Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Internal colonialism'
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Pinderhughes, Charles. "21st Century Chains: The Continuing Relevance of Internal Colonialism Theory." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3409.
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Thesis advisor: William GamsonThesis advisor: Zine Magubane
This dissertation examines Internal Colonialism Theory's importance to a comprehensive understanding of the oppression of African Americans still living in USA ghettos. It briefly explores the180 year history of Black activist depictions of a "nation within a nation," the impact of the depression-era Marxist notion of a Negro nation, Latin American influences on Robert Blauner, and the pervasive effect of international anti-colonialism and the Black Power Movement upon the development of American academic Internal Colonialism Theory. This appraisal evaluates Blauner's seminal presentation, Internal Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt, and the major contributions of Robert L. Allen and Mario Barrera in analyzing African American and Chicano internal colonial experiences respectively. It re-assesses colonialism and moves beyond Eurocentric characterizations to elaborate a Continuum of Colonialism, including direct, indirect, external, internal, and "end of" colonialisms. This analysis addresses the contradiction that the American Revolution supposedly decolonized America without improving colonized conditions for African Americans or Native Americans, and defines internal colonialism as geographically based, disagreeing with the prevailing interpretation which contemplates the existence of diasporic African America as one collective colony. While summarizing the USA's course from settler colony system to today's inner cities of the colonized, this investigation explores African American class formation utilizing a variation of Marable's conception of Racial Domains as historical context through to the present. With the majority of African Americans in ghettos [internal colonies] scattered around the USA, this document outlines the positive and negative means of ending internal colonial situations within the contemporary USA. While elaborating how Internal Colonialism Theory quite practically fits harmoniously within several differing conceptualizations of American and global racial relations, this perspective offers a framework for more rigorous future discussions and debates about Internal Colonialism Theory, and previews three major international populations to which this assessment of Internal Colonialism Theory can be extended
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology
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Yilmaz, Murat. "China’s Development Model as Internal Colonialism: The Case of the Uyghurs." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1627665170563675.
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Promes, Molly Ellen. "Toward a New Theory of Structural Inequality: Internal Colonialism and the Case of Oakland, California." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12186.
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ix, 102 p. : ill. (some col.)In a time of rising inequality and declining social mobility in the United States, how might planners work toward a more just society? Numerous theories of structural inequality have been developed to address these issues, and the notion of internal colonialism is among them. As a theory of inequality that identifies patterns of economic domination, and the attendant subordination of certain populations, internal colonialism theory first gained popularity during the Third World liberation movement, and rose to prominence among minority groups in the United States, before fading into relative obscurity. Does this theory still hold relevance today? This study traces the development of Oakland, California through the lens of internal colonialism theory and uncovers the roots of the highly unequal conditions that exist in the city today. A critical reapplication of this theory reveals its ongoing utility as both an explanatory model and a guidepost for charting a path forward.
Committee in charge: Robert Young, Chairperson; Gerardo Sandoval, Member; Yizhao Yang, Member
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Murphy, Emma C. "Israel and the occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip a case of internal colonialism /." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.293685.
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Upton, Stuart Ingham History & Philosophy Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "The impact of migration on the people of Papua, Indonesia: A historical demographic analysis." Publisher:University of New South Wales. History & Philosophy, 2009. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/43318.
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Since Papua became part of Indonesia in 1963, hundreds of thousands of people have migrated there from other parts of the nation. By 2000, over a third of the province??s residents were non-indigenous people, with the great majority of these immigrants living in the more developed urban areas along the coast. This mass movement has transformed the territory??s society, altering the social, cultural and economic position and opportunities of the indigenous inhabitants. This thesis uses statistical data from Indonesian government publications to describe the development of these changes to the province??s population from 1963 to the early part of the 21st century. While it is acknowledged that the military presence and actions in the territory have played a crucial role in creating distrust of the Indonesian government among the indigenous people, this material supports the thesis that the mass movement of people to the region has developed an identification among the indigenous peoples of the territory of being part of a single Papuan community, a Papuan nationalism. This migration has also limited the educational and employment opportunities of indigenous people, creating hostility towards the newcomers among indigenous people and resulting in an alienation from the Indonesian nation. It will be argued that the patterns of settlement, employment and perceptions of ethnic difference between indigenous and migrant groups reflect a form of internal colonialism that has resulted from this immigration. While independence is a popular aspiration among indigenous Papuans, an evaluation of the national political situation suggests that this event is unlikely in the foreseeable future. If Papuans are to be incorporated fully into the nation of Indonesia, an understanding of the impact of migration on the province??s people is vital. This material also suggests that while there have been negative consequences of the Indonesian rule of the territory, claims that the indigenous population has suffered from genocide perpetrated by Indonesian forces are not supported by the statistical data.
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SIMON, MICHAEL PAUL PATRICK. "INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN DEVELOPED FRAGMENT SOCIETIES: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF INTERNAL COLONIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES, CANADA AND NORTHERN IRELAND." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/183996.
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The purpose of this dissertation was to compare British policy towards Ireland/Northern Ireland and United States and Canadian Indian policies. Despite apparent differences, it was hypothesized that closer examination would reveal significant similarities. A conceptual framework was provided by the utilization of Hartzian fragment theory and the theory of internal colonialism. Eighteen research questions and a series of questions concerned with the applicability of the theoretical constructs were tested using largely historical data and statistical indices of social and economic development. The research demonstrated that Gaelic-Irish and North American Indian societies came under pressure from, and were ultimately subjugated by colonizing fragments marked by their high level of ideological cohesiveness. In the Irish case the decisive moment was the Ulster fragmentation of the seventeenth century which set in juxtaposition a defiant, uncompromising, zealously Protestant, "Planter" community and an equally defiant, recalcitrant, native Gaelic-Catholic population. In the United States traditional Indian society was confronted by a largely British-derived, single-fragment regime which was characterized by a profound sense of mission and an Indian policy rooted in its liberal ideology. In Canada the clash between two competing settler fragments led to the victory of the British over the French, and the pursuit of Indian policies based on many of the same premises that underlay United States policies. The indigenous populations in each of the cases under consideration suffered enormous loss of land, physical and cultural destruction, racial discrimination, economic exploitation and were stripped of their political independence. They responded through collective violence, by the formation of cultural revitalization movements, and by intense domestic and international lobbying. They continue to exist today as internal colonies of the developed fragment states within which they are subsumed.
