the task of authorship, detailed reconstruction of the practices of creation and proliferation of the “notebooks”, but at the same time raises the relevance of these texts from the political and cultural perspectives.  The author poses the question of rhetorical and pragmatic peculiarities of the texts of various genre. The texts are viewed in the context of the discourse on the language of the 1920s and early 1930s, canonic formulas of writing of the revolutionaries, as well as the factor of incarceration and internal discussions among the authors. The article highlights similarities and dissimilarities with the so-called “Soviet language” in the aspects of usage of clichés, citation techniques and stylistics eclectics. A hypothesis is advanced that the stylistics of texts carried an imprint of the cultural level of the authors and the conditions of incarceration, combination of which showed traces of the canonical political narratives of the revolutionaries, as well as bureaucratized depersonified language. The conclusion is made that the “notebooks” served as support of collective identity of the oppositionists, and can be viewed as the language of opposition.
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Schmitt, Oliver Jens. "„Balkan-Wien“ – Versuch einer Verflechtungsgeschichte der politischen Emigration aus den Balkanländern im Wien der Zwischenkriegszeit (1918–1934) / “Balkan Vienna” – Reflections on an Histoire croisée of Political Emigration from the Balkans to Vienna during the Interwar Period (1918–1934)." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 268–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0112.

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Abstract This paper follows “Balkan Vienna”, a media phenomenon as well as a media construct created both by the Viennese press and from the perspective of the Balkans themselves. The decline of the once brilliant capital of the great empire into a hotbed of revolutionaries and terrorists was recorded in Belgrade with scorn and fear. In Vienna, the press addressed these events in terms that sought to distance the capital from the southeast. However, at the same time the Viennese press admired the political activists from the Balkans, exoticising them as heroes. Thus, the press externalised Austrian domestic contradictions through their discussions of Balkan politics. By reporting scandal and sleaze, the press perpetuated the image of Vienna as a refuge for revolutionary activities and “typical Balkan” violence. “Balkan Vienna” is thus a social and political place, one of local, national, transnational, Balkanic and European linkages. As such, it is part of a new discourse, which relocates the internal and external view of Vienna and Austria on the mental map of Europe.
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Липовецкий, Павел Евгеньевич. "The Revolution and the Revolutionaries: A View of the Conservative Publicists of the Church Periodicals of 1905-1907." Церковный историк, no. 1(1) (June 15, 2019): 250–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/chist.2019.1.1.019.

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В статье раскрывается отношение православных публицистов консервативного направления к событиям Первой русской революции 1905-1907 гг. Анализ понятийного аппарата авторов позволил выявить два важнейших понятия, служивших для выражения отношения к революции: «смута» и «враги». Смута по своей сути отождествлялась авторами материалов с периодом начала XVII в. Вместе с нестабильностью как чертой времени в их глазах важной чертой была и необходимость защищать Родину от угрожавших ей «врагов». В определение последних публицисты вкладывали целый набор черт - от внешнего вида и манеры поведения до оценки их духовного состояния. Вместе с тем «враги» в статьях разделялись на внешних и внутренних в зависимости от происхождения и методов борьбы. The article studies the attitude of orthodox publicists of conservative direction to the events of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907. The analysis of the authors' conceptual apparatus reveals the two most important concepts used to express their attitude to the revolution: "distemper" and "enemies". The authors of the material identified Troubles in its essence with the time of the beginning of the 17th century. Along with instability as a feature of the times, an important feature in their eyes was the need to defend the homeland from the "enemies" who threatened it. Publicists defined the latter by a whole set of traits ranging from physical appearance and mannerisms to an assessment of their spiritual state. At the same time, the "enemies" in the articles were divided into external and internal, depending on their origins and methods of struggle.
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Ėmužis, Marius. "Nesutarimai ir kovos dėl lyderystės tarp Lietuvos komunistų 1935–1937 m." Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2019/1 (September 1, 2019): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/2019/1/4.