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Darling-Brekhus, Keith. "Internal colonialism and social control in the Age of Terror the FBI's war on Islamic charities following the September 11th Attacks of 2001 /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5726.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 12, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.
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Harris, Zachary. "Internal Colonialism: Questioning The Soviet Union As A Settler Colonial State Through The Deportation Of The Crimean Tatars/Uranium Fever: Willful Ignorance In Service Of Utopia." W&M ScholarWorks, 2020. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1616444393.
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Internal Colonialism: Questioning the Soviet Union as a Settler Colonial State Through the Deportation of the Crimean Tatars This study examines the deportation of the Crimean Tatars by the Soviet Union in 1944 and questions whether it was an example of settler colonialism in action. The Soviet Union’s actions throughout its history have often been deemed colonial and imperialist, however settler colonial theory has rarely been applied to Soviet studies. At a surface level, the deportation appears to fit into settler colonial theory, however upon further scrutiny it becomes clear that it fails to satisfy the necessary conditions. The evidence presented in this essay shows that the deportation of the Crimean Tatars was an event, not a lasting structural change in the Soviet Union. Settler colonial theory posits that settler colonialism is not confined to a single event and is impervious to regime change. The deportation of the Crimean Tatars was the project of a single leader, Joseph Stalin, and the majority of its effects were limited to a short period of time during and after his rule. The event had less to do with the ethnicity of the Crimean Tatars and more with securing the Soviet Union’s borders with Turkey and maintaining control over the Black Sea. The study concludes that although the deportation of the Crimean Tatars is not proof of settler colonialism in action in the Soviet Union, the topic is worth further investigation, as it is dangerous to exclude any powerful nation from such examination. Uranium Fever: Willful Ignorance in Service of Utopia This essay explores public knowledge of the dangers of radium and uranium in the United States between the 1920s and 1960s. It is often assumed that Americans were not aware that radioactive materials presented a danger to their health. Through the examination of mass media, court cases, and newspapers of the time, it becomes clear that not only did Americans know about the dangers of radiation, but that there was a concerted effort by the government and corporations with business interests in radioactive materials to minimize these fears and convince Americans that the dangers were necessary in order to bring about a utopian future of unlimited energy. Americans consciously chose to remain ignorant and ignore clear evidence that radioactive materials were dangerous and willingly followed the propaganda produced by these actors. The reasons Americans chose this path varied from a desire for profit to patriotism.
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Anderson, Agnes. "Skogen berör alla : Maktrelationer inom skogsbruket i Jokkmokks kommun 1980-1990." Thesis, Luleå tekniska universitet, Institutionen för ekonomi, teknik och samhälle, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ltu:diva-61452.
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Skogsbruket har en lång historia i Sverige och kom under 1900-talet att hamna i en rad konflikter med intressegrupper som förespråkade skogens immateriella värden. Syftet med denna diskursanalys är att redogöra för de maktrelationer som var rådande under 1980-talets skogsbruk i Jokkmokks kommun. Undersökningen ämnar i första hand att lyfta de röster som under 1980- talets skogsbruk i Jokkmokks kommun tystades av de intressegrupper som prioriterade skogens materiella värden. Hur den koloniserade har agerat och reagerat kommer följaktligen att behandlas. Undersökningen påvisar att Jokkmokks kommun blev överexploaterad under 1980-talet vilket kom att skapa maktrelationer mellan skogens intressegrupper. Avverkningarna påverkade både rennäringen och den lokala befolkningen och 1980-talet går således att ses som en fortsatt postkolonial era där en kolonial diskurs är rådande. Undersökningen visar även att det fanns möjlighet att göra motstånd men att de röster som förespråkade skogens immateriella värden försummades.Forestry has a long history in Sweden and came during the 20th century to end up in a series of conflicts with the interest groups advocating the immaterial values of the forest. The purpose of this discourse analysis is to describe the power relationships that were prevalent during the 1980s forestry in the municipality of Jokkmokk. This study primarily focuses on highlighting the voices during the 1980s forestry in the municipality of Jokkmokk who were silenced by groups that prioritize the material values of the forest. How the colonized have acted and reacted will also be discussed. This study shows that the municipality of Jokkmokk became overly exploited in the 1980s which came to create the power relationships between forest interest groups. Felling affected both reindeer herding and the local population and it is possible to speak of the 1980s as a continued post-colonial era where a colonial discourse is prevalent. The survey also shows that it was possible to resist but that the votes in favor of the forest's immaterial values were easily neglected.
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Hight, Allison M. ""Our Feet in the Present and Our Eyes on the Destination": A Literary Analysis of the Temporality of Internal Colonialism through the Works of Gloria Anzaldua and John Phillip Santos." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1366986878.
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Ehsani, Iman. "Romer i Sverige - en intern koloniserad folkgrupp : En studie om den statliga utredningen som inkluderade romska barn i obligatoriska skolan under 1950-1960-talet." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-18562.
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The purpose of this paper is to analyze and question the government survey 1956:43 Zigenarfrågan based on the theory of internal colonialism. An important question for the study is to elucidate and gain an understanding of the factors that led to Roma inclusion in the compulsory school. This survey of the goverment investigation is necessary because the state management of the Roma had to start the investigation, that led to a number of difficulties for the community. The investigation put also a lot of demands on the roma society. The state wanted at all means to influence and change the group's way of life. Roma situation was now more and more conspicuously set to influence the Swedish society as a whole. State expressed concern about an increase in crime among the group, this led to the investigation begin. The essay will mainly concern the school issue in the investigation of Zigenarfrågan. There will also be a comparison made between investigation Zigenarfrågan and another government study conducted in 1957-1960. This study was designed to investigate the Sami school situation and was named Samernas skolgång 1960:410. The study will show how the state, hoping to assimilate the Roma in Swedish society, colonized roma minority by undermining the group's cultural characteristics in favor of the majority culture. The question I am hoping to answer in this study by analysing the governments survey Zigenarfrågan, is: How does the investigation Zigenarfrågan discribe the situation of Roma in Sweden, focusing on the school question? What problems are produced? What reasons are presented? What solutions are proposed? Is it possible to demonstrate a difference in treatment of roma in the comparison between investigations Zigenarfrågan and Samernas skolgång?
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Ydebäck, Joakim. "The Enemy of My Enemy is My Agent : A Case Study on the Effects of Soft Power in Preventing and Facilitating One-Sided Violence in Internal Conflicts." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432097.
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The internationalisation of conflicts has made the study of the effects of external support a prominent subfield within peace and conflict studies. How supporting states affect conflict strategies and changes the conflict dynamic has been the prime concern of this thesis. I have argued that when a government actor is supported by an external state with high soft power, in the form of political and economic capital, the government is less inclined to use one-sided violence as a conflict strategy. By using the principal- agent theory as a model to explain the relationship between the supporter and the supported state, I have found support for my argument. The government of the Central African Republic has conducted low levels of one-sided violence when supported by the soft power France. The government of South Sudan, on the other hand, has conducted high levels of one-sided violence when supported by the non-soft power Uganda. By coming to this conclusion, this paper has introduced soft power as an important concept in peace and conflict studies while also helping to elucidate the role of external supporters in conflict strategies. Future research should develop on the findings in this thesis by controlling for other possible explanations to why one-sided violence decreases depending on the characteristics of the support and include a greater number of cases.
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Bergström, Tim, and Jon Eriksson. "Nationalism och Norrientalism : En diskursanalys av den norrländska självständighetsdebatten sensommaren 2016 och framåt." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-133821.
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The student thesis Nationalism and Norrientalism: A Discourse Analysis of the Norrlandic Independence Debate of Late Summer 2016 and Beyond aims to examine the style and content of the recent secession debate in the Swedish and Norrlandic printed press. From the late summer of 2016 to the beginning of 2017 the question of Norrlandic sovereignty was a prioritized topic in the legacy media debate, as well as in social media. It commenced after the Swedish government enterprise Vattenfall planned to relocate forty employment opportunities from Jokkmokk, raising the question of Norrlandic independence based on a post-colonialist view of the region. This thesis examines how the framing of Northern Sweden as a colony has been established, re-established or refuted in the different discourses of the printed debate, through a faceted lens composed of various theories of Orientalism and nationalism. Rooted in the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, merged with the critical discourse analysis of Norman Fairclough, and leaning against media theories of inoculation and framing, the study takes aim at the myths, metaphors, articulations and antagonisms which constituted the polemics in the printed press of the period. The results conclude that the debate revolved around independence, resources, and the myth regarding Norrland—often described as a barren landscape, marked by vast distances and a lack of social services. The term colony was used to describe Norrland as marginalised and robbed of its natural resources, whereas the term was met by opposition from the objecting side, who emphasised the historic and present representation of Norrlanders in high politics. The colonial identity was constituted in the press through internal Orientalism by Stockholm writers and self-Orientalisation by Norrlandic ones. The most distinct patterns of difference between the objecting side and the advocating side of independence was the determination of the real economic loser of a Norrlandic secession from Sweden.
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Loarer, Tristan. "Broadelouriezh en IIIde Emsav : évolution de la notion de nationalisme dans la littérature écrite en langue bretonne de 1954 à 1970." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022REN20010.
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La décennie qui succéda à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale ne parvint pas à reconstruire, en Bretagne, l’émulation populaire que certains militants “nationalistes’’ auraient pu souhaiter autour de la question de l’identité spécifique bretonne. Pourtant, entre 1954 et le tournant de l’année 1970, une réelle transformation s’opère dans la perception que les Bretons eux-mêmes ont de leur identité. Cette perception est questionnée, redéfinie, elle se structure et induit la conception d’outils dont les usages jalonneront ultérieurement les revendications politiques, sociales et culturelles qui se traduiront par l’important revival culturel et social post 1970. Cette thèse propose d’analyser le regain de ce discours national qui, d’un noyau de bretonnants militants, va se diffuser progressivement à une large partie de la population bretonne, bretonnante ou non. La pertinence de la notion de nation au sujet de la Bretagne a longtemps été soutenue, étayée, argumentée tout autant que décriée, critiquée et combattue dans le contexte d’une République Française une et indivisible. L’objet de ce travail de recherche est de faire le jour sur l’évolution de cette notion, au regard de l’analyse d’un corpus exhaustif qui ne comprend que des œuvres littéraires en langue bretonne, rédigées durant la période choisie, quels que soient le lieu d’écriture et la ou les dates d’éventuelles éditions. Il s’agira donc de définir les critères de ce qui fait d’une littérature un objet régional, national ou international. La thèse propose d’analyser ces écrits sur ce qui apparaît tantôt être un simple attachement au territoire, tantôt être le reflet de démarches politiques plus émancipatrice, apparentées à la vague de décolonisation qui submerge le monde en cette seconde moitié du XXème siècleThe decade following the end of World War II failed to rebuild, in Brittany, the popular emulation that certain “nationalist” militants could have wished for around the question of the specific Breton identity. However, between 1954 and the turn of the year 1970, a real transformation took place in the perception that the Bretons themselves had of their own identity. This perception is questioned, redefined, it is structured and induces the design of tools which uses will later mark out the political, social and cultural demands that will result in the important post-1970 cultural and social revival. This national discourse, from a nucleus of Breton activists, will gradually spread to a large part of the Breton population, Breton speaking people or not. The relevance of the notion of nation to Brittany has long been supported, argued as well as criticized and fought in the context of a “one and indivisible’’ French Republic. The object of this research work is to shed light on the evolution of this notion, with regards to the analysis of an exhaustive corpus which only includes literary works in the Breton language written during the chosen period, whatever the places or the periods of writing and publishing. It will therefore be a question of defining the criteria of what makes literature a regional, national or international subject. This dissertation proposes to analyse these writings on what sometimes appears to be a simple attachment to the territory, sometimes to be the reflection of more emancipatory political approaches, akin to the wave of decolonisation that is overwhelming the world in this second half of the twentieth century
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Hancock, Mary T. "Cultivating Territories and Historicity: The Digital Art of Skawennati." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1396530332.