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This article analyses the internal fight between the leadership of the Communist Party of Lithuania (LCP) in the 1930s. In the 1920s and early 1930s the LCP had two strong leaders: Zigmas Angarietis and Vincas Kapsukas who disagreed on some revolutionary tactics related issues. Z. Angarietis, being the leader of the Lithuanian section in the Comintern, was in control of many of the everyday affairs of the Communist underground movement in Lithuania and the Soviet Union. Being able to send young revolutionaries to Communist schools and courses in Moscow, he attracted some ollowers. V. Kapsukas, however, being an old revolutionary Bolshevik and one of the ideologues of Lithuanian Communism, was a moral authority, who also attracted followers. Following the death of V. Kapsukas in 1935, Z. Angarietis wished to advance with the new Comintern tactics of popular fronts and thus wanted to consolidate his power in Lithuania, though some of the former V. Kapsukas’ followers, mainly Aizikas Lifšicas and Karolis Grosmanas, disagreed with Z. Angarietis and the new tactics. Z. Angarietis managed to replace them but they started objecting their ousting by sending letters to other LCP Central Committee members and the Comintern Executive Committee. This had the opposite effect as Z. Angarietis and his followers started to suspect both A. Lifšicas and K. Grosmanas of treason and of being Trotskyists. Finally, A. Lifšicas was expelled from the party and K. Grosmanas, acknowledging his guilt, was spared. Z. Angarietis and his followers, advancing the new Comintern tactics (adopted at the seventh congress) managed to expand the circle of Communist sympathizers which proved very useful in the new administration after the occupation of 1940.
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Bystrov, Vladimir Y., and Vladimir M. Kamnev. "G. Lukács, “Techeniye” and Stalinism." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 62, no. 7 (October 10, 2019): 110–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2019-62-7-110-123.

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The article discusses the attitude of Georg Lukács and his adherents who formed a circle “Techeniye” (lit. “current”) toward the phenomenon of Stalinism. Despite the political nature of the topic, the authors are aspired to provide an unbiased research. G. Lukács’ views on the theory and practice of Stalinism evolved over time. In the 1920s Lukács welcomes the idea of creation of socialism in one country and abandons the former revolutionary ideas expressed in his book History and Class Consciousness. This turn is grounded by new interpretation of Hegel as “realistic” thinker whose “realism” was shown in the aspiration to find “reconciliation” with reality (of the Prussian state) and in denial of any utopias. The philosophical evolution leading to “realism” assumes integration of revolutionaries into the hierarchy of existing society. The article “Hölderlin’s Hyperion” represents attempt to justify Stalinism as a necessary and “progressive” phase of revolutionary development of the proletariat. Nevertheless, events of the second half of the 1930s (mass repressions, the peace treaty with Nazi Germany) force Lukács to realize the catastrophic nature of political strategy of Stalinism. In his works, Lukács ceases to analyze political topics and concentrates on problems of aesthetics and literary criticism. However, his aesthetic position allows to reconstruct the changed political views and to understand why he had earned the reputation of the “internal opponent” to Stalinism. After 1956, Lukács turns to political criticism of Stalinism, which nevertheless remains unilateral. He sees in Stalinism a kind of the left sectarianism, the theory and practice of the implementation of civil war measures in the era of peaceful co-existence of two systems.
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Bezarov, Oleksandr. "Jewish Pogroms in the Historical Context of the First Russian Revolution." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 1, no. 47 (June 30, 2018): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2018.47.115-127.

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The article studies the place and role of Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire in thehistorical context of the First Russian Revolution of 1905 – 1907. It was proved that Jewish pogroms were a trigger mechanism used by opposition and revolutionary groups in the Russian Empire and beyond, in order to provoke a political confrontation with the Russian government, which was postfactum declared to be the fault of the «mass murder of peaceful Jews». The corresponding propaganda of the «pogrom policy of autocracy» was supported by the opposition and revolutionary periodical press. According to the logic of the Russian opposition it should, firstly, destabilize the internal situation in the country, and, secondly, discredit the autocracy in the eyes of the world community. The confrontation was critical when both sides of the conflict began to resort to the method of pogroms provocation. If anti-government groups used this method at the beginning of the revolutionary events, the Russian authorities turned to the corresponding «services» of the monarchists and the Russian citizens loyal to the regime at the final stage of the revolution when the government demanded more determination in its suppression. The author believes that the First Russian Revolution failed to solve the Jewish question. Accordingly, Russian Jewry again turned into a hostage in the confrontation of the autocracy with the opposition political groups, and the territory of the Jewish Pale of Settlement remained a human capacity and source of energy in the development of the Russian revolutionary movement in subsequent years as well, because if the autocracy succeeded in breaking out the victory of the hands of Jewish revolutionaries in 1905 – 1907, it was only at the cost of victims of their own citizens. Keywords: Jewish pogroms 1905 ‒ 1907, First Russian Revolution, Bund, Jewish self-defence, Russianempire
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Kolotkov, M. B. "Revolutionary Terror in Russia in 1906—1907: Historical and Legal Aspect." Lex Russica, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 159–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2019.146.1.159-173.