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Fernandes, Karina Macedo. "Deslocados internos e direito à moradia no contexto dos megaeventos esportivos no Brasil: Direitos humanos relativizados pela colonialidade do poder." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2014. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/4134.
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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar que a questão dos deslocados internos pode ser caracterizada no Brasil a partir das remoções forçadas que permeiam as violações dos direitos humanos à moradia e à cidade no processo de preparação e realização de megaeventos esportivos, em razão do modelo de desenvolvimento adotado pelo Estado brasileiro, marcado pela colonialidade do poder. Em vista disso, a pesquisa pretende analisar a configuração atual dos deslocados internos no mundo, as causas e principais violações de direitos humanos que ocorrem nesse contexto, bem como as principais manifestações de proteção e assistência que lhes são dirigidas. Ademais, busca analisar em que medida as instituições e as características do Estado moderno são determinadas por uma matriz colonial do poder, propiciando um modelo de progresso e desenvolvimento que aprofunda as desigualdades, encobre identidades e silencia lutas. Verificar-se-á, nesse sentido, que o modelo de desenvolvimento moderno/capitalista/colonial, adotado pelo Brasil, tem como consequência o padrão discriminatório, excludente e opressivo dos processos de modernização das cidades e de planejamento urbanístico, evidenciados no âmbito da preparação de grandes cidades do país para a realização de megaeventos esportivos, especialmente através da violação do direito à moradia adequada. A necessidade de caracterizar os atingidos por remoções forçadas como deslocados internos amplia as possibilidades de proteção jurídica e de consciência coletiva, subjetiva e institucional, em relação a este problema que, dentre tantos outros, foi desvelado a partir dos processos de preparação à realização dos megaeventos esportivos no Brasil. Partindo do referencial teórico do pensamento descolonial, será analisada a categoria colonialidade do poder no âmbito das violações de direitos humanos apontadas no contexto dos megaeventos, a partir da lógica desenvolvimentista em que estas violações são legitimadas. Através da análise bibliográfica, documental e de observação não participante em relação a quem está direta e indiretamente envolvido com as tensões que envolvem o processo de preparação dos megaeventos no Brasil, em especial na cidade de Porto Alegre, pretende-se revelar com maior precisão a realidade enfrentada nessa seara, bem como identificar os fundamentos teóricos que lhes explicam, a fim de concretizar um saber estratégico dos direitos humanos que não se limite aos discursos sociais, mas que se aprofunde em suas causas e apresente argumentos para atuar e gerar disposições efetivamente críticas e antagonistas à estrutura social hegemônica.
The purpose of the present study is to demonstrate that the issue of internal displacements is featured in Brazil as a consequence of forced remotions that go through violations of the human rights of housing and the city, during the process of preparation and execution of sports mega-events, in reason of the developing model addopted by the brazilian State, flagrantly marked by coloniality of power. From that, the research intends to analyze the current displaying of internal displacements around the world, the causes and the main human rights' s violations that occur in this context, as well as the main protection and assistence manifestations adressed to them. Furthermore, it intends to analyze in which measurement the institutions and the modern State features are determined by a colonial matrix of power, therefore allowing a model of progress and development that deepens unequality, conceals identities and silences conflicts. By this notion, we shall verify that this modern/capitalist/colonial model of development adopted by Brazil has got as consequece a pattern of discriminatory, excludent and opressive city modernization process and urban planning, enhanced by the scope of the preparation of major cities of the country for the accomplishment of sports mega-events, specially through compulsory evictions and the violation of the housing right. Besides the verification of traditional causes of forced internal displacements, the need of casting the affected by forced removals such as internally displaced broadens possibilities of legal protection and also collective, subjective and institutional awareness about this matter that, among others, was unveiled by the processes of preparation for the mega-events' execution in Brazil. Based on the theoretical framework of decolonial thought, analyzes the coloniality of power within the category of human rights violations identified in the context of mega-events, from the developmental logic in which these violations are legitimized. Through bibliographic, documental and non-participant observation analysis on who is directly and indirectly involved in the tensions of the process of mega events preparation, specially in the Porto Alegre town, we intend to reveal more precisely the reality faced in this harvest, as well as to identify the theoretical fundamentals which explain them, in order to concretize a strategic knowledge of human rights so it shall not be confined to social speech, but that it deepens in causes and increases arguments to act and generate critical dispositions and antagonists facing the structure or hegemonic social order.
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Palmieri, Joëlle Sylvie. "Genre et société numérique colonialitaire : effets politiques des usages de l'internet par des organisation de femmes ou féministes en contexte de domination masculine et colonialitaire : les cas de l'Afrique du Sud et du Sénégal." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BOR40056/document.
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Partant de la volonté de nous libérer de définitions techniques, technicistes ou produites dans la sociologiede l’appropriation sociale des usages des TIC afin de qualifier les usages de l’Internet par des organisations defemmes ou féministes en Afrique, nous avons privilégié dans cette thèse les travaux théoriques portant sur lepatriarcat et sur la colonialité du pouvoir (ensemble des relations sociales caractérisées par la subalternité –hiérarchisation entre dominants et dominés – produite par l’expansion du capitalisme). Ce parti pris nous apermis de poser un cadre d’analyse opératoire ne plaquant pas des analyses théoriques occidentales, sudaméricainesou asiatiques sur l’Afrique. Il a facilité la façon dont nous avons problématisé la relation entredomination masculine et domination liée à la colonialité de pouvoir, que nous avons nommée colonialitaire,dans un contexte de mondialisation et d’hypermodernité. Les manifestations différenciées de cette relation enAfrique du Sud et au Sénégal nous ont aidé à circonscrire le terrain et le contexte à partir desquels lesorganisations de femmes et féministes locales utilisent ou non l’Internet. La confrontation de leursreprésentations avec le cadre conceptuel est devenue informative et s’est avérée indispensable afin de qualifier lapolitisation de leurs usages. Il nous est ainsi apparu que l’Internet cristallise parmi les technologies del’information et de la communication un moyen par lequel la « société de l’information » est le produit comme laproduction d’une mondialisation hypermoderne où la colonialité du pouvoir et le patriarcat, en tant quesystèmes, s’exercent conjointement. Cette conjonction s’exprime par les biais théorique autant qu’empirique.Notamment nous avons observé que l’épistémologie utilisée dans ce cadre renoue avec des constructionstraditionnalistes, nationalistes, paternalistes et masculinistes des savoirs en écho à ce que permet cet outil :l’accélération de l’appropriation du corps des femmes, la surenchère rhétorique et politique des dominants,l’institutionnalisation des concepts, l’occidentalisation des pensées, les privatisations en tous secteurs, lesconcurrences croisées de l’Occident, l’Extrême et le Moyen-Orient sur les terrains tant économique, politiqueque socioculturel, religieux. Il est alors apparu que les inégalités de genre s’aggravent en même temps que lesidentités sexuelles à tous les niveaux (État, institutions, population) deviennent souterraines et que les rapportsdifférenciés de « race » et de classe se creusent. Fort de ce constat, nos analyses nous ont mené à réaliser que lesfemmes de « la base » se retrouvent en situation d’accentuer la prise en charge immédiate de la gestion del’urgence (augmentation de la pauvreté, des violences, diminution de l’accès aux ressources, à la santé, àl’éducation…), parfois d’accepter leur subalternité tout en la négociant auprès des dominants. Aussi, peu à peuWith our initial intention to be liberated from the definitions — technical, technocratic or thoseemanating from the sociology of the social appropriation of ICT uses — in order to analyze the usage of theInternet in women’s and feminist organizations in Africa, we focused in this thesis on theoretical workrelating to patriarchy and the coloniality of power (totality of social relations characterized by subalternity —hierarchization between the dominants and the dominated — produced by the expansion of capitalism.) Thisposition enabled us to establish a working analytical framework without imposing Western, South Americanor Asian theoretical analyses on Africa. It also facilitated how we expressed the problematic of therelationship between male domination and the domination inherent in the coloniality of power, which wehave called “colonialtairian” in the context of globalization and hypermodernity. The differentiatedmanifestations of this relationship in South Africa and Senegal helped us delineate the field and contextwithin which local women’s or feminist organizations use or don’t use the Internet. Comparing theirrepresentations within the conceptual framework proved edifying and indispensable in determining thepoliticization of their use. It thus became apparent that among the information and communicationtechnologies, the Internet crystallizes one means by which the “Information Society” is both the product andthe production of a hypermodern globalization in which the systems of coloniality of power and patriarchyfunction conjointly. This conjunction is clearly evidenced both theoretically and empirically. Especiallynoteworthy is that the epistemology used in this context reconnects to traditionalistic, nationalistic,paternalistic and male constructions of knowledge echoing what this tool facilitates: a rapid increase of theappropriation of women’s bodies, the dominants’ rhetorical and political grandstanding, theinstitutionalization of concepts, the Westernization of thought, privatization in all sectors and criss-crossingcompetition throughout the West, the Far East and Middle East in economic, political, socio-cultural andreligious areas. It then appeared that gender inequalities worsen at the same time as sexual identities on alllevels (state, institutions, population) are buried away, while differentiated “race” and class relationshipsbecome more pronounced
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Shaw, Martin. "Narrating Gypsies, Telling Travellers : A Sudy of the Relational Self in Four Life Stories." Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Modern Languages, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-726.
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To say that Gypsy and/or Traveller and/or Romany life stories have existed on the periphery of literary studies can be considered an understatement. In this study of the relational self, Narrating Gypsies, Telling Travellers, examines the discursive and structural complexities involved in the practices of writing and speaking in the production process and narrative trajectories of the life stories of Gordon Sylvester Boswell (1970), Nan Joyce (1985), Jimmy Stockins (2000), and Jess Smith (2002 and 2003).
The study emphasizes relational aspects of self-construction, which includes links to the national (hi)stories of Scotland, Ireland and England. Beginning with an eighteenth-century scaffold confession and moving through colonial, post-colonial, national and internal colonial narratives, the study follows a discursive path that re-emerges and reverberates in the spoken and/or written words of the story narrators. The study problemetizes the effectiveness of resistance as the historical depth and relationally produced dual-nature of domination is analysed. Above all the study positions modes of domination and self-domination within processes of forgetting forged through consensual, subtle and coercive practices related to points of view and the taken-for-granted.
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Redwood, Nyanda J. "Genocide in Guatemala: Geopolitical Systems of Death and Power." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1396448630.
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COSTA, Tamiles do Espírito Santo. "Amazônicos e tecnológicos: os Suruís de Rondônia e suas articulações globais." Universidade Federal do Pará, 2012. http://repositorio.ufpa.br/jspui/handle/2011/5516.
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Esta pesquisa objetiva descrever e analisar a experiência da comunidade indígena do povo Paiter-Suruí, situada entre os Estados de Rondônia e Mato Grosso, a qual vivencia um processo de inserção tecnológica. Com base em materiais divulgados na internet sobre as parcerias firmadas pelos suruís, com destaque para a formalizada com a multinacional Google, é realizado um estudo da mudança de posição do índio amazônico, relegado historicamente à subalternidade e que, nesse novo cenário tecnológico, ganha voz e capacidade de interferência em sua própria narrativa, em especial, com a utilização da internet. A partir dos conceitos de “ver” e “olhar”, “capital social” e de um apanhado sobre o imaginário construído acerca do indígena, pretende-se subsidiar uma breve análise fenomenológica apoiada pela realização de pesquisa de campo, que busca responder como os suruís enxergam subjetivamente os fenômenos objetivos que vivenciam. Além disso, outras discussões periféricas serão levantadas no decorrer do trabalho, como o pós-colonialismo, o diálogo entre tradição e modernidade e a hibridização das culturas.
This work aims to describe and analyze the experience of the indigenous community Paiter-Suruí, located between the states of Rondonia and Mato Grosso, which experiences a process of technological integration. From materials posted on the internet about the Suruí´s partnerships, specially the partnership formalized with Google, is done a study of the position change of the Amazonian Indians, historically relegated to a subordinated position, who, in this new technological scenario, gains voice and ability to interfere in their own narrative, in particular using the internet. The concepts of "to see" and "to look", "social capital" and an overview on the imaginary built about the Indians, intends to subsidize a brief phenomenological analysis supported by a field research, which aims to understand how the Suruís see subjectively the objective phenomena they experience. In addition, other discussions will be raised during the work, such as post-colonialism, the dialogue between tradition and modernity and hybridization of cultures.