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The paper presents an analysis of legal technologies of counteraction to terrorism in Russia in 19061907. The complex of special organizational and legal measures taken by the Russian authorities at the beginning of the XX century in order to counter the terrorist threat is studied. Special attention is given to both law-making and law-enforcement activities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which continued to carry out systematic work to suppress the activities of terrorist groups. An attempt is made to establish key legal obstacles and restrictions to build an effective mechanism to combat terrorist crimes. It is noted that by the beginning of 1906 the method of organizing terrorist activities of revolutionary organizations had undergone significant changes: terror in Russia had become decentralized, and the procedure for making a decision on the implementation of another terrorist act had changed. The political component of the Party’s activities faded into the background, as the mass nature of terrorist practices by revolutionaries was not actually analyzed in any way, and the terror itself became more opportunistic and consistent with the realities of the revolutionary time. During this period, Russia began to register the facts of terrorist acts against members of pro-government organizations and structures of patriotic orientation: cases of terrorist acts against representatives of “legalized” political societies (primarily Black-Hundred organizations) became more frequent, which could provoke the emergence of mass inter-party protests. At the same time, the analysis of the revolutionary situation in Russia at that time shows that the majority of the known revolutionary parties made attempts to organize a mass armed uprising. Attention is focused on the emergence in the terrorist environment of a new tactic of political struggle through terrorist attacks — the organization of guerrilla warfare. Particular attention is given to the study of the problem of effective management of the Secret Agency of the Police Department.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Internal Revolutionaries"

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Sheldrake, Peter Francis, and not supplied. "Corporate Innovation - the role of internal revolutionaries." RMIT University. Graduate School of Business, 2008. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080725.140339.

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This integrating essay reviews three books, Inclusive Leadership, written with a co-author, Brian Hirsh, Ronin and Revolutionaries and The Ronin Age. The essay explores the idea of the internal revolutionary, or Ronin, and examines various models of leadership and influence that have characterised organisational thinking over many years, and the challenges that Ronin pose for leadership and effective management. It also explores the extent to which the focus on innovative thinking is increased by the growing importance of knowledge as a key competitive issue.
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Books on the topic "Internal Revolutionaries"

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The Degaev affair: Terror and treason in Tsarist Russia. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003.

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Undercover agents in the Russian revolutionary movement: The SR party, 1902-14. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988.

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Schleifman, Nurit. Undercover agents in the Russian revolutionary movement: The SR party, 1902-14. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan in association with St. Antony's College, Oxford, 1988.

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Haywood, Trevor. Praise the Net and pass the modem: Revolutionaries and captives in the information society. Edinburgh: Merchiston Publishing, 1997.

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Ruggiero, Vincenzo. Understanding Political Violence (Crime & Justice). Open University Press, 2006.

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Understanding Political Violence (Crime and Justice). Open University Press, 2006.

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Pipes, Richard. The Degaev Affair: Terror and Treason in Tsarist Russia. Yale University Press, 2005.

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Code Geass. Bandai Entertainment, 2009.

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Borogan, Irina. The Red Web: The Struggle Between Russia's Digital Dictators and the New Online Revolutionaries. PublicAffairs, 2015.