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Palmieri, Joelle. "Genre et société numérique colonialitaire : effets politiques des usages de l'internet par des organisation de femmes ou féministes en contexte de domination masculine et colonialitaire : les cas de l'Afrique du Sud et du Sénégal." Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00881026.
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Partant de la volonté de nous libérer de définitions techniques, technicistes ou produites dans la sociologie de l'appropriation sociale des usages des TIC afin de qualifier les usages de l'Internet par des organisations de femmes ou féministes en Afrique, nous avons privilégié dans cette thèse les travaux théoriques portant sur le patriarcat et sur la colonialité du pouvoir (ensemble des relations sociales caractérisées par la subalternité -hiérarchisation entre dominants et dominés - produite par l'expansion du capitalisme). Ce parti pris nous a permis de poser un cadre d'analyse opératoire ne plaquant pas des analyses théoriques occidentales, sudaméricainesou asiatiques sur l'Afrique. Il a facilité la façon dont nous avons problématisé la relation entre domination masculine et domination liée à la colonialité de pouvoir, que nous avons nommée colonialitaire, dans un contexte de mondialisation et d'hypermodernité. Les manifestations différenciées de cette relation en Afrique du Sud et au Sénégal nous ont aidé à circonscrire le terrain et le contexte à partir desquels les organisations de femmes et féministes locales utilisent ou non l'Internet. La confrontation de leurs représentations avec le cadre conceptuel est devenue informative et s'est avérée indispensable afin de qualifier la politisation de leurs usages. Il nous est ainsi apparu que l'Internet cristallise parmi les technologies de l'information et de la communication un moyen par lequel la " société de l'information " est le produit comme la production d'une mondialisation hypermoderne où la colonialité du pouvoir et le patriarcat, en tant que systèmes, s'exercent conjointement. Cette conjonction s'exprime par les biais théorique autant qu'empirique.Notamment nous avons observé que l'épistémologie utilisée dans ce cadre renoue avec des constructions traditionnalistes, nationalistes, paternalistes et masculinistes des savoirs en écho à ce que permet cet outil : l'accélération de l'appropriation du corps des femmes, la surenchère rhétorique et politique des dominants,l'institutionnalisation des concepts, l'occidentalisation des pensées, les privatisations en tous secteurs, les concurrences croisées de l'Occident, l'Extrême et le Moyen-Orient sur les terrains tant économique, politique que socioculturel, religieux. Il est alors apparu que les inégalités de genre s'aggravent en même temps que les identités sexuelles à tous les niveaux (État, institutions, population) deviennent souterraines et que les rapports différenciés de " race " et de classe se creusent. Fort de ce constat, nos analyses nous ont mené à réaliser que les femmes de " la base " se retrouvent en situation d'accentuer la prise en charge immédiate de la gestion de l'urgence (augmentation de la pauvreté, des violences, diminution de l'accès aux ressources, à la santé, à l'éducation...), parfois d'accepter leur subalternité tout en la négociant auprès des dominants.
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Palmieri, Joelle. "Genre et société numérique colonialitaire - Effets politiques des usages de l'Internet par des organisations de femmes ou féministes en contexte de domination masculine et colonialitaire : les cas de l'Afrique du Sud et du Sénégal." Phd thesis, Institut d'études politiques de Bordeaux, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00709266.
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Partant de la volonté de nous libérer de définitions techniques, technicistes ou produites dans la sociologie de l'appropriation sociale des usages des TIC afin de qualifier les usages de l'Internet par des organisations de femmes ou féministes en Afrique, nous avons privilégié dans cette thèse les travaux théoriques portant sur le patriarcat et sur la colonialité du pouvoir (ensemble des relations sociales caractérisées par la subalternité - hiérarchisation entre dominants et dominés - produite par l'expansion du capitalisme). Ce parti pris nous a permis de poser un cadre d'analyse opératoire ne plaquant pas des analyses théoriques occidentales, sud-américaines ou asiatiques sur l'Afrique. Il a facilité la façon dont nous avons problématisé la relation entre domination masculine et domination liée à la colonialité de pouvoir, que nous avons nommée colonialitaire, dans un contexte de mondialisation et d'hypermodernité. Les manifestations différenciées de cette relation en Afrique du Sud et au Sénégal nous ont aidé à circonscrire le terrain et le contexte à partir desquels les organisations de femmes et féministes locales utilisent ou non l'Internet. La confrontation de leurs représentations avec le cadre conceptuel est devenue informative et s'est avérée indispensable afin de qualifier la politisation de leurs usages. Il nous est ainsi apparu que l'Internet cristallise parmi les technologies de l'information et de la communication un moyen par lequel la " société de l'information " est le produit comme la production d'une mondialisation hypermoderne où la colonialité du pouvoir et le patriarcat, en tant que systèmes, s'exercent conjointement. Cette conjonction s'exprime par les biais théorique autant qu'empirique. Notamment nous avons observé que l'épistémologie utilisée dans ce cadre renoue avec des constructions traditionnalistes, nationalistes, paternalistes et masculinistes des savoirs en écho à ce que permet cet outil : l'accélération de l'appropriation du corps des femmes, la surenchère rhétorique et politique des dominants, l'institutionnalisation des concepts, l'occidentalisation des pensées, les privatisations en tous secteurs, les concurrences croisées de l'Occident, l'Extrême et le Moyen-Orient sur les terrains tant économique, politique que socioculturel, religieux. Il est alors apparu que les inégalités de genre s'aggravent en même temps que les identités sexuelles à tous les niveaux (État, institutions, population) deviennent souterraines et que les rapports différenciés de " race " et de classe se creusent. Fort de ce constat, nos analyses nous ont mené à réaliser que les femmes de " la base " se retrouvent en situation d'accentuer la prise en charge immédiate de la gestion de l'urgence (augmentation de la pauvreté, des violences, diminution de l'accès aux ressources, à la santé, à l'éducation...), parfois d'accepter leur subalternité tout en la négociant auprès des dominants. Aussi, peu à peu, les nouvelles modalités d'action politique des organisations de femmes ou féministes se sont affinées. Faisant face à une régression multiforme, ces organisations doivent modifier leur approche. L'heure est davantage à la préservation des droits des femmes qu'à leur conquête, à la défensive qu'à la subversion. Souhaitant sortir de ce constat alarmiste ou pessimiste, nous avons cherché à nuancer les manifestations de cette double domination sur le réel et avons opté pour une analyste réflexive des représentations de ces organisations sur le virtuel. Ainsi, des pistes d'innovation dans les usages de l'Internet, en marge d'une vision de la communication principalement en termes de marketing et corporate, ont été mises en lumière. Elles privilégient la visibilité de savoirs non savants de femmes ou de jeunes, dans le but de créer les bases d'une citoyenneté féministe. L'étincelle épistémique provoquée par ce choix nous conduit à la conclusion que ses effets politiques interrogent la démocratie et détrône l'injonction à " être connecté " par l'informalité qui caractérise ce parti pris.
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Doyle-Wood, Stanley. "A Trace of Genocide: Racialization, Internal Colonialism and the Politics of Enuncation." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/31737.
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This analysis examines the implicatedness of the self as an embodied space of marginality, knowledge, and resistance to the discursive and material effects of systemic oppression. It explores the implications and possibilities as they relate to social collectives [in nation-state contexts] in resisting and contesting the constraining forces of dominant/dominating institutionalized power and authority in the context of speaking and/or enunciating from the space of abjectification, racialization, and outcastness that has been constructed historically by the nation-state of Britain as a body codified as included-as-excluded-as-removed from the dominant sociopolitical collective’s sense of self and identity? This study argues that enunciation in this form carries with it a politics of ontological transformation that has profound implications for the social collective that is Britain as a whole specifically in the context of social justice affirmation and the reclamation [and assertion] of a collective sense of self that is grounded in a refusal and contestation of the multi-layered hegemonic conceptual frameworks that continue to naturalize, {re}produce and sustain systemic oppression as a state of permanency [Bell, 1992]. This study will explore the permanency of oppression further in relation to the discursive and material negation and amputation of social difference [i.e. class, gender, disability, and sexuality] while centering race [and its prostheticization] as a salient organizing tool in the (re)production of a hegemonic social order. To this end this study utilizes two key interconnecting concepts, internal/internalized colonialism, and racialization.
ii
It suggests that racialization mediated and channeled by and through a process of internal/internalized colonialism underpins the hegemonic social order of Britain and as such both terms are re-conceptualized and subjected to a complex analysis. Finally, this study examines the theoretical possibilities for developing an anti-racialization framework as a politics of enunciation that makes usage of the concept of racialization as a tool for [1] demystifying systems of oppression, [2] understanding the processes of collective implicatedness in oppression, [3] refusing pathologization and [4] mobilizing transformation through and within a refusal of the amputative and negative capacities of the racialization process.
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Andrade, Camacho Alan. "A political analysis of the TIPNIS conflicts." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-05-5166.
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The conflicts happening around the Territorio Indígena Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) in Bolivia among the multiple and diverse stakeholders within it, cannot be reduced to a simple confrontation between conflicting interests regarding a highway.
A political analysis of the TIPNIS conflicts should be an analysis of how Modernity responds to different, opposed and complementary civilizational projects, stressing the relation between indigenous peoples, and the plurinational state in Bolivia; the present locus of the conflict. The plurinational state in Bolivia was formed with the express intention of dismantling the colonial and its civilizational order through the reformulation of the Bolivian State.
By contrasting, comparing, dissecting and analyzing how notions of citizenship, nationhood, and civilization are deployed in Modernity, in one geographical place, the TIPNIS in Bolivia, and through different historical eras, we can elucidate how those notions were and are enforced. The civilization/nation/citizen membership and non-membership, who fits and who doesn’t fit those categories, and how the movement between them is managed, throw light on how Modernity’s project is carried away in everyday life, and under what costs.text
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Richardson, Natalie Lila. "Bolivian Andean textiles, commercialization and modernity." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/22187.
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In research, we frequently position “modernity” against “tradition” to explain cultural changes within the indigenous realm. Such is the case of Andean textile studies, where commercialization and modernity are frequently attributed to the decline in
Andean communities’ production and donning of hand-woven textiles. By doing this, we distance ourselves from the underlying issues causing these
changes: poverty, discrimination, ethnic social stratification, etc. Also, by positioning “modernity” outside and against the indigenous realm, we contribute to the notion that modernity belongs to the western world alone and can only be achieved by Western
influence. In doing so, we confine Andean textiles to a static notion of identity and ignore and antagonize the creative strategies that weavers’ use, moving outside of this notion.
My work questions the “tradition” versus “modernity” binary by analyzing its history and first appearance in Bolivian Andean textile scholarship, and by analyzing
changes within Andean textiles between the Inca and Colonial periods. My study also sheds light on the workings of internal colonialism within Andean textiles in the Bolivian
regions of Jalq’a and Tarabuco.text
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Silva, Agostinho Alexandre Joaquim da. "Angola: dinâmicas internas e externas na luta de libertação (1961-1975)." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10437/5958.
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Orientação : Tcherno DjalóPretendeu-se com o presente trabalho compreender, no que concerne o estudo do conflito armado angolano e ao longo do período compreendido entre 1961-1975, as razões que estiveram na génese do antagonismo existente entre os três principais Movimentos de Libertação de Angola (MPLA, FNLA e UNITA), e as dificuldades que os mesmos enfrentaram no sentido de se unirem formando uma única força política e militar. Para tal, o estudo encontra-se dividido em seis capítulos, onde são apresentados os grandes enquadramentos que conduziram às conclusões do trabalho de investigação que nos propusemos realizar. Assim, para familiarizar o leitor com o vasto leque de conhecimentos procurou-se, numa primeira fase, perspectivar o enquadramento histórico, desde o inicio das disputas internacionais pelas soberanias nos territórios africanos, o papele a estratégia das grandes potências no processo internacional de descolonização, até ao desenvolvimento da acção da Organização de Unidade Africana (OUA). De seguida centramo-nos na caracterização física e social do território angolano e dos actores políticos angolanos, nomeadamente a origem e actividades iniciais dos Movimentos de Libertação de Angola, os seus apoios e as suas relações externas. A abordagem da presente investigação descreve o modo de como o MPLA, a FNLA e a UNITA surgiram no Teatro de Operações e, a medida que iniciavam a sua actividade de guerrilha, mostravam, em relação aos outros movimentos que já actuavam, divergências ideológicas e inultrapassáveis, tornando-se rivais. Por fim, faz-se uma abordagem descrevendo o modo de como os Movimentos de Libertação de Angola definiram e analisaram a situação conflitual existente entre si no território angolano, exercendo acções oportunas, internas e externas.