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The Department of Police of the Ministry of Internal Affairs: The Fifth Department of the Special Section of the Department of Police (secret unit) : the intercepted letters of the Russian revolutionaries, 1883-1917 = Departament politsii Ministerstva vnutrennikh del : Pyatoe otdelenie osobogo otdela departamenta politsii (sekretnaya chast') : "Perlyustratsii", 1883-1917 : from the holdings of the State Archive of the Russian Federation, Moscow, Russia. Woodbridge, Conn: Primary Source Media, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Internal Revolutionaries"

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Jones, Polly. "Perestroika and Post-Soviet Afterlives." In Revolution Rekindled, 229–66. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198804345.003.0006.

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This chapter focusses on the dramatic changes that the ‘Fiery Revolutionaries’ series underwent over the last decade of Soviet power. It first analyses the difficult conditions for the series in the early 1980s, as official suspicion of the series and its ‘niche’ mounted, and as censorship became more oppressive. However, these conditions of the late Brezhnev, Andropov, and Chernenko periods ultimately proved easier and more productive than the Gorbachev era: glasnost and perestroika marked the peak of popular interest in Soviet history nationwide, but also a full-blown crisis for the series. It came under threat in the mid- to late 1980s, as both public and internal criticism singled out ‘Fiery Revolutionaries’ for its historical falsifications and declining literary quality; sales and popular interest went into free fall, and the series closed in 1990. The conclusion traces Politizdat’s transformation into a post-Soviet philosophical publishing house, and shows that the series itself has been selectively reimagined, from the late 1990s to the present, as a dissident and liberal project, rather than fully revived in all its diversity.
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Latner, Teishan A. "Missiles, in Human Form." In Cuban Revolution in America. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635460.003.0003.

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Chapter Two examines efforts by the FBI, CIA, local law enforcement, and U.S. politicians to portray travel to Cuba by American dissidents as a threat to U.S. national security. Alleging covert Cuban involvement in left-wing political bombings, espionage, street demonstrations, and growing interest in socialism among the American public, U.S. officials claimed that Cuba’s support for American radicals posed an internal security threat. Lurid media coverage focused on the Venceremos Brigade and Black Panther Party, which were accused of violating the U.S. travel ban to Cuba to receive training in guerrilla warfare from Fidel Castro’s government. The imagined perils of contact between Cuba’s revolutionaries and American radicals, however, lay in their ideological, not military, potentials. In 1976, the FBI summed up a decade of investigations, concluding that the communist nation had been the single greatest foreign influence on domestic radicalism during the 1960s.
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Rotberg, Robert I. "African Economies and Their Challenges." In Things Come Together, 85–117. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190942540.003.0004.

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Population numbers throughout most of Africa will continue to increase severely in most parts of Africa for the next thirty years. Unless women in sub-Saharan Africa suddenly cease having more than two and sometimes as many as seven children, the gross labor force, unskilled and skilled, in almost every country will continue to grow despite existing, alarming, formal unemployment rates of 40% or more. To meet the minimum income needs of their citizens, to create a more robust consumer society, to grow the tax base on which governments fund their provisions of services and welfare, and to attract more and more external investment, sub-Saharan nation-states hence need to create jobs—the smarter, the more enduring, and the more capable of contributing a beneficial multiplying boost the better. New jobs are the key to sub-Saharan Africa’s future—to its increased prosperity, to its fuller integration into world trading systems, and to winning its several internal battles against fundamentalist insurgents and other supposed revolutionaries.
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Shelby, Tommie. "Army of the Wronged: Autobiography, Political Prisoners, and Black Radicalism." In Cannons and Codes, 296–312. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197509371.003.0017.

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Shelby presents an analysis of the warfare between Black radicals associated with the Black Panther Party and the US government during the era of the Black Power movement. Shelby observes that these would-be revolutionaries regarded US law as having no authority over them. The radicals also thought that their declaration of war was reciprocated, that state officials were self-consciously using the tactics and machinery of war to repress this internal uprising and insurgency, including killing, capturing, and incapacitating Black radicals. Shelby contends that there is truth in this characterization, and lessons to be learned from it. He explores the underlying questions of political morality through an examination and comparison of four autobiographies—by George Jackson, Huey Newton, Angela Davis, and Assata Shakur. Each spent significant time in prison, and each regarded themselves as political prisoners and, in some ways, as prisoners of war. Attention is given to the narrative conventions these authors rely on to achieve their aims, a tradition that can be traced to, but differs in important ways from, African American slave narratives.
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Maclean, Kama. "Intermediaries, the Revolutionaries and the Congress." In A Revolutionary History of Interwar India, 101–18. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190217150.003.0004.