The aim of this work was to understand the Angolan armed conflict, during the years 1961-1975, the reasons behind the origins of the struggle between the three main liberation movements (MPLA, FNLA and UNITA) , and the difficulties that they faced in order to unite to become a single political and military force . In order to do this, the study is divided into six chapters, each of which feature the major frameworks that led to the conclusions that needed to be achieved. So, to familiarize the reader with the wide range of knowledge of this subject, we look, initially, at the historical background, from the beginning of international disputes over sovereignty in African territories, through the role and strategy of great powers involved in the international decolonization process and onto the development of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Following that, we focus on the characterization of Angola and its political players, including the birth and initial activities of the liberation movements, as well as their support and external relations. The approach of this research describes the method of how the MPLA, FNLA and UNITA emerged, in the Theatre of Operations, and the measure with which they initiated their guerrilla activity which, in turn, showed, in relation to other moves that were in force, ideological differences which were so unsurpassable that they became competitors. Finally, we dealt with the description of how the different liberation movements have defined and analyzed the existing conflict between themselves in Angola, exercising the appropriate actions, both internally and externally.
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Munemo, Douglas. "The search for peace, reconciliation and unity in Zimbabwe : from the 1978 internal settlement to the 2008 global political agreement." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20700.
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This study is a critical examination of the complex search for peace, reconciliation and unity in Zimbabwe between the years 1978 and 2008, with a view to identify factors that have been blocking sustainable peace, national unity, reconciliation and development. It is a qualitative study which draws data from document analysis and oral interviews. The specific focus of the study is an analysis of the four peace agreements signed in this period namely; the 1978 Internal Settlement, the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, the 1987 Unity Accord and the 2008 Global Political Agreement. Its central thesis is that coloniality in its multifaceted invisible forms is largely responsible for conflicts that have engulfed Zimbabwe and for compromising the chances of success of the four peace agreements. Coloniality has produced a ‘postcolonial’ leadership that has continued to practice politics in a violent, repressive, corrupt and unaccountable manner because of interpellation by the very immanent logic of colonialism that reproduces such inimical practices as racism, tribalism, regionalism and patriarchy. Theoretically, the study deploys de-colonial epistemic perspective in its endeavour to unmask and explain challenges to peace, unity, reconciliation and development in Zimbabwe. Finally, the thesis makes a strong case for pursuit of decoloniality as the panacea to conflicts and as an approach to conflict resolution and peace building that privileges decolonization and deimperialization so that Zimbabwe’s development goals could be achieved.Development Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)
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N'Kiamvu, John Rene Kamba. "Secessionism versus territorial unity : centre-periphery relations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (1960-2006)." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/21596.
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The focus in this dissertation is on the rise of secessionism and its curtailment in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Theories pertaining to centre-periphery relations, as well as right-sizing the state, are used for this purpose. Factors such as the DRC’s vast territory and colonial policies affected the centre-periphery relations after independence. The weak ties between the centre and the peripheries were important factors in the attempts at secession that followed independence. In addition, the political and administrative centre (Kinshasa) was too weak to keep the restive peripheries in check. International military intervention, thus, played an important role in defeating attempts at secession. The strategies of President Mobutu in strengthening the centre, as well as the lack of secessionism in the DRC after the collapse of the centre towards the end of Mobutu’s presidency, receive attention.Political Sciences
M.A. (Politics)
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Rousseau, Audrey. "Mémoires et identités blessées en contexte postcolonial : la commission de vérité et réconciliation du Canada." Mémoire, 2011. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/4355/1/M12232.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Ce mémoire porte sur les potentialités et les limites épistémologiques, historiques et politiques des témoignages autochtones lors des travaux publics de la Commission de vérité et réconciliation du Canada (TRC du Canada). En réponse au mandat de la TRC du Canada, qui vise à faire la lumière sur le régime des pensionnats autochtones, cette démarche de recherche propose des pistes de réflexions théoriques sur le travail de représentation des sujets de justice dans l'espace public. La première partie du mémoire contextualise les luttes pour la reconnaissance des Peuples autochtones en regard des injustices coloniales. Quelques aspects sociopolitiques y sont présentés, dont les principaux fondements des commissions de vérité, le concept de la réconciliation politique, ainsi que les actions restitutives ayant mené l'État canadien à la création de la TRC. Cet ancrage sociohistorique permet d'approfondir l'analyse des processus discursifs à l'œuvre au sein de la TRC du Canada. En effet, la deuxième partie du mémoire fait l'examen de la puissance du récit comme levier de transformation de l'histoire nationale, entre autres, en explorant le rôle et la place du témoignage dans les débats historiographiques, ainsi qu'au sein des commissions de vérité. Enfin, la troisième partie dégage une réflexion critique face aux récits autochtones dans l'espace public et souligne les limites du discours officiel de la TRC du Canada. Ce mémoire tend à faire la démonstration qu'il existe une « aporie de la réconciliation », c'est-à-dire une impasse dans la démarche de réconciliation en contexte canadien entre l'approche thérapeutique et l'approche politique. En réponse à ce constat, je soutiens un nécessaire décentrement des voies de la réconciliation afin de sortir d'un schème de représentation binaire (victimes vs coupables) qui enferme les récits autochtones dans le script officiel de la réconciliation et néglige le jaillissement d'imaginaires postcoloniaux.
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MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Autochtone, Colonialisme, Postcolonialisme, Canada, Réconciliation, Reconnaissance, Traumatisme, Histoire, Récit, Témoignage.