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Thompson, Tok. "Netizens, Revolutionaries, and the Inalienable Right to the Internet." In Posthuman Folklore, 95–114. University Press of Mississippi, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496825087.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the political implications of communal vernacular online art such as memes, mashups, and more. The tensions between these communal processes, and the various claims to authority, ownership, and censorship by institutions such as nation-states and media corporations, have erupted in epic cultural clashes regarding the very nature of art, freedom of speech, and politics. Such new moves challenge dominant regimes and dominant modes of thought, and are reconfiguring people’s relationship to the nation-state, traditional media, and corporate ownership of culture.
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Thompson, Tok. "Netizens, Revolutionaries, and the Inalienable Right to the Internet." In Folk Culture in the Digital Age: The Emergent Dynamics of Human Interaction, 46–59. Utah State University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.7330/9780874218909.c02.

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Fuke, Hidenori. "Structural Changes and Regulatory Challenges in Japanese Telecommunications." In Networking and Telecommunications, 1812–30. IGI Global, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-986-1.ch116.

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The structure of the telecommunications industry in Japan has been changing revolutionarily. The changes are observed in five phases: (1) development of competition into the local call market, (2) diffusion of broadband Internet and development of inter-platform competition, (3) rapid growth of cellular services and Internet access via cellular, (4) decline of POTS (plain old telephone service), and (5) structural changes from vertical integration to layered structure and development of media convergence. These changes require total review of the regulatory framework that was formed in the POTS era. In this chapter, I propose to review: (a) essential facilities regulation, (b) a universal service system, and (c) a flat-rate pricing system of the Internet to solve problems that are likely to distort the new industry structure and would stress the importance of a regulatory system that is competition, technology, and content neutral.
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Conference papers on the topic "Internal Revolutionaries"

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Alpert, Erika. "Men and Monsters: Hunting for Love Online in Japan." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.1-2.

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This paper presents the results of initial fieldwork on Online dating (netto-jô konkatsu, koikatsu) and other types of internet-based partner matching options in Japan, focusing on the possibilities for textual and interactional self-representation on different sites and apps available to single Japanese. This includes widespread international apps like Tinder and Grindr, along with local apps like 9 Monsters, a popular gay app that also incorporates light gaming functions, or Zexy En-Musubi, a revolutionarily egalitarian site aimed at heterosexual singles specifically seeking marriage. I approach this question by looking at the different technological affordances for profile creation using these services, and the ways users engage with those affordances to create profiles and to search for partners, based on examinations of websites, apps, and public profiles; interviews with website producers; and ethnographic interviews with past and current users of Online dating services. I primarily argue that self-presentation in Japanese Online dating hinges on the use of polite speech forms towards unknown readers, which have the power to flatten out gendered speech differences that are characteristic of language ideologies in Japan (Nakamura 2007). However, dominant cultural ideas about gender, sexuality, and marriage—such as patriarchal marriage structures—may still be “baked into” the structure of apps (Dalton and Dales 2016). Studying Online dating in Japan is critical because of its growing social acceptance. While in 2008 the only “respectable” site was a Japanese version of Match.com, in 2018 there are numerous sites and apps created by local companies for local sensibilities. Where Online dating was already established, in the West, there was little sociological study of it while it was becoming popular, in part because research on the internet also lacked respectability. By looking at Japan, where acceptance is growing but Online dating has not yet been normalized, we can gain a deeper understanding of its gender, sexuality, romance, and marriage practices. Japan’s experiences can also potentially provide a model for understanding how Online dating practices might develop elsewhere. In the US, Online dating faced many of the stigmas that it continues to face in Japan—such as that it was “sleazy,” “sketchy,” or desperate. In spite of these stigmas, however, Online dating grew slowly until it suddenly exploded (Orr 2004). Will it explode in Japan? By looking at how people use these sites, this paper also hopes to shed light on the uptake of Online partner matching practices.
